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POPULAR    LIFE 


OF 


GEN.  GEORGE  A.  CUSTER, 

MAJOR-GENERAL  OF  VOLUNTEERS,  BBEVET  MAJOR-GENERAL  U.  S.  ARMY, 
AND  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL  SEVENTH  U.  S.  CAVALRY. 


BT 

FREDERICK     WHIT  TAKER, 

BREVET  CAPTAIN  SIXTH  NEW  YORK  VETERAN  CAVALRY. 


SHELTDON  &  COMPANY,  NEW  YORK. 

A.  G.  NETTLETON  &  CO.,  CHICAGO,  ILLS.,  AND  CINCINNATI,  O. 

BRYAN,  BEAND  &  CO.,  ST.  LOUIS,  MO.,  AND  NEW  ORLEANS,  LA. 

CROCKER  &  STICKNEY,  BOSTON,  MASS. 

H.  W.  KELLEY,  PHILADELPHIA,  PA. 
A.  ROMAN  &  CO.,  SAN  FRANCISCO,  CAL. 


COPYRIGHT,  1876,  BY  SHELDON  &  Co. 


Bancroft 


TO   THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE, 
WHOSE   LIBERTIES   HE   SO   GALLANTLY  DEFENDED, 

AND    ESPECIALLY   TO   THE 

AMERICAN    CAVALRY,     PAST    AND    PRESENT 

WHOSE   GREATEST    PRIDE   AND    BRIGHTEST   ORNAMENT   HE   WAS, 

I    DEDICATE   THIS   MEMOIR. 


LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS. 


STEEL  PLATE   OF  GENERAL  OUSTER    AS    HE    AP- 

FBONTISPIECK 
FEARED  THE    SUMMER' OF   HIS   DEATH, 

Mrs.  Caster  says  of  this  likeness :  "  I  cannot  say  how  pleased  I  am  with  the  steel  plate 
engraving  you  sent  me.  It  grows  upon  me,  and  I  think  it  gives  the  General's  intellectual 
look  better  than  any  portrait  I  have." 


TO  FACE  PAGE 

WADING  THE  CHICKAHOMINY 103 

MAP  OF  THE  PENINSULA 109 

CUSTER  AT  ALDIE 157 

THE    WOODSTOCK  RACES 258 

OUSTER  IN  1865 271 

MAP  OF  FIVE  PORKS 295 

THE  FLAG  OF  TRUCE 306 

THE  ATTACK  ON  THE  TRAIN 371 

THE  KIDDER    MASSACRE 383 

BATTLE  OF  THE  WASHITA 425 

SATANTA 456 

RAIN-IN-THE-FACE 515 

MAP  OF  OUSTER'S  LAST  MARCH /. 570 

AUTIE   REED 

BOSTON   OUSTER . 

CAPTAIN  CALHOUN 

COLONEL  TOM  OUSTER 

MAP  OF  OUSTER'S  LAST  FIGHT 595 

OUSTER'S  LAST  FIGHT GOG 

This  book,  including  the  Illustrations,  etc.,  contains  687  pages. 


CONTENTS. 


PA* 

PRELIMINARY    REMARKS 1 


FIRST  BOOK.— TELE  BOY. 

CHAPTER   I. 
EAKLY  LIFE. 

Birthplace  and  Boyhood — Going  to  School — First  Love — The  Nomina- 
tion to  West  Point 3 

CHAPTER  II. 

PLEBE  CUSTER. 

The  Sorrows  of  a  Plebe— The  First  Camp 17 

CHAPTER   III. 
CADET  CUSTER. 

Becoming  a  Real  Cadet — Riding  Lessons — "Benny  Havens,  oh!" — The 
Coming  of  the  War — The  Attack  on  Fort  Sumter — Graduation  Time 
— A  Court-martial — Lucky  Escape 25 


SECOND  BOOK.— THE  SUBALTERN. 

CHAPTER  I. 

LIEUTENANT  CUSTER,  SECOND  CAVALRY. 

Going    to  Washington — Ordered  to  take   Despatches  to  McDowell — 
Night  Ride  to  Centreville 49 

CHAPTER  II. 

BULL  RUN. 

Cuater  joins  hia  Troop  —  Incidents  of  the  Battle — The  Panic — The 
Defeat 59 

CHAPTER  III. 

ORGANIZING  AN  ARMY. 

The  New  General— Custer  on  Staff  Duty— Sick  Leave— The  Pledge. ...     77 


VI  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   IV. 
THE  PENINSULAR  CAMPAIGN. 

FAS* 

Coster's  First  Charge — The  Transports— The  Peninsula— Yorktown 93 

CHAPTER   V. 
WINNING  THE  BAKS. 
The   Evacuation — The   Pursuit — Willianisburg— The  Advance   on   the 

Chickahominy — Custer  made  a  Captain 103 


THIKD  BOOK.— THE  CAPTAIN. 

CHAPTER  I. 

FROM  RICHMOND  TO  MALVERN  HILL. 
The  Battle  of  Fairoaks— McClellan's  Peril — A  Month's   Respite— The 

Seven  Days — Custer's  Letters 119 

CHAPTER  II. 
MCCLELLAN'S  REMOVAL. 

Harrison's    Landing  —  Custer's    Letters  —  The    Maryland    Campaign — 
McClellan  Deposed — Custer  at  Monroe — The  Course  of  True  Love. .  123 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  CAVALRY  CORPS. 

The  Winter  of  1863-3— Custer  on  Pleasonton's  Staff— The  Urbana 
Expedition 141 

CHAPTER  IV. 

WINNING  HIS  STAR. 

Battle  of  Aldie — Custer  to  the  Front — Promoted 153 


FOURTH  BOOK.— THE  MICHIGAN  BRIGADE. 

CHAPTER   I. 

THE  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN. 

The  Boy  General  with  the  Golden  Locks— The  Battle  of  Gettysburg— 
Custer  as  a  Cavalry  Chief 167 

CHAPTER  II. 

AFTER  GETTYSBURG. 

Lee's  Retreat— Captures  of  Trains— Falling  Waters— A  Squadron  Cap- 
tures a  Brigade — Lee  Escapes • 181 


CONTENTS.  VU 


CHAPTER   III. 
To  THE  RAPIDAN  AND  BACK. 

PA9H 

Advance  on   Culpepper — Meade's  Retreat — Battle  of  Buckland's  Mills 

— End  of  Campaign — Love  Letters  and  Orange  Blossoms 193 

CHAPTER   IV. 

THE  WILDERNESS  AND  THE  VALLEY. 
Sheridan  in  Command — The  First  Raid — The  Second  Raid — Early  in 

Maryland — The  Cavalry  Ordered  to  the  Valley 219 

CHAPTER   V. 

WINCHESTER. 

Playing  Chess  with  Early — The  False  Move — Custer  at  Winchester 231 


FIFTH  BOOK.— THE   THIRD  CAVALRY  DIVISION. 

CHAPTER   I. 
WOODSTOCK  RACES. 
Assigned    to   the  Third   Division — Rosser  against   Custer — Sheridan's 

Orders — "  Whip  or  Get  Whipped  " — Woodstock  Races 247 

CHAPTER   II. 
CEDAR  CREEK. 

Sheridan  Ordered  to  Washington— Early's  Surprise  of  Wright— The 
Battle  of  Cedar  Creek — Plunder  of  the  Union  Camps — Arrival  of 
Sheridan — Early's  Overthrow — Custer  and  Merritt  finishing  the 
Victory — Results  of  the  Valley  Campaign 263 

CHAPTER   III. 
THE  LAST  RAID. 

Waynesboro'— Cutting  the  Canals— Chasing  Early— Nearing  Richmond 
— Back  with  the  Army 271 

CHAPTER  IV. 
FIVE  FORKS. 

Advance  on  Five  Forks— Devin's  Repulse— The  5th  Corps— The  Victory 
— The  Pursuit 379 

CHAPTER  V. 
APPOMATTOX. 

Heading  off  Lee— Sailor's  Creek— The  Night  March— Appomattox— 
Lee's  Surrender — Custer's  Last  Order .  291} 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VI. 
THE  GREAT  PARADE. 

FAOM 

From  Richmond  to  Washington — Close  of  Custer's  War  Career 309 


SIXTH  BOOK.— AFTER  THE  WAR 

CHAPTER   I. 

THE  VOLUNTEERS  IN  TEXAS. 
The  State  of  the  Country — Discontent  of  the  Men — Mutiny — Discharge 

of  the  Volunteers — Custer  in  Texas 315 

CHAPTER   II. 
THE  REGULAR  ARMY. 
Peculiar  Hardships  of  the  American  Regular  Army — Jealousy  of  the 

Nation — The  Old  and  the  New  Army — Settling  Down 325 

CHAPTER   III. 
THE  SEVENTH  CAVALRY. 

Description  of  the  Regiment — Its  Officers  and  Men — Custer  and  Presi- 
dent Johnson — Ordered  to  Kansas  . .  , .  337 


SEYEXTH  BOOK.— OK  THE  PLAINS. 

CHAPTER   I. 

THE  HANCOCK  EXPEDITION. 
Causes  of  the  Expedition — Escape  of  the  Tribes — The  Pursuit — The 

First  Buffalo— The  Lost  Trail— War 349 

CHAPTER   II. 

THE  FIRST  SCOUT. 

Learning  Indian  Tricks — Pawnee  Killer's  Repulse — Skirmishes 363 

CHAPTER   III. 
THE  WAGON  TRAIN. 

The   March   to    Fort   Wallace — The   Return — The  Attack— Circling — 
Arrival  of  Help — Saved , 371 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  KIDDER  MASSACRE. 

The  Telegram — Finding  the  Bodies — A  Mother's  Love 388 


CONTENTS.  IX 

CHAPTER  V. 
THE  COURT  MARTIAL. 

FA8B 

The  Mutiny — The  March — Custer  Court-martialled 397 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  WINTER  CAMPAIGN. 
Warned,  a  General — Custer  sent  for — Starting  on  the  Trail 413 

CHAPTER  VII. 
BATTLE  OF  THE  WASHITA. 
The    Trail    in    the    Snow — Charge    on   Black    Kettle — How   to  Fight 

Indians — Triumphant  Return  of  the  Seventh 425 

CHAPTER   VIII. 
CLOSING  OPERATIONS. 
How  Custer  volunteered  to  bring  the  Kiowas,  Arapahoes  and  Cheyennes 

to  Peace — How  he  did  it 453 

CHAPTER  IX. 

LOUISVILLE  TO  THE  YELLOWSTONE. 
Custer  in  Kentucky — Ordered  North — The  Sioux — A  Narrow  Escape. . .  471 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE  BLACK  HILLS. 

Rumors  of  Gold — A  Terra  Incognita — The  Custer  Column 501 

CHAPTER  XI. 
RAIN-IN-THE-FACE. 

Murderer's  Boasts — The  Arrest — The  Grain  Thieves — The  Escape — The 
Oath  of  Vengeance — The  Sun-Dance 51g 


EIGHTH  BOOK.— THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN. 

CHAPTER  I. 

SITTING  BULL. 

What  is  known  of  the  Sioux  Chief— His  Diary 529 

CHAPTER  II. 

CRAZY  HORSE. 

>  'eynolds'  Campaign — Another  Washita  Spoiled — Wanted  a  Custer 537 


I  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  III. 

CtJSTER  AND  GRANT. 

PAGB 

The  Belknap  Investigation — Ouster's  unwilling  Testimony — President 

Grant's  Revenge — Custer's  Displacement 545 

CHAPTER   IV. 
THE  GREAT  EXPEDITION. 
Crook's  Column — Gibbon's  Column — The  Terry  Column — Reno's  Scout 

— Custer's   Departure 563 

CHAPTER   V. 

THE  LAST  BATTLE. 

Trail  of  Sitting  Bull— Reno's  Fight— Custer's  Last  Charge 573 


NINTH   BOOK.— SOLDIEE  AND   MAN. 

CHAPTER  I. 

CUSTER,   THE  SOLDIER. 

Analysis  of  his  Success — His  True  Rank  in  Military  History 609 

CHAPTER  II. 

CTJSTER,  THE  INDIAN-FIGHTER. 

Savage  and  Civilized  Warfare  Contrasted — Custer's  Experience — Anec- 
dote illustrating  his  Knowledge  of  Indian  Nature 616 

CHAPTER  III. 
CUSTER,  THE  MAN. 

His  Generosity — Fondness  for  Children — Development  of  his  Character 
— Hia  Scrupulous  Honor — Closing  Summary 623 


TENTH  BOOK.— PEESONAL  EECOLLECTIONS. 

Of  General  Custer,  by  the  Great  Tragedian,  Lawrence  Barrett 628 


LIFE    OF 

GEN.  GEORGE  A.  OUSTER. 


PRELIMINARY  REMARKS. 

THIS  book  aims  to  give  to  the  world  the  life  of  a  great 
man,  one  of  the  few  really  great  men  that  America  has 
produced.  Beginning  at  the  foot  of  the  social  ladder,  with 
no  advantages  beyond  those,  physical  and  mental,  given  to  him 
by  the  GOD  who  made  him,  he  rose  to  the  top.  His  upward 
career  was  so  rapid  and  phenomenal  in  its  success  as  to  deceive 
the  world  in  general  as  to  the  means  by  which  he  rose,  and 
none  more  completely  for  a  time  than  the  present  writer  of  his 
biography.  Much  of  Ouster's  success  has  been  attributed  to 
good  fortune,  while  it  was  really  the  result  of  a  wonderful  capa- 
city for  hard  and  energetic  work,  and  a  rapidity  of  intuition 
which  is  seldom  found  apart  from  military  genius  of  the  highest 
order.  It  is  only  after  a  careful  and  complete  examination  of 
the  character  of  the  man,  and  the  perusal  of  a  mass  of  private 
correspondence,  beginning  in  his  days  of  obscurity,  after  the 
unconscious  revelation  by  himself  of  his  inmost  thoughts  and 
aspirations,  that  the  author  has  learned  aright  to  appreciate  the 
personality  of  the  subject  of  this  biography.  Few  men  had 
more  enemies  than  Ouster,  and  no  man  deserved  them  less. 
The  world  has  never  known  half  the  real  nobility  of  his  life  nor 
a  tithe  of  the  difficulties  under  which  he  struggled.  It  will  be 


2  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

the  author's  endeavor  to  remedy  this  want  of  knowledge,  to 
paint  in  sober  earnest  colors  the  truthful  portrait  of  such  a 
knight  of  romance  as  has  not  honored  the  world  with  his 
presence  since  the  days  of  Bayard. 

This  may  sound  exaggerated  praise  to  some.  A  few  short 
weeks  ago  it  would  have  sounded  so  to  the  writer.  He  only 
asks  the  world  to  accept  it  to-day,  as  the  honest  conviction  and 
sober  testimony,  arrived  at  after  very  thorough  and  careful  ex- 
amination, of  one  who  entered  on  the  task  with  very  different 
impressions.  The  current  idea  on  the  subject,  largely  due  to 
the  expression  set  afloat  by  Ouster  himself,  has  been  embodied 
in  the  words,  "  Ouster's  Luck,"  but  never  has  there  been  a  more 
mistaken  impression.  To  remove  that  impression,  to  show  to 
the  world  the  dead  as  he  really  was — not  as  an  ideal  hero, — is 
the  object  of  these  pages,  which  seek  to  show  the  truth,  the 
whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  limited  only  by  such 
knowledge  of  facts  as  may  be  accessible  at  the  time  of  writing 
The  author  earnestly  hopes  his  efforts  may  be  successfu  . 


FIRST   BOOK.— THE   BOY. 

CHAPTER  I. 

EARLY  LIFE. 

EORGE  ARMSTRONG  OUSTER  was  born  in  New 
Rumley,  Ohio,  December  5,  1839.  New  Rumley  is  a 
group  of  houses,  an  old  established  settlement,  in  Harrison 
County,  on  the  border  of  Pennsylvania,  and  peopled  from  thence 
early  in  the  last  century.  It  is  a  small  place,  not  set  down  on 
any  but  very  large  scale  maps,  and  most  of  the  population  of 
the  township  is  scattered  in  farm  houses  about  the  country. 
The  family  history,  gleaned  from  the  family  Bible,  is  plain  and 
simple.  It  is  that  of  an  honest  group  of  hard  workers,  not 
ashamed  of  work,  and  it  shows  that  the  stock  of  which  the 
future  general  came  was  good,  such  as  made  frontiersmen  and 
pioneers  in  the  last  century. 

Emmanuel  H.  Custer,  father  of  the  general,  was  born  in 
Cryssoptown,  Alleghany  County,  Maryland,  December  10th, 
1806.  To-day,  a  hale  hearty  old  man  of  seventy,  somewhat 
bowed,  but  well  as  ever  to  all  seeming,  he  stands  a  living  in- 
stance of  the  strong  physique  and  keen  wits  of  the  determined 
men  wlib  made  the  wild  forests  of  Ohio  to  bloom  like  the  rose. 
He  was  brought  up  as  a  smith,  and  worked  at  his  trade  for  many 
years,  till  he  had  saved  enough  money  to  buy  a  farm,  when  he 
became  a  cultivator.  All  he  knows  he  taught  himself,  but  he 
gave  his  children  the  best  education  that  could  be  obtained  in 
those  early  days  in  Ohio.  "When  quite  a  young  man,  he  left 


GENERAL    GEORUE   A.   CUSTER. 

Maryland  and  settled  in  New  Ruinley,  being  the  only  smith  fof 
many  miles.  He  prospered  so  well  that  he  was  able  to  get  mar- 
ried  when  twenty-two  years  of  age.  He  married  Matilda 
Tiers,  August  7th,  1828,  and  their  marriage  lasted  six  years, 
during  which  time  three  children  were  born,  of  whom  only  one, 
Brice  W.  Ouster,  of  Columbus,  Ohio,  is  now  living.  He  is 
bridge  inspector  on  one  of  the  railroads  leading  from  that  place. 
The  first  Mrs.  Ouster  died  July  18th,  1834. 

The  maiden  name  of  the  second  Mrs.  Ouster,  mother  of  the 
general,  was  Maria  Ward.  She  was  born  in  Burgettstown, 
Pennsylvania,  May  31st,  1807,  and  was  first  married,  when  only 
a  girl  of  sixteen,  to  Mr.  Israel  K.  Kirkpatrick.  Her  husband 
died  in  1835,  a  year  after  the  death  of  the  first  Mrs.  Ouster. 
The  widow  Kirkpatrick  had  then  three  children,  whereof  two 
are  now  alive.  David  Kirkpatrick  lives  in  Wood  County,  Ohio, 
some  forty  miles  south  from  Toledo.  Lydia  A.  Kirkpatrick 
married  Mr.  David  Eeed,  of  Monroe,  Michigan,  and  in  after  life 
became  more  than  a  sister,  a  second  mother,  to  the  subject  ot 
our  biography. 

After  two  years  widowhood,  Mrs.  Kirkpatrick  married 
Emmanuel  Ouster,  April  14th,  1837,  and  became  the  mother  of 
the  general,  two  years  later,  as  the  second  Mrs.  Ouster.  She  is 
still,  at  the  present  date  of  writing,  living,  but  in  very  feeble 
health. 

The  children  of  this  second  marriage  were  born  as  follows : 

1.  George  Armstrong  Ouster,  December  5,  1839. 

2.  Nevin  J.  Ouster,  July  29, 1842. 

3.  Thomas  W.  Ouster,  March  15,  1845. 

4.  Boston  Ouster,  October  31,  1848. 

5.  Margaret  Emma  Ouster,  January  5,  1852. 

All  were  born  in  Harrison  County,  in  or  near  New  Rumley. 
Nevin  and  Margaret  alone  now  survive,  the  latter  the  widow  of 
Lieutenant  Calhoun,  who  was  killed  on  the  field  of  battle  with 
his  three  brothers-in-law,  June  25th,  1876.  Nevin  Ouster  now 
lives  on  a  farm  near  Monroe,  Michigan.  During  the  late  war 


EARLY    LIFE.  5 

he  enlisted  as  a  private  soldier,  but  was  thrown  out  for  physical 
disability,  in  spite  of  his  anxiety  to  serve  his  country.  He  had 
all  the  spirit  of  the  Ousters,  but  lacked  the  good  physique  of 
the  other  members  of  the  family. 

I  have  been  thus  particular  in  giving  the  family  record,  be- 
cause little  is  known  to  the  world  on  that  subject.  It  is  the 
record  of  a  plain  yeoman  family,  such  as  constitutes  the  bone 
and  sinew  of  the  country.  The  name  of  Ouster  was  originally 
Kiister,  and  the  grandfather  of  Emmanuel  Ouster  came  from 
Germany,  but  Emmanuel's  father  was  born  in  America.  The 
grandfather  was  one  of  those  same  Hessian  officers  over  whom 
the  colonists  wasted  so  many  curses  in  the  Revolutionary  war, 
and  who  were  yet  so  innocent  of  harm  and  such  patient,  faithful 
soldiers.  After  Burgoyne's  surrender  in  1778,  many  of  the 
paroled  Hessians  seized  the  opportunity  to  settle  in  the  country 
they  came  to  conquer,  and  amongst  these  the  grandfather  of 
Emmanuel  Ouster,  captivated  by  the  bright  eyes  of  a  frontier 
damsel,  captivated  her  in  turn  with  his  flaxen  hair  and  sturdy 
Saxon  figure,  and  settled  down  in  Pennsylvania,  afterwards 
moving  to  Maryland.  It  is  something  romantic  and  pleasing 
after  all,  that  stubborn  George  Guelph,  in  striving  to  conquer 
the  colonies,  should  have  given  them  the  ancestor  of  George 
Ouster,  who  was  to  become  one  of  their  greatest  glories. 

Of  this  family  the  boy  George  Armstrong  was  born,  and 
grew  up  a  sturdy,  flaxen-headed  youngster,  full  of  life  and 
frolic,  always  in  mischief,  and  yet,  strange  to  say,  of  the 
gentlest  and  most  lovable  disposition.  The  closest  inquiry 
fails  to  reveal  a  single  instance  of  ill-temper  during  Ouster's 
boyhood.  All  his  playmates  speak  of  him  as  the  most  mischiev- 
ous and  frolicsome  of  boys,  but  never  as  quarrelsome.  There 
is  actually  not  a  single  record  of  a  fight  in  all  his  school  life, 
though  the  practical  jokes  are  without  number.  He  was  very 
early,  however,  imbued  with  a  passion  for  soldiering,  how  early 
he  could  not  tell  himself.  In  those  days  Emmanuel  Ouster, 
like  most  countrymen,  was  in  the  militia,  and  very  fond  of  hia 


6  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

uniform  and  his  little  son.  When  "  Armstrong,"  or  "  Autie," 
as  the  boy  was  always  called,  was  only  about  four  years  old, 
a  miniature  military  suit,  *  was  made  for  him.  Whenever 
father  Ouster  went  to  training,  Autie  went  with  him,  and 
marched  after  the  soldiers  as  well  as  he  could,  his  small  legs 
doing  their  best  to  make  big  strides.  After  drill  it  was  a 
favorite  pastime  of  the  "  New  Ruraley  Invincibles "  to  see 
little  Autie  go  through  the  old  Scott  manual  of  arms. with  a 
toy  musket,  and  thus  the  boy  became  imbued  from  his  earliest 
years  with  the  soldier  spirit. 

As  Autie  grew  older,  like  all  the  Ouster  boys,  he  was  sent 
to  school — district  school — where  he  learned,  in  the  good  old 
fashioned  way,  how  to  read,  write  and  cipher.  The  winter 
schooling  over,  in  the  summer  he  worked  on  the  farm,  like  all 
the  Ouster  boys,  ploughing,  mowing,  chopping  wood,  "  doing 
chores,"  and  developing  into  a  strong  hearty  boy.  It  was  this 
early  farm  life,  the  constant  and  vigorous  exercise  that  he 
underwent,  that  laid  the  foundation  of  that  iron  constitution 
which  he  afterwards  possessed,  and  gave  him  that  capacity  for 
bearing  fatigue,  which  made  him  such  a  tremendous  marcher 
in  days  to  come.  He  could  handle  an  axe  when  he  was  a 
general  officer,  as  well  as  any  pioneer,  and  has  been  known  on 
more  than  one  occasion  to  set  to  work  to  help  the  fatigue 
parties,  when  clearing  a  way  over  fallen  timber  in  the  forests 
of  Virginia  and  the  coppices  that  fringe  the  Black  Hills. 

When  Armstrong  was  about  ten  years  old,  an  event  hap- 
pened in  the  family  which  changed  the  current  of  his  life  to  an 
extent  which  no  one  at  the  time  expected  would  happen.  His 
half  sister  Lydia  was  married  to  Mr.  Reed,  a  young  man  who 
came  from  Monroe,  Michigan,  and  after  her  marriage  departed 
to  live  at  Monroe.  Now  in  those  days  Monroe  was  a  long 
way  off  from  New  Rumley.  There  were  very  few  railroads  in 
the  United  States,  and  none  between  the  two  towns.  The 

*  This  tiny  soldier-suit  still  exists,  in  the  keeping  of  General  Custer's 
mother. 


EARLY    LIFE.  7 

State  of  Michigan  was  then  sparsely  settled.  The  act  admitting 
it  into  the  Union  was  only  passed  the  year  in  which  young 
Ouster  was  born.  The  site  of  Lansing,  the  present  capital  of 
the  State,  was,  in  1846,  only  a  few  years  before  Mrs.  Reed's 
marriage,  occupied  by  a  single  log  cabin,  and  the  population  of 
the  State  was  not  quite  four  hundred  thousand  people.  The 
only  old  settled  places  were  Detroit  and  Monroe.  The  former 
dated  from  the  days  of  the  fur-posts,  before  the  Revolution, 
and  it  was  very  near  Monroe  (then  called  Frenchtown)  that  the 
massacre  of  1813,  known  as  the  battle  of  Raisin  River,  took 
place,  in  which  the  British  General  Proctor,  and  Tecumseh 
with  his  Indians,  annihilated  eight  hundred  mounted  riflemen 
of  Kentucky. 

Mrs.  Reed  felt  that  she  was  going  away  among  strangers, 
with  none  of  her  own  kin  near  her,  and  she  begged  that  Arm- 
strong might  go  with  her  to  her  new  home.  The  boy,  like  all 
boys,  was  only  too  glad  to  see  new  scenes,  and  went  to  Monroe 
with  his  sister  and  her  husband,  remaining  there  for  two  years. 
Newly  settled  as  was  the  State  of  Michigan  in  those  days,  it 
was  already  becoming  noted  for  its  excellent  educational  ad- 
vantages, which  have  since  expanded  into  one  of  the  best  school 
systems  in  the  Union.  When  young  Ouster  went  there,  he 
was  at  once  put  to  school  in  Stebbins'  Academy,  where  he 
remained  till  about  twelve  years  old. 

Of  those  early  days  the  records  and  reminiscences  are  many 
and  amusing,  and  we  shall  quote  a  few  of  them.  Ouster's  chum 
at  school,  the  boy  who  sat  at  the  same  desk  with  him,  was 
named  Bulkley,  and  the  friendship  that  then  began  has  since 
continued  through  life.  In  the  case  of  Mr.  Bulkley,  who  still 
lives  in  Monroe,  it  survives  in  the  form  of  an  ardent  love  and 
appreciation  of  his  quondam  desk-mate.  Many  years  after, 
when  the  old  Stebbins'  Academy  was  broken  up  and  the  prop- 
erty sold  at  auction,  Mr.  Bulkley  found  the  same  old  desk  at 
which  he  and  Ouster  used  to  sit,  with  their  names  carved  on  it 
in  school-boy  fashion.  He  bought  it  in,  and  it  now  stands  in 


8  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

his  store,  the  receptacle  of  the  various  papers  connected  with 
the  "Ouster  Monument  Fund  Society"  of  which  Bulkley  is 
the  Secretary,  General  Sheridan  being  President.  How  little 
those  two  boys  thought,  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago,  what  would 
be  the  ultimate  fate  of  that  old  desk,  as  they  furtively  whittled 
away  at  its  corners. 

Young  Ouster  was  a  smart  lad,  with  very  quick  apprecia- 
tion, a  remarkably  rapid  student,  but  one  who  hated  study. 
He  seldom  or  never  looked  at  a  lesson  out  of  school,  trusting 
to  the  short  period  before  recitation  to  skim  over  his  task,  and 
yet  rarely  failing  to  have  a  creditable  lesson.  He  was  always 
smuggling  novels  into  school  and  reading  them  furtively,  and 
his  old  comrade  cannot  help,  even  at  this  late  date,  a  chuckle  of 
lawless  satisfaction,  as  he  recalls  the  way  in  which  he  and  Ous- 
ter nsed  to  cheat  the  old  schoolmaster,  in  "geography  hour." 
Ouster  used  to  have  his  geography  wide  open,  while  beneath  it 
lay  "  Charles  O'Malley,"  also  wide  open.  With  a  pencil  in  his 
hand,  he  would  be  earnestly  tracing  the  course  of  a  river  on 
the  map  when  old  Stebbins  came  round  behind  him,  it  being 
the  habit  of  that  worthy  man  to  wear  list  slippers  and  to  be  on 
the  watch  at  all  times  for  surreptitious  amusements  among  the 
boys.  Sly  as  he  was,  however,  Ouster  was  slyer.  His  senses 
were  as  sharp  as  those  of  an  Indian  even  then,  and  Stebbins 
never  found  him  otherwise  than  busy  and  studying  intently,  to 
the  worthy  pedagogue's  great  satisfaction.  As  he  passed,  he 
would  pat  the  boy's  head  and  pronounce  him  a  credit  to  the 
school,  a  compliment  received  by  the  youngster  with  an  edify- 
ing air  of  virtuous  humility.  No  sooner  was  Stebbins  gone, 
however,  than  the  end  of  the  geography  was  lifted,  while  Arm- 
strong returned  to  the  perusal  of  the  humors  of  Mr.  Michael 
Free  and  the  gallant  charges  of  the  Fourteenth  Light  Dragoons, 
with  renewed  zest. 

His  passion  was  reading  military  novels,  his  chief  ambition 
to  be  a  soldier.  Even  then,  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  go  to 
West  Point  when  he  got  old  enough.  One  thing  that  tended 


EARLY    LIFE. 

to  inflame  his  martial  spirit  in  those  days,  was  the  Mexican  war 
just  then  closed.  The  heroes  of  that  war  were  almost  all  West- 
Pointers,  and  the  little  regular  army  made  a  very  considerable 
figure  therein.  However  that  may  be,  he  had  formed  the  firm 
resolve  to  go  to  West  Point  when  old  enough. 

Out  of  school,  he  was  always  in  the  midst  of  rough  horse 
play  with  the  other  boys,  fond  of  practical  jokes,  a  great 
wrestler  and  runner,  and  the  strongest  lad  of  his  age  in  the 
place.  He  became  an  acknowledged  leader  in  all  the  athletic 
sports  of  the  day,  the  only  thing  in  which  he  did  not  excel 
being  swimming.  Curiously  enough,  he  never  liked  the  water 
much,  to  the  day  of  his  death,  and  though  he  could  swim,  sel- 
dom did  so.  Boating  was  also  one  of  his  dislikes.  He  would 
do  anything  on  land,  but  had  no  aspirations  as  a  sailor.  At 
home,  he  was  chiefly  distinguished,  according  to  the  account  of 
Mrs.  Reed,  by  his  extreme  gentleness  and  kindness  of  heart. 
To  her  he  was  the  most  docile  of  boys,  obeying  her  slightest 
wish  the  moment  it  was  expressed.  He  was  exceedingly  ten- 
der-hearted also  ;  so  much  so  that  he  never  could  bear  even  to 
see  a  chicken  killed ;  and  the  sight  of  suffering  of  any  kind 
completely  unnerved  him.  He  was  very  fond  of  nursing  Mrs. 
Reed's  children,  as  they  successively  arrived,  and  was  especially 
proud  of  her  first  boy  who  was  named  Armstrong,  after  him- 
self. Poor  little  Autie  Reed,  he  died  on  the  same  field  with 
Ouster,  together  with  Ouster's  youngest  brother,  on  that  last 
fated  expedition. 

A  strange  compound  of  qualities  was  this  lad  in  those  days, 
gentle  and  brave,  with  an  overflowing  sense  of  humor,  hating 
his  books,  and  yet  working  to  the  head  of  his  class  by  fits  and 
starts  when  he  took  a  notion,  obstinate  under  harsh  treatment, 
opposing  the  constituted  authorities  at  school  with  all  ingeni- 
ous evasions,  meeting  the  wily  tricks  of  his  pedagogue  with 
tricks  still  wilier,  but  rnled  by  his  gentle  sister  with  an  abso- 
lute sway.  He  reminds  us  of  one  of  Thackeray's  schoolboys, 
full  of  vague  poetical  yearnings,  tempered  by  the  savage  free- 


10  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

dora  of  overflowing  physical  strength  and  health,  a  boy  all  over^ 
a  boy  to  the  backbone,  with  the  promise  and  potency  of — who 
knows  what? — of  manhood.  The  ruling  traits  of  his  character, 
as  they  struck  his  family,  were  those  of  great  goodness,  of  duty 
performed,  of  kindness,  love,  and  devotion.  To  this  day,  they 
seem  to  think  of  him,  not  as  the  brilliant  warrior,  but  as  the 
exemplary  son  and  brother,  who  never  omitted  a  duty,  never 
abated  in  his  love.  Inside  of  all  the  rough  play  of  the  cham- 
pion wrestler  of  the  school,  lay  this  hidden  kernel  of  surpassing 
gentleness  and  love,  that  was  to  make  the  foundation  of  the 
future  knight.  And  yet  he  was  a  plain  American  boy,  who 
knew  little  or  nothing  of  mediaeval  lore,  and  less  of  European 
history,  as  was  the  necessary  consequence  of  the  habitual  Ameri- 
can education.  He  was  then,  and  remained  to  the  last,  a 
thorough  American,  a  Western  boy  at  that. 

After  spending  two  years  at  Stebbins'  Academy,  he  returned 
to  New  Rumley,  and  passed  some  time  there,  on  his  father's 
farm.  When  about  fourteen,  he  was  again  sent  to  Monroe, 
this  time  to  the  "  Seminary,"  the  principal  school  of  that  place, 
then  and  now  kept  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Boyd.  The  Seminary  is 
a  fine  old  brick  mansion,  large  and  irregular,  stretching  out  its 
wings  in  the  midst  of  shady  grounds,  a  pleasant  and  picturesque 
home.  Here  Ouster  finished  his  education  in  the  English 
branches,  remaining  there  two  years.  It  was  a  far  better  school 
than  the  old  Academy,  Mr.  Boyd  being  a  man  of  much  greater 
refinement  and  taste  than  was  then  common  in  the  west,  and 
young  Ouster  worked  under  him  to  more  advantage.  He  left 
school  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  and  went  back  to  New  Rumley. 

It  was,  however,  while  at  the  Seminary,  that  a  little  incident 
occurred,  which  subsequently  influenced  his  whole  life,  as  Mrs. 
Reed's  marriage  had  done  when  he  was  a  child.  The  incident 
is  so  small  and  trifling  that  it  seems  nothing,  and  yet  on  such 
trifles  hang  human  lives.  Coming  from  school  one  day  to  Mrs. 
Reed's,  the  rough,  flaxen-headed,  freckled -faced  boy,  was  pertly 
accosted  by  a  little  girl  with  black  eyes.  She  was  a  pretty  little 


EARLY    LIFE.  11 

creature,  rounded  and  plump,  her  father's  pet,  an  only  child  and 
naturally  spoiled.  Like  most  little  children,  she  was  proud  to 
show  all  she  knew,  and  she  knew  that  Ouster  was  a  stranger. 
She  said  archly  as  she  swung  on  the  gate,  her  pretty  face 
dimpling  with  smiles,  "  Hello  !  you  Ouster  boy  !  "  then  fright- 
ened at  her  own  temerity,  turned  and  fled  into  the  house. 

A  trifle,  you  will  say,  not  worth  recording ;  yet  it  was  the 
beginning  of  Ouster's  first  and  last  love.  The  sweet  arch  face 
of  that  little  girl  was  the  first  revelation  to  the  wild  young 
savage,  whose  whole  idea  of  life  was  that  of  physical  exercise, 
war,  and  the  chase,  of  Something  else,  of  another  side  to  life. 
It  was  to  him,  love  at  first  sight,  and  he  then  and  there  recorded 
an  inward  vow,  that  some  day  that  little  girl  should  be  his  wife. 
He  kept  the  vow  through  many  obstacles. 

This  little  girl  was  Libbie  Bacon,  only  child  of  Judge 
Daniel  S.  Bacon,  one  of  the  oldest  settlers  of  Monroe.  The 
Judge  had  come  there  long  before  Emmanuel  Ouster's  first  mar- 
riage, and  fifteen  years  before  Armstrong  was  born.  Beginning 
as  a  school  teacher,  he  had  become  a  lawyer,  a  member  of  the 
Territorial  Legislature  before  Michigan  was  yet  erected  into  a 
State,  Judge  of  Probate,  President  of  the  Monroe  Bank,  direc- 
tor of  the  first  Michigan  Railroad — in  short  he  was  one  of  the 
first  men  of  the  little  town,  and  the  centre  of  its  "  upper  ten." 
To  young  Ouster,  poor  and  obscure,  it  might  have  then  seemed 
as  if  a  great  gulf  divided  him  from  the  little  girl  whose  arch 
beauty  flashed  on  him  for  the  first  time.  It  was  characteristic 
of  the  determination  which  afterwards  marked  his  whole  career 
that  he  should  make  such  a  vow  and  keep  it.  To  this  we  shall 
afterwards  return. 

Ouster  had  now  lived  at  Monroe,  off  and  on,  for  four  years. 
His  return  to  Ohio  must  have  seemed  to  him  an  exile,  for  he 
ever  after  seems  to  have  looked  on  Monroe  as  his  home.  He 
went  back  to  New  Rumley,  and  soon  after  obtained  a  place  as 
teacher  at  Hopedale,  Ohio,  not  far  from  his  native  place.  Here 
he  earned  his  first  money — not  much  to  our  notions  now,  but 


12  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTKR. 

a  little  fortune  to  him  in  those  days.  Twenty-six  dollars  a 
month  and  his  board  were  the  terms,  and  he  brought  the  whole 

™  O 

of  his  first  month's  salary  and  poured  it  into  his  mother's  lap. 
In  after  years  he  often  referred  to  the  joy  he  then  experienced 
as  being  the  greatest  he  had  ever  known,  as  being  his  first 
opportunity  to  repay  in  a  measure  the  love  of  his  parents,  for 
whom  he  ever  cherished  the  fondest  affection.  That  affection 
was  well  deserved.  Hitherto  we  have  spoken  but  little  of 
Ouster's  father  and  mother,  but  when  we  reflect  on  the  fact  that 
out  of  the  savings  of  a  small  farm,  and  burdened  with  the  sup- 
port of  a  large  family,  they  had  managed  to  pay  for  the  best 
education  then  to  be  found  in  the  Western  country  for  their 
eldest  son,  we  can  understand  much  of  the  spring  of  that  son's 
energy  and  goodness  of  character. 

Long  years  after,  when  Ouster  was  distinguished  among  men, 
an  eminent  warrior,  courted  and  petted  by  all,  he  wrote  his 
father  and  mother  a  letter,  which  is  worthy  of  being  printed 
in  letters  of  gold.  It  shows  what  parents  and  what  a  son  com- 
bined to  make  the  perfect  knight  that  Ouster  became.  We 
quote  but  a  fragment,  in  answer  to  one  of  their  letters,  in 
which  the  modest  parents  have  disclaimed  any  merit  of  their 
own  in  the  success  of  their  brilliant  son.  Ouster  writes: 


You  do  yourself  injustice  when  you  say  you  did  but  little  for 
me.  You  may  forget  it,  but  I  never  can.  There  is  not  a  day  but 
I  think  with  deep  gratitude  of  the  many  sacrifices,  the  love  and 
devotion  you  and  mother  have  constantly  bestowed  upon  me. 
You  could  not  have  done  more  for  me  than  you  have.  A  fortune 
would  be  nothing  to  me  with  what  I  am  indebted  to  you  for.  I 
never  wanted  for  any  thing  necessary,  and  if  you  did  not  give  me 
a  fortune  in  money,  you  did  what  was  infinitely  better.  You 
and  mother  instilled  into  my  mind  correct  principles  of  industry 
honesty,  self-reliance;  I  was  taught  the  distinction  between  wrong 
and  right ;  I  was  taught  the  value  of  temperate  habits ;  and  I 
now  look  back  to  my  childhood  and  the  days  spent  under  the 
home  roof,  as  a  period  of  the  purest  happiness  ;  and  I  feel  thank- 
Ful  for  such  noble  parents.  I  know  but  few  if  any  boys  are  so 


EARLY    LIFE.  13 

blessed  as  I  have  been,  by  having  such  kind,  self-sacrificing  pa- 
rents to  train  and  guide  them  as  I  have  had.  I  know  I  might 
heap  millions  of  dollars  at  your  feet,  and  still  the  debt  of  grati- 
tude on  my  part  would  be  undiminished. 

All  honor  to  parents  and  son.  In  that  letter  lies  much  of 
the  secret  of  Ouster's  success. 

At  Hopedale,  young  Ouster  remained  for  a  year,  teaching ; 
but  he. was  not  the  man  to  stagnate  into  a  pedagogue.  Teach- 
ing was  to  him,  as  to  many  another  man  in  the  United  States, 
a  mere  stepping-stone  to  better  things,  a  temporary  means  of 
support.  He  had  determined  to  go  to  West  Point  :  the  ques- 
tion remained,  how  was  he  to  get  there.  Father  Ouster  was  a 
stanch  old  Jacksonian  Democrat,  double-dyed  and  twisted  in 
the  wool ;  the  member  for  the  district  was  an  equally  stanch 
Republican.  It  was  now  the  year  1856,  the  time  when  Fre- 
monters  began  to  be  enthusiastic  and  aggressive,  when  the  bur- 
den of  the  campaign  songs  was  "  Free  speech,  free  press,  free 
soil,  free  men,  Fremont  and  Victory  !  "  The  member  for  the 
district  was  an  enthusiastic  republican,  what  chance  was  there 
that  he  would  use  his  influence  to  advance  the  son  of  an  equally 
enthusiastic  democrat  ?  So  Emmanuel  Ouster  thought,  when 
his  son  pressed  him  to  try  and  get  Mr.  Bingham  to  nominate 
him  to  "West  Point.  He  said  frankly  that  it  was  no  use  trying, 
that  the  young  fellow  might  try  if  he  wished,  but  he  could  not 
help  him.  He  had  no  influence,  and  none  but  humble  friends. 
But  Armstrong  would  not  give  up.  He  would  try  for  himself, 
and  trust  to  his  own  efforts  alone.  He  had  one  advantage, 
habits  of  study,  and  facility  in  using  his  knowledge.  Teaching 
had  given  him  that,  as  it  has  many  others.  No  way  to  master 
a  science  so  good  as  to  undertake  to  teach  it.  One  must  know 
it  then.  So  he  sat  down  and  wrote  the  following  letter : 

HOPEDALE,  OHIO,  MAY  27th,  1856. 

To  THE  HON.  JOHN  A.  BINGHAM. 

SIR  : — Wishing  to  learn  something  in  relation  to  the  matter 
of  appointment  of  cadets  to  the  West  Point  Military  Academy,  J 


14-  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    OUSTER. 

have  taken  the  liberty  of  addressing  you  on  the  subject.  My  only 
apology  for  thus  intruding  on  your  notice  is,  that  I  cannot  obtain 
such  information  here.  And  as  the  matter  is  to  be  finally  settled  in 
Washington,  I  have  thought  better  to  make  application  at  head- 
quarters from  the  beginning.  If  in  the  multiplicity  of  your 
duties,  which  I  know  you  must  have  on  hand,  you  can  find  time 
to  inform  me  as  to  the  necessary  qualifications  for  admission,  and  if 
our  congressional  district  is  unrepresented  there  or  not,  or  at  least 
when  there  will  be  a  vacancy,  you  will  confer  a  great  favor  on  me. 
I  am  desirous  of  going  to  West  Point,  and  I  think  my  age  and 
tastes  would  be  in  accordance  with  its  requirements.  But  I  must 
forbear  on  that  point  for  the  present.  I  am  now  in  attendance  at 
the  McNeely  Normal  School  in  Hopedale,  and  could  obtain  from 
the  principal,  if  necessary,  testimonials  of  moral  character.  I 
would  also  say  that  I  have  the  consent  of  my  parents  in  the  course 
which  I  have  in  view.  Wishing  to  hear  from  you  as  soon  as 
convenient, 

I  remain, 

Yours  respectfully, 

G.  A.  OUSTER. 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  letter  that  Ouster  had  at  the  time 
ceased  teaching  for  awhile,  to  further  perfect  his  education. 
The  handwriting  is  very  strongly  contrasted  with  that  of  his 
later  years,  which  is  father  light  and  pointed,  resembling  a 
lady's  hand  in  many  respects.  In  the  Bingham  letter  it  is  that 
of  a  particularly  careful  schoolboy  of  the  old  time,  with  down- 
strokes  of  portentous  weight  and  blackness,  with  fine  hair  lines 
for  upstrokes.  The  letter  brought  forth  a  reply  from  Bingham, 
in  which  the  requisite  information  was  given,  and  it  appeared 
that  others  were  after  the  place.  In  answer  to  this,  Ouster 
wrote  again.  He  would  not  be  denied,  if  persistency  would 
effect  his  purpose.  There  was  another  young  man  after  the 
place,  but  he  wrote  as  follows  : 


MCNEELY  NORMAL  SCHOOL,  Thursday,  June  11,  1856. 
HON.  JOHN  A.  BINGHAM. 

DEAR  SIR — Yours  of  the  fourth  was  duly  received  and  I  feel 
myself  compelled  to  write  again  to  express  my  sincere  thanks  for 


EARLY    LIFE.  15 

your  prompt  attention,  explicit  information  as  to  qualifications,  etc. 
I  will  also  add  that  in  all  the  points  specified  I  would  come  under 
the  requirements  set  forth  in  your  communication,  being  about  sev- 
enteen years  of  age,  above  the  medium  height  and  of  remarkably 
strong  constitution  and  vigorous  frame.  If  that  young  man  from 
Jeff.  County  of  whom  you  spoke  does  not  push  the  matter,  or  if 
you  hear  of  any  other  vacancy,  I  should  be  glad  to  hear  from  you. 
Yours  with  great  respect, 

G.  A.  OUSTER. 


Nothing  came  of  it  that  year,  however.  The  young  man 
from  Jefferson  County  got  the  place,  but  there  was  still  time 
during  the  next  year.  That  summer  Mr.  Bingham  came  home 
at  the  close  of  the  session  of  Congress,  and  young  Custer  went 
to  see  him.  The  result  of  the  interview  was  that  Bingham, 
pleased  with  the  frank  face  of  the  boy,  his  modest  determination, 
and  something  in  his  looks  that  told  that  he  would  yet  be  a 
credit  to  his  nominator,  promised  that  lie  would  give  him  the 
next  year's  vacancy,  and  Cnster  went  home  happy. 

The  rest  of  the  year  1856  was  passed  by  him  partly  at  the 
Normal  School,  partly  teaching,  partly  on  his  father's  farm. 
At  last  came  the  eventful  day  when  he  received  his  commis- 
sion, and  was  ordered  to  report  at  West  Point.  The  die  was 
cast.  He  had  longed  to  be  a  soldier.  From  henceforth  to  the 
day  of  his  death  he  was  a  soldier  to  the  core. 

This  period  of  Ouster's  life  may  be  regarded  as  that  of  his 
first  awakening  to  the  consciousness  of  his  own  powers  and  of 
the  deficiencies  of  his  early  education.  One  evidence  of  this  is 
the  fact  of  his  attendance  at  the  Normal  school  and  his  selection 
of  teaching  for  an  occupation.  He  had  already  received  more 
than  enough  education  to  fit  him  for  such  a  life  as  his  father  or 
any  of  his  relatives  led,  and  the  fact  of  his  voluntarily  entering  the 
Normal  school  to  avail  himself  of  its  further  advantages  shows 
that  he  was  already  looking  forward  to  a  change  in  his  prospects 
before  he  applied  to  Mr.  Bingham.  The  latter  had  told  him  of  all 
the  difficulties  besetting  an  applicant  for  a  cadetship,  and  espo- 


16  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

cially  of  the  preliminary  examination,  and  Ouster  occupied  all 
the  rest  of  the  year  in  fitting  himself  therefor.  The  result  was 
that,  when  he  went  to  West  Point,  he  had  already  mastered  as 
much  mathematics  as  any  one  of  the  one  year  cadets,  and  was 
BO  far  ahead  of  his  class  that  he  found  all  his  subsequent  studies 
is  easy  as  he  had  his  earlier  labors  at  Stebbins'  Academy.  Of 
»he  other  troubles  of  a  cadet,  lessons  apart,  he  was  now  to  gain 
his  first  experience.  He  found  his  troubles  there,  much  the 
same  as  at  school,  in  the  irksomeness  of  discipline,  not  the  se- 
verity of  study.  Such  as  he  was,  a  headlong,  impulsive,  gener- 
ous lad,  full  of  life  and  spirits  he  entered  West  Point.  Would 
there  were  hundreds  more  to-day  there,  like  him. 


CHAPTER  II. 

PLEBE   OUSTER. 

A  TALL,  slender  lad  of  seventeen,  with  frank,  handsome 
face  and  fair  hair,  landed  on  the  wharf  at  West  Point,  in 
the  summer  of  1857.  A  certain  free,  careless  air  told  of  the 
Western  man,  so  different  in  his  surroundings  and  bearing  from 
the  town-bred  citizen  of  the  East.  It  was  our  young  hero, 
fresh  from  the  independent  merry  life  of  the  West,  and  plunged 
all  alone  into  the  peculiar  life  of  West  Point — a  Plebe,  with  all 
his  sorrows  to  come. 

A  great  change  for  the  careless  young  fellow,  overflowing 
with  the  fun  and  frolic  that  comes  of  magnificent  physical 
organization  and  keen  intellect.  There  is  something  in  the 
atmosphere  of  Western  life  that  seems  to  rebel  against  rules  and 
restrictions  and  everything  narrow.  It  goes  straight  to  its  pur- 
pose, whatever  it  be,  by  direct  common  sense  methods,  original 
in  their  simplicity,  but  appears  awkward  and  rough  when  con- 
trasted with  Eastern  polish.  With  all  his  differences  of  race 
and  education,  come  from  the  most  perfectly  republican  part  of 
the  Union,  young  Ouster  was  dropped  into  the  midst  of  one  of 
the  most  absolute  despotisms  on  earth,  the  Military  Academy 
at  West  Point.  What  the  change  is,  for  a  young  fellow  fresh 
from  home  life,  and  especially  from  country  home  life,  it  is  dif- 
ficult to  picture,  without  a  knowledge  of  that  curious  microcosm, 
"  the  Point." 

There  is  something  in  the  Military  Academy  so  totally  dif- 
ferent from  the  usual  life  of  America,  that  it  has  fixed  a  great  gulf 
between  West  Pointers  and  the  outside  world,  none  the  less 
real  because  impalpable.  It  shows  itself  in  the  reception 

a 


18  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

accorded  to  the  "Plebe"  when  lie  first  enters  the  Academy,  BO 
different  from  that  accorded  to  a  Freshman  at  college,  the  near- 
est person  to  a  Plebe  in  condition.  The  poor  Plebe  comes 
from  the  world  of  freedom,  and  enters  another  world,  where 
implicit  obedience  is  the  unflinching  rule.  Instantly,  every  one 
seems  to  set  on  him  to  make  his  life  miserable.  From  tim 
immemorial  it  seems  to  have  been  the  tradition  at  the  Academy 
that  every  new-comer  should  be  made  to  suffer  all  the  discom- 
forts possible,  during  his  first  months,  without  a  possibility  of 
escape.  His  ordinary  treatment  has  been  embalmed  in  some 
very  truthful,  though  undeniably  doggerel  verses,  in  the  "  "West 
Point  Scrap  Book,"  entitled  "  West  Point  Life."  The  compo- 
sition from  which  they  are  taken  was  written  for  the  Dialectic 
Society  of  West  Point  in  1859,  and  therefore  may  be  said  to 
portray  very  accurately  the  state  of  society  at  the  "  Point," 
when  Ouster  was  a  cadet.  The  minstrel,  describing  the  Plebe, 
breaks  out: 

When  landed  at  the  Point,  you  ask  a  man  where  you  report, 

And  ten  to  one  you  get  from  him  a  withering  retort. 

He'll  say,  "  Subordination,  Plebe's,  of  discipline  the  root ; 

When  you  address  an  old  Cadet,  forget  not  to  salute." 

He  sends  you  to  a  room  and  says,  "  Report  and  then  come  back." 

You  enter  and  discover  there  only  the  old  boot-black. 

You  wander  like  Telemachus  ;  at  last  you  find  the  place 

And  see  the  dread  INSTRUCTOR — yes,  and  meet  him  face  to  face. 

He  shouts  out,  "  Stand  attention,  sir!  hands  close  upon  your  pants, 

And  stand  erect.     Hold  up  your  head  !  There — steady  1  don't  advance ; 

Turn  out  your  toes  still  further,  look  straight  toward  the  front, 

Draw  in  your  chin  !  Throw  out  your  chest !  Now  steady  !  Don't  you  grunt." 

Says  the  Instructor  "  Where's  my  pen?  this  old  one  doesn't  suit  me." 

"  There  it  is,  sir."     "  You  hold  your  tongue  !    How  dare  you  talk  on  duty  ? 

I'm  not  surprised  to  see  you  quail  and  flutter  like  a  partridge, 

But  soldiers'  mouths  must  only  open  when  they  tear  a  cartridge." 

He  wants  to  know  all  things  you've  brought,  your  clothes  of  every  kind  ; 

(You  think  the  gentleman's  endowed  with  an  enquiring  mind) 

You  get  a  broom,  some  matches,  and  a  bed  made  up  of  patches, 

Though  little  do  you  think  such  schools  could  ever  have  their  matches. 

A  comforter  you  also  get,  a  thing  that  most  you  need, 

A.  comforter  I  It's  one  of  Job's,  a  sorry  one  indeed  1 


PLEBE   OUSTER.  19 

"  On  your  return,  report  yourself,"  they  earnestly  exhort  you. 

Report  yourself!  !  !  when  twenty  men  are  eager  to  report  you  ! 

You're  now  assigned  to  quarters — there  deposit  bed  and  broom, 

And  though  in  want  of  shelter,  wish  for  you  there  was  no  room. 

Are  these  the  luxuries  on  which  our  Senators  agree  ? 

You  do  not  fancy  this  "  hot-bed  of  aristocracy." 

The  drill  drum  beats,  so  does  your  heart,  and  down  the  stairs  you  scud, 

You  slip  before  you  reach  the  ranks,  fall  full  length  in  the  mud ; 

How  strange  you  think  it  when  next  night  reported  you  have  been, 

In  spite  of  all  your  efforts,  for  neglecting  to  "  fall  in." 

When  reading  in  your  room,  absorbed  in  prison  discipline, 

You  suddenly  hear  some  one  knock  ;  jump  up,  and  cry  "Come  in!" 

You  find  the  dread  INSTRUCTOR  already  in  the  door, 

He  says  "  Did  you  give  that  command  to  your  SUPERIOR?  " 

You  ask  to  be  forgiven,  say  you'll  never  do't  no  more, 

You  didn't  yet  know  all  the  rules  and  articles  of  war. 

Next  day  they  march  you  into  camp.     How  pretty  it  does  look  I 

That  you  may  fare  the  better,  you  have  brought  a  cookery  book. 

You  get  in  camp,  an  old  cadet  cries,  "  Come  put  up  this  tent." 

And  with  the  aid  he  renders  you,  you're  very  well  content. 

You  thank  him,  take  possession  ;  when  you  find  that  all  is  done, 

He  coolly  tells  you  "  Plebe,  that's  mine  ;  go,  get  another  one. 

What  you  have  done  is  only  play  ;  Plebes  always  make  mistakes." 

Foul  play  you  think  it  is,  when  you  have  put  down  all  the  stakes, 

You  possibly  are  six  feet  high  ;  some  officer  you  dread 

Arrests  you  at  the  break  of  day  for  lying  long  in  bed. 

July  the  Fourth  at  last  arrives  ;  you  think  it  rather  hard, 

When  on  this  day  of  liberty,  the  Plebes  must  go  on  guard. 

You  go  on  post,  the  night  arrives,  you  scarcely  are  alive, 

But  still  a  lonely  watch  you  keep,  way  down  on  "  No.  5." 

At  first  you  like  the  lonely  post,  the  path's  so  nicely  levelled, 

But  soon  you  share  the  fate  of  ham — that  is,  you're  nicely  "  devilled" 

Bodies  vast  of  men  approach,  and  sound  their  rude  alarms — 

From  divers  punches  you  receive,  you  find  they  all  have  arms — 

Baggage  wagons,  ropes,  and  ghosts,  upon  your  post  appear — 

Teeth  begin  to  chatter — though,  of  course,  it's  not  through  fear, 

A  spirit  white  you  seize  upon,  and  hold  it  on  your  post, 

Until  the  corporal  arrives,  when  you  give  up  the  ghost. 

When  in  a  wheel-barrow  you  fall,  that's  moving  up  behind, 

To  rapidly  desert  your  post,  you're  forcibly  inclined. 


20  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER, 

Then  you  swear  that  you'll  resign,  the  climate  is  too  damp, 
But  once  within  the  tented  field,  you  find  you  can't  decamp. 
Resolving  then  to  be  content,  there's  no  more  hesitation, 
You  find  more  satisfaction  in  this  kind  of  resignation. 
Spartan  like,  you  stay  until  encampment  has  an  end, 
And  when  that  time  is  closing  up,  your  times  begin  to  mend. 

The  woes  of  the  poor  Plebe  on  first  joining,  as  recited  in 
the  above  pathetic  ballad,  are  by  no  means  over-strained.  An 
old  graduate  says  of  the  new  comers  very  feelingly  :  "  We  can 
not  but  feel  an  involuntary  pity  for  the  new  cadet  who  is  just 
landing  at  the  old  wharf,  where  a  sentinel  is  waiting  to  conduct 
him  to  the  adjutant's  office,  there  to  record  his  entrance  on — 
he  knows  not  what  small  and  great  tribulations. 

"  Tho  poor  fellow  has  just  left  the  endearments  of  home,  and 
by  a  rapid  transition  has  become  a  stranger  among  the  mighty 
hills.  But  worst  of  all,  instead  of  receiving  kindly  hospitality, 
he  becomes,  for  a  time,  one  of  an  inferior  caste,  toward  whom, 
too  often,  the  finger  of  derision  is  pointed,  and  over  whom  the 
Fourth  Class  drill-master  flourishes,  with  too  snobbish  zeal,  his 
new-born  authority.  Then  too,  to  be  called  a  "  conditional 
thing,"  a  "thing"  and  a  "  plebe  "  in  slow  promotion  ;  to  be 
crowded  five  in  a  room,  with  the  floor  and  a  blanket  for  a  bed  ; 
to  be  drummed  up,  drummed  to  meals,  and  drummed  to  bed,  all 
with  arithmetic  for  chief  diversion ;  this  is  indeed  a  severe  ordeal 
for  a  young  man  who  is  not  blessed  with  good  nature  and  good 
sense ;  but  with  these  excellent  endowments,  it  soon  and  smoothly 
glides  on  into  a  harmless  memory.  People  are  found  who  con- 
tend that  West  Point  is  a  hot-bed  of  aristocracy,  where  caste  and 
titles  rule.  It  would  be  pleasing  to  exhibit  to  such  an  one,  the 
uuuniformed  new  class,  presenting  a  line  of  about  one  hundred 
young  men  of  all  types,  at  least  in  externals.  Side  by  side  are 
seen  the  flabby  Kentucky  jeans,  and  the  substantial  homespun, 
the  ancient  long-tailed,  high-collared  coat  of  the  farmer's  boy, 
and  the  exquisite  fit  of  the  fashionable  New  York  tailor.  We 
have  known  two  presidents'  sons,  two  proteges  of  General  Jack- 
son, several  sons  of  secretaries,  and  other  high  functionaries, 


PLEBE  OUSTER.  21 

found  deficient,  for  the  simple  reason  that  they  were  deficient. 
Before  us  lies  a  little  volume,  by  a  Vermont  farmer's  son,  who 
successfully  competed  for  the  headship  of  his  class,  with  a 
talented  son  of  Henry  Clay." 

Into  the  midst  of  West  Point,  dropped  young  Ouster.  As 
far  as  temperament  went,  he  was  just  the  one  to  get  on  among 
his  comrades  and  be  happy  ;  and  we  find  accordingly,  that  he 
was  soon  a  general  favorite.  The  hardships  of  Plebe  life 
passed  over  him  lightly.  He  had  the  advantage  of  being  a  tall 
strong  young  fellow,  not  easily  brow-beaten,  or  physically 
oppressed,  and  his  good-nature  and  jolly  ways  saved  him 
from  the  more  annoying  kinds  of  small  persecution.  The  first 
week's  squad  drills  and  the  preliminary  examination  being  safely 
passed,  young  George  Ouster  at  last  received  his  full  appoint- 
ment, was  permitted  to  don  the  uniform,  and  became  a  full- 
fledged  cadet.  The  happy  day  arrived  when  he,  with  the  other 
Plebes,  shed  the  badges  of  their  servitude,  and  all  the  black 
coats  vanished  from  the  cadet  battalion.  Then,  at  the 
close  of  June,  the  barracks  were  abandoned  ;  and  Cadet  Ouster, 
along  with  his  comrades,  marched  out  for  the  annual  encamp- 
ment. This  takes  place  every  year  at  the  same  time  after 
graduation.  The  first  class  of  1857  was  examined  and  grad- 
uated while  the  Plebes  were  joining,  the  second  class  became 
the  first,  the  fourth  became  the  third,  and  went  on  furlough  for 
the  summer ;  and  the  "  June  Plebes  "  blossomed  out  into  the 
fourth  class.  Then,  at  dress  parade,  the  order  was  read  out  to 
go  into  camp,  the  barracks  being  vacated.  The  young  cadets 
turned  into  May-day  carmen,  without  any  carts.  Not  even  a 
wheelbarrow  was  to  be  obtained.  Mattresses,  tables,  chairs, 
trunks,  every  article  had  to  be  cleared  out,  the  furniture  placed 
in  the  empty  recitation  rooms,  leaving  only  iron  bedsteads  in  the 
dormitories,  which  were  to  be  thoroughly  cleaned  by  the  work- 
men. The  campground  on  the  northeast  of  the  plain  was  laid 
out,  and  the  tents  all  pitched  before  breakfast ;  then  at  the 
•sxact  hour  indicated  in  the  order,  the  companies  formed  on 


22  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

the  parade  ground,  and  marched  out  to  the  camp,  with  band 
playing. 

The  cadets  at  West  Point  are  divided  into  four  companies. 
During  the  June  examinations,  the  Plebes,  being  an  addi- 
tional class,  had  been  of  course  stinted  for  space  in  the  bar- 
racks, but  in  camp  there  was  plenty  of  room.  There  were 
eight  rows  of  tents,  two  opening  on  each  street,  company  offi- 
cers in  a  row  at  the  end  of  the  streets  of  their  companies,  com- 
mandant's marquee  opposite  the  centre  of  the  camp,  which  was 
the  same  as  that  of  a  small  battalion  of  infantry.  The  guard 
tents,  six  in  number,  were  at  the  other  end  of  the  streets,  and 
there  were  six  sentries  on  duty  round  the  camp.  Each  walked 
his  beat  two  hours,  being  then  relieved  for  four  hours,  after 
which  he  went  on  again,  his  tour  of  duty  being  six  hours  out 
of  twenty-four,  the  guard  having  three  "  reliefs,"  or  eighteen 
cadets,  besides  a  corporal  to  each  relief,  a  sergeant,  and  an 
officer  of  the  guard. 

During  the  encampment,  the  duties  of  the  cadets  were 
wholly  military.  It  was  a  relief  from  the  long  course  of  hard 
mathematical  studies  which  they  had  pursued  when  in  bar- 
racks, served  to  maintain  their  health,  and  especially  to  accus- 
tom them  to  the  daily  routine  of  soldier's  life.  During  the 
time  the  camp  lasted,  from  the  end  of  June  to  the  end  of 
August,  the  drills  were  constant  and  unintermitting  in  infantry 
evolutions,  with  artillery  drill  for  the  upper  classes.  The  result 
was  a  most  wonderful  perfection  of  mechanical  movement,  from 
which  even  the  newly  joined  Plebes  were  not  exempt,  the 
nearest  approach  to  which  is  to-day  seen  in  the  street  parades 
and  drills,  on  grand  occasions,  of  the  celebrated  New  York 
Seventh  Regiment,  when  put  on  its  mettle.  During  the 
summer  encampment,  the  vicinity  of  West  Point  is  always 
crowded  with  visitors,  and  as  the  members  of  the  upper  classes 
are  allowed  considerable  liberty  at  this  time,  it  becomes  to 
them  a  season  of  comparative  enjoyment. 

At  last  carne  the  close  of  August.     The  barracks  were  await- 


PLEBE  OUSTER.  23 

ing  their  occupants,  and  the  time  of  serious  work  for  the  Fourth 
Class  had  come.  On  the  29th  the  cadets  carried  off  their 
blankets  and  clothing  to  the  rooms  soon  to  be  occupied  for  the 
fall,  leaving  in  camp  only  their  muskets  and  full  dress  uni- 
forms. The  order  for  breaking  camp  had  been  read  on  dress 
parade  the  previous  evening,  and  at  the  fixed  hour  the  drums 
were  heard  beating  "  the  general,"  the  signal  to  pack  up  and 
be  off.  Then  came  one  of  the  most  imposing  sights  in  mili- 
tary life,  and  one  which  always  impresses  the  civilian  spectator 
with  a  certain  feeling  of  desolation  when  it  is  over. 

Before  us  stands  the  populous  little  town,  that  for  two 
months  has  been  the  scene  of  such  picturesque  activity,  with 
all  the  "  pride,  pomp  and  circumstance  of  glorious  war."  The 
cadets  fly  to  their  tents  at  the  beating  of  the  "  general,"  and 
await  three  taps  of  the  drum  amid  breathless  silence.  "  Tap  !  " 
comes  the  first,  and  the  whole  camp  is  alive  in  a  moment,  the 
men  flinging  themselves  on  the  stakes,  which  are  pulled  up, 
leaving  the  tents  supported  only  by  the  four  corners.  Then 
comes  another  breathless  hush,  every  one  waiting.  "  Tap  !  " 
comes  the  second  signal,  and  up  come  the  corner  pegs,  while 
the  canvas  is  swept  into  the  centre,  and  a  man  stands  at  each 
pole,  all  the  tents  still  up,  and  hiding  the  view.  Another 
hush,  and  then  — 


In  a  moment,  ere  the  sound  has  time  to  die  away,  down  goes 
every  tent  with  a  single  clap,  and  the  lately  populous  town  has 
vanished,  leaving  behind  it  nothing  but  a  bare  plain,  while  the 
men,  like  a  swarm  of  bees,  fling  themselves  on  the  prostrate 
tents,  withdraw  the  poles,  and  roll  up  the  canvas  in  long  rolls, 
which  are  piled  in  heaps  for  the  quartermaster's  people  to  take 
away.  Then  comes  the  "  Assembly,"  and  the  companies  take 
their  stacked  arms,  while  the  battalion  is  formed  and  marched 
to  the  barracks. 

Cadet  Custer  had  seen  his  first  camp,  and  it  was  over. 

This  "West  Point  camp  is  one  of  the  very  best  features  of 


24-  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

academic  life.  It  serves  as  a  wholesome  relaxation  to  the 
cadets,  who  are  necessarily  working  at  books  all  the  rest  of  the 
year ;  and  it  tends  to  remind  them  of  what  they  might  other- 
wise easily  forget,  that  they  are  soldiers,  not  school-boys.  The 
influence  of  academic  life  at  other  times,  on  both  oflicers  and 
students,  is  very  injurious  to  breadth  of  mind.  To  the  officers 
it  is  indescribably  narrowing.  They  generally  become,  after  a 
long  residence  at  the  "Point"  more  like  school-masters  than 
soldiers,  fond  of  espionage,  with  sympathies  and  tastes  confined 
to  the  small  circle  of  a  class-room,  as  contracted  in  their  views 
of  life  as  so  many  school-teachers,  besides  being  strongly  inclined 
to  petty  tyranny.  The  camp  comes  to  remind  them  that  there 
is  a  whole  world  outside  of  West  Point,  and  that  the  end  of 
the  academic  course  is  to  make  officers,  riot  pedants. 

To  the  incoming  cadets  it  serves  as  a  good  introduction  to 
what  follows,  and  gives  them  courage  to  attack  their  winter 
studies,  which  commence  as  soon  as  the  encampment  is  over. 
So  it  was  now  with  Cadet  Ouster.  His  work  was  beginning. 


CHAPTER    III. 
CADET      CTJSTEK. 

THE  Fourth  Class,  to  which  Cadet  Custer  belonged,  was 
now  safely  ensconced  in  the  barracks,  and  entering  on  the 
unvarying  routine  of  cadet  life.  What  that  routine  is,  has 
been  pictured  by  more  than  one  old  graduate,  in  that  same 
storehouse  of  information  from  which  we  have  already  quoted, 
and  it  will  serve,  in  addition  to  the  personal  reminiscences  of 
his  classmates,  to  complete  the  picture  of  Cadet  Glister's  life 
at  West  Point. 

Let  us  commence  at  early  dawn,  when  the  faint  grey  light 
first  steals  over  the  heavens.  The  rounded  tops  of  the  encir- 
cling mountains  are  cut  clearly  against  the  bright  sky,  old 
Cro'nest  brooding  protectingly  over  the  little  settlement.  The 
sentry  by  the  gate  looks  northward  over  the  plain,  and  hears 
through  the  silence  the  distant  thunder  of  paddles,  as  the 
Albany  night  boat  comes  sweeping  down  the  river  on  her  way 
to  the  city  below.  There  is  a  gay  twittering  of  birds,  growing 
louder  and  louder,  from  the  woods  that  clothe  the  mountains 
from  base  to  summit.  The  river  in  the  distance  gleams  white 
in  the  dawn,  and  the  lights  of  the  steamer,  not  yet  extinguished, 
glide  slowly  along.  The  edge  of  the  plateau  cuts  the  view,  and 
it  would  hardly  seem  possible  that  the  same  river  sweeps 
almost  beneath  our  feet,  black  and  glistening  in  little  eddies, 
surrounded  by  the  bold  Highlands  that  form  the  bay  at  West 
Point.  Nestled  at  the  foot  of  those  Highlands,  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river,  are  the  white  cottages  of  Cold  Spring,  and  the 
distant  mnrmnr  of  Buttermilk  Falls  can  be  heard  through  the 
stillness.  Now  the  faint  white  light  of  dawn  grows  stronger, 


26  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

and  a  crimson  flush  is  on  the  east,  while  the  little  floating 
clouds  overhead  are  speckled  with  gold  and  rose  color.  Louder 
grows  the  sweet  clamor  of  the  birds  in  the  early  morning, 
and  the  barking  of  dogs  from  the  village  below  announces 
the  increasing  stir  of  life.  Anon  the  crimson  flushes  into 
scarlet,  the  scarlet  flames  into  gold,  and  a  bright  shaft  of  light 
bathes  the  top  of  old  Cro'nest  and  comes  creeping  down  the 
mountain  side. 

Boom  !  !  ! 

A  bright  flash  and  a  volume  of  snow  white  smoke,  as  the 
morning  gun  awakens  the  echoes.  The  smoke  goes  drifting  away 
on  the  breeze  towards  the  water,  and  the  sharp  boom  of  the  gun 
reverberates  from  hill  to  hill  all  round  the  bay,  ending  in  a  dull 
grumble  far  up  the  river.  Simultaneously,  the  long  roll  of  the 
drum-corps,  mingled  with  the  sweet  notes  of  the  fifes,  softened 
by  the  distance  into  a  strain  of  perfect  sweetness,  comes  gaily 
out  on  the  morning  air,  as  the  drummers  beat  the  long  reveille. 

Cadet  Ouster  and  his  room-mate  are  sleeping  the  sound 
sleep  of  the  tired  plebe,  in  their  little  room  in  the  North  Bar- 
rack, when  the  loud  boom  of  the  gun  comes  through  the  open 
window.  Up  they  spring,  for  the  two  months  of  camp  life 
have  already  inured  both  to  the  soldier's  habit  of  coming 
broad  awake  in  a  moment.  No  rubbing  of  eyes,  stretching  or 
yawning.  Outside,  the  reveille  is  beating,  and  the  fifes  are 
piping  sweetly  forth  the  first  tune  of  the  three  that  constitute 
the  morning  call.  Each  tune  lasts  about  two  minutes,  and  at 
the  end  of  six  minutes,  every  cadet  knows  that  the  orderly  ser- 
geant will  be  standing  on  the  company  parade  ground,  boot 
in  hand,  ready  to  call  the  roll.  Into  their  clothes  as  hastily  as 
possible,  little  time  for  toilet  comforts,  and  down  the  barrack 
staircase  scud  Ouster  and  Parker.  As  the  rollicking  notes  of 
the  last  quickstep  are  in  full  progress,  they  dart  to  their  places, 
and  a  moment  later  reveille  ceases.  There  are  the  four  com- 
panies, each  on  its  own  ground,  the  stiff  orderly  sergeant  in 
front,  book  in  hand)  the  cadet  captain  behind  him,  while  tho 


CADET    CUSTER.  27 

officer  of  the  day,  arms  folded,  solemnly  surveys  the  scene  from 
his  distant  post.  The  cadets  are  standing  at  "  parade  rest," 
the  weight  resting  on  the  right  leg,  hands  crossed  in  front. 

Hardly  has  the  last  strain  of  the  fife,  the  final  roll  of  the 
drum  died  away,  when  we  hear  the  sharp  voices  of  the  First  Class 
men,  who  act  as  sergeants,  all  together,  "  Attention,  company  !  " 

In  an  instant  every  cadet  has  stiffened  into  a  statue,  in 
"  position  of  a  soldier,"  eyes  staring  straight  to  the  front,  with 
that  vacant  glare  which  marks  the  modern  soldier  in  ranks. 
Out  come  the  books,  and  each  sergeant  rattles  off  the  names 
of  his  men  in  alphabetical  order,  having  the  list  by  heart. 
He  knows  every  voice  in  his  company,  and  is  as  sharp  as  a 
needle.  Not  a  late  man  can  slink  into  his  place  but  the  ser- 
geant notices  him,  and  checks  a  mark  against  him  in  that  inex- 
orable roll-book.  If  a  head  turns,  or  a  whisper  mars  the  per- 
fect stillness,  the  sergeant  can  pick  out  the  guilty  one  in  a 
moment ;  even  the  shelter  of  the  rear  rank  is  no  protection  for 
the  offender,  for  the  Second  and  Third  Class  sergeants  and 
corporals  are  ready  to  report  him,  in  terror  lest  that  lynx-eyed 
sergeant  should  report  them,  for  neglect  of  duty.  The  roll  call 
is  rattled  off  in  a  minute  and  a  half,  and  the  sergeant  faces 
around,  stiff  as  a  stake,  salutes,  and  says  to  the  captain,  "  Sir, 
all  are  present  or  accounted  for,"  or  "  Sir,  so  many  absent." 
The  young  captain  touches  his  hat,  and  proceeds  forthwith  to  the 
cadet  adjutant,  where  the  same  formality  of  report  takes  place 
for  each  company,  the  adjutant  standing,  book  in  hand,  to 
receive  the  reports.  Finally,  the  adjutant  in  his  turn  proceeds 
to  the  officer  of  the  day,  and  reports  the  result  of  the  whole 
battalion  roll  call  to  that  mighty  official,  whose  place  it  is  to 
report  the  absentees  at  the  end  of  his  tour  of  duty.  The  ser 
geants  then  warn  the  cadets  detailed  for  guard  on  that  day, 
and  ranks  are  broken.  Now  Cadets  Custer  and  Parker  are  to 
be  seen  hastening  to  their  little  barrack  room,  having  time  to 
wash  and  comb,  and  clean  up  their  room.  Reveille,  during 
summer,  is  at  five,  and  by  half  past  five,  every  room  must  be 


28  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

in  perfect  order,  for  the  captain  and  lieutenants  of  each  com- 
pany come  round  for  morning  inspection. 

From  this  time  till  seven  o'clock  the  two  cadets  are  hard  at 
work  at  their  books,  studying  for  the  morning  recitations.  At 
half  past  six  they  can  hear  the  drummers  beating  the  "  sick 
'sail,"  when  all  the  sick,  lame  and  lazy  troop  to  the  surgeon,  to 
be  excused  from  duty  or  dosed  as  the  case  may  be.  Ouster  and 
Parker  are  healthy  young  fellows  and  the  life  of  the  Point 
leaves  little  excuse  for  sickness.  Besides,  both  are  yet  Plebes, 
and  have  not  learned  so  thoroughly  as  they  will  some  day,  how 
to  play  "  old  soldier."  Yery  amusing  stories  are  told  of  the 
efforts  of  older  cadets,  to  appear  terribly  sick  all  of  a  sudden, 
when  the  day's  lessons  promise  to  be  uncommonly  hard.  The 
Academy  surgeon  is  no  exception  to  army  medical  officers  in 
time  of  peace  ;  half  of  his  time  is  wasted  in  detecting  fraudu- 
lent cases  of  sickness,  feigned  to  evade  duty.  One  very  inge- 
nious trick  by  which  a  surgeon  was  completely  deceived,  was 
once  played  by  a  cadet  who  was  out  all  night,  and  whose  pulse 
was  consequently  feverish  and  irregular.  He  put  a  piece  of 
chalk  in  his  mouth  which  he  chewed,  and  when  his  turn  came 
to  go  to  the  doctor,  complained  of  having  a  sunstroke.  The 
pulse  indicated  not  much  the  matter,  and  the  doctor  was  about 
to  put  him  off  with  a  dose,  when  his  forlorn  aspect  induced  the 
functionary  to  ask  to  see  his  tongue.  Its  white  and  furry 
aspect  alarmed  the  doctor,  who  pronounced  it  a  clear  case  of 
high  fever,  and  Cadet  Foxey  was  excused  from  duty. 

These  and  similar  mean  tricks  were  entirely  uncongenial 
to  the  frank  nature  of  Ouster.  His  pranks  at  the  Academy 
were  those  of  a  high-spirited  boy  anxious  to  escape  from  re- 
straint, but  he  was  always  ready  to  take  the  consequences. 
The  sick  call  this  morning  passes  away,  and  he  and  Parker 
are  hard  at  work  on  geometry  and  algebra,  tactics  and  French, 
fortification  and  gunnery,  till  the  welcome  notes  of  "  Peas  upon 
the  Trencher"  echo  through  the  quadrangle,  calling  to  break- 
fast. Now  another  roll  call,  and  the  companies  are  marched  to 


CADET    OUSTER.  28 

the  mess  hall ;  from  thence  till  eight  o'clock  there  is  leisure  te 
study  or  look  around  one  and  watch  guard  mount.  At  eight, 
old  Rentz,  the  Academy  bugler  for  thirty  years,  calls  the  cadets 
to  quarters,  and  now,  for  five  mortal  hours,  the  routine  of 
study  and  recitation  is  unvarying.  Now  another  roll  call. 
The  classes  that  recite  are  marched  to  the  recitation  rooms  by 
the  section  marchers,  and  reported  to  the  Instructor.  The  first 
half  of  the  corps  works  till  half  past  nine,  when  the  second 
half  relieves  them,  while  the  fencing  classes  are  called  up. 

At  one  o'clock  dinner  call  is  beaten  :  and  for  this  and  re- 
creation an  hour  is  allowed.  From  two  till  four  more  reci- 
tations, after  which  afternoon  drill  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  then 
liberty  till  sunset. 

Sunset  is  the  signal  for  dress  parade  of  the  battalion,  when 
there  are  more  roll  calls,  and  retreat  is  beaten  by  the  drum 
corps,  while  the  band  plays,  and  everything  puts  on  its  most 
imposing  and  martial  aspect.  As  the  band  paces  up  and  down 
the  front  of  the  motionless  line  of  cadets,  the  setting  sun  gleam- 
ing on  the  fixed  bayonets,  officers  at  parade  rest,  the  solitary 
figrure  of  the  commandant  standing  with  folded  arms  in  front 

C5  O 

of  the  centre,  the  scene  attracts  multitudes  of  spectators,  and 
the  effect  on  the  imagination  is  romantic  and  warlike  in  the 
highest  degree.  The  band  wheels  into  its  place,  the  gorgeous 
drum  major  flings  up  his  staff,  and  as  the  melancholy  notes  of 
"retreat  "  echo  on  the  evening  air  they  are  interrupted  by  the 
sudden  boom  of  the  evening  gun.  Down  comes  the  great 
standard,  fluttering  on  its  way  from  the  summit  of  the  lofty 
flagstaff.  As  the  last  roll  of  "retreat"  ceases,  the  line  springs 
into  sudden  life  at  the  sharp  voice  of  the  adjutant,  and  the 
brief  formality  of  dress  parade  proceeds  on  its  way.  A  few 
moments  later,  the  companies  are  marching  away  to  the  sweet 
strains  of  the  famous  "West  Point  band,  and  the  day's  work  ia 
over.  ]S~ow  comes  supper  and  half  an  hour's  time  for  recrea- 
tion, when  the  bugle  is  heard  once  more,  calling  "  to  quarters  ; " 
Every  cadet  must  be  in  his  room  and  studying,  or  at  least 


SO  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

quiet,  and  orderly,  till  tattoo  at  half  past  nine,  when  the  beds 
are  spread. 

At  ten  o'clock  the  quadrangle  is  nearly  silent,  the  subdued 
murmur  of  conversation  dying  away,  the  light  in  the  different 
rooms  twinkling  like  stars. 

Tap! 

A  couple  of  drummers  proceed  slowly  along  round  the  bar- 
racks, and  at  every  hundred  steps  or  so,  each  gives  a  single  tap. 
As  if  by  magic,  the  twinkling  lights  disappear,  and  the  Acad- 
emy is  silent  as  the  grave,  buried  in  sleep. 

The  duties  of  the  guards  during  barrack  time  are  much  less 
onerous  than  when  in  camp.  They  walk  post  only  at  meal 
times,  during  drills,  at  dress  parade,  and  during  evening  study 
hours.  Each  sentinel  is  responsible  for  the  rooms  on  his  post, 
which  he  is  required  to  inspect.  He  must  report  all  absentees, 
as  well  as  suppress  all  noise  and  disturbances.  Of  course  this 
part  of  his  duty  is  the  most  onerous  and  delicate  he  can  have 
during  the  day,  as  the  strict  restraints  of  discipline,  irksome  at 
any  time  to  young  men,  are  doubly  so  when  night  and  dark- 
ness give  them  an  opportunity  to  escape  surveillance.  This  is 
the  time  when  cadets  fall  into  most  of  their  scrapes,  by  getting 
out  of  quarters-,  either  during  study  hours,  or  more  commonly 
after  taps.  In  the  case  of  Cadets  Ouster  and  Parker,  these 
escapades  and  frolics  were  born  of  that  irrepressible  spirit  of 
fun  so  common  in  the  West,  for  Parker  was  a  Missourian. 
There  seems  to  be  something  peculiarly  enticing  to  a  high- 
epirited  cadet  in  the  idea  of  getting  out  of  bounds,  and  when  to 
that  is  added  the  attractions  of  "  Benny  Havens,"  the  tempta- 
tions to  the  bold  spirits  were  much  greater  than  the  cadets 
could  resist. 

Benny  Havens  has  been  for  many  years  a  famous  character 
at  the  Point.  Long  before  the  Mexican  War  he  was  estab- 
lished within  the  lines,  and  under  the  guise  of  an  honest  seller 
of  coffee  and  cakes,  was  wont  to  administer  surreptitious  egg- 
flip,  when  no  officers  were  round,  to  the  thirsty  cadets.  Ex- 


CADET    OUSTER.  31 

polled  for  this  cause,  he  established  himself  about  a  mile  from 
the  Point,  in  a  little  cabin  under  a  cliff,  which  has  ever  since 
been  the  rendezvous  of  innumerable  pilgrims  from  the  barracks. 
The  attractions  of  Benny  Havens'  cabin  did  not  seem,  then  nor 
now,  to  lie  so  much  in  the  fact  of  his  selling  liquor.  In  the  case 
of  young  Ouster,  who  very  seldom,  except  as  hereinafter  re- 
ferred to,  used  spirits  or  tobacco,  this  could  have  been  no  temp- 
tation. But  Benny  has  been  so  long  at  the  Point,  and  seen  so 
many  generations  of  cadets,  that  he  has  become  a  perfect  store- 
house of  interesting  legends,  and  these  constitute  the  charm 
which  draws  so  many  to  his  little  cabin  from  far  away. 

Grey-headed  general  officers,  distinguished  in  active  service, 
come  to-day  to  the  Point,  to  revisit  the  scenes  of  their  youth, 
and  always  pay  a  visit  to  Benny,  and  the  old  man  knows  them 
all,  and  can  tell  stories  of  the  days  when  they  were  cadets.  No 
wonder  the  cadets  of  all  time  have  been  fond  of  slipping  out  of 
quarters  after  taps,  to  visit  Benny,  to  sit  around  his  fire,  to  lis- 
ten to  stories  of  the  day  when  Grant,  Sherman,  and  Thomas 
were  wild  boys  at  the  Point,  to  dream  as  they  listen  of  the  days 
when  they  perhaps  may  rival  the  fame  of  those  great  leaders. 
Meantime,  they  eat  Benny's  buckwheat  cakes,  for  which  he  is 
famous,  and  drink  his  old  wine,  while  at  intervals  they  join  in  the 
time-honored  song  of  "  Benny  Havens,  oh  ! "  This  is  one  of 
the  regular  institutions  at  Benny's.  The  song  was  written  by 
Lieutenant  O'Brien,  of  the  8th  Infantry,  assisted  by  others, 
many  years  ago,  and  set  to  the  tune  of  "  "Wearing  of  the  Green." 
When  O'Brien  afterward  died  in  Florida,  stanzas  were  added  to 
commemorate  his  death.  A  very  few  verses  will  give  an  idea 
of  the  song,  which  is  quite  long.  Imagine  a  group  of  young 
cadets,  who  have  stolen  away  after  taps,  gathered  in  Benny'i 
little  parlor,  awaiting  the  coming  of  the  celebrated  buckwheats. 
One  stands  up  and  cries: 

"  Come,  fellows,  fill  your  glasses  and — 

(All  join  in.) 
Stand  up  in  a  row. 

For  sentimental  drinking,  we're  going  for  to  go, 


GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

In  the  army  there's  sobriety,  promotion's  very  slow, 

So  we'll  cheer  our  hearts  with  choruses  at  Benny  Havens,  oh  ' 

Benny  Havens, oh  !  ohl  Benny  Havens,  oh! 

We'll  sing  our  reminiscences  of  Benny  Havens,  oh  !  " 

Then  the  song  proceeds  to  describe  the  features  of  army  life 
in  various  verses,  till  the  chief  breaks  out  rapturously : — 

"  To  the  ladies  of  our  army,  our  cups  shall  ever  flow, 
Companions  of  our  exile,  and  our  shield  against  all  woe, 
May  they  see  their  husbands  generals,  with  double  pay  also, 
And  join  us  in  our  choruses  at  Benny  Havens,  oh  ! 

Benny  Havens,  oh  1  etc. 

May  the  army  be  augmented,  promotion  be  less  slow, 
May  our  country  in  her  hour  of  need,  be  ready  for  the  foe, 
May  we  find  a  soldier's  resting  place  beneath  a  soldier's  blow, 
With  space  enough  beside  our  graves  for  Benny  Havens,  oh  I 

Benny  Havens,  oh  !  etc." 

Tear  by  year,  as  new  generations  of  cadets  have  passed 
through  the  Academy,  and  former  graduates  attain  fame,  their 
names  are  embalmed  in  successive  verses.  In  Ouster's  day  the 
only  heroes  were  Taylor  and  Scott,  for  the  regular  army,  that 
within  a  few  years  was  to  produce  so  many  distinguished 
names,  was  then  sunk  in  the  rust  of  peace,  with  little  chance  of 
distinction  before  it.  It  seems  to  us  now,  looking  back  at  that 
indefinite  period  "  before  the  war,"  as  if  a  whole  century  had 
passed  since  then.  The  state  of  the  army,  its  names  and  tradi- 
tions, its  very  dress  and  appearance,  are  so  different  now,  that 
in  a  few  years  all  memory  of  that  old  army  will  have  faded. 

Quietly  glided  away  the  days  and  nights  at  West  Point,  in 
the  monotonous  round  of  duties  that  came  to  Cadet  Ouster  and 
his  room-mate,  while  in  the  fourth  class;  and  the  dreaded 
January  examination  came,  when,  if  not  successful,  the  Flebe 
would  be  "found  deficient,"  and  sent  back  to  civil  life.  It  was 
safely  passed,  however,  and  the  spring  wore  on,  bringing  nearer 
and  nearer  the  memorable  June  day  that  opened  to  Cadet  Cus- 


CADET    OUSTER.  33 

ter  "  third  class  encampment,"  when  he  ceased  to  be  a  Plebe, 
and  became  at  one  bound  an  "  old  cadet,"  no  longer  on  proba- 
tion, but  only  liable  to  be  put  back  a  class  if  he  failed  in 
studies. 

Now  came  the  real  pleasures  of  camp,  when  visitors  were 
present  in  crowds,  when  the  evening  balls  were  crowded  with 
cadets  on  leave,  when  the  new  Plebes  were  to  be  drilled,  and 
the  old  torments  inflicted  on  a  new  generation.  To  join  in 
these,  young  Ouster  was  too  good-natured  and  jovial,  but  at 
the  balls  he  was  in  his-  element.  His  remarkably  handsome 
face  and  figure  were  wonderfully  effective  among  the  ladies,  as 
they  continued  to  be  all  his  life,  and  attracted  no  little  of  the 
envy  of  his  brother  cadets.  In  those  days,  before  the  heavy 
blonde  moustache  had  come  to  lend  an  air  of  sternness  to  his 
features,  his  bright  locks  gave  him  a  girlish  appearance,  which, 
coupled  with  the  remarkable  fact  of  his  strictly  temperate 
habits,  procured  him  the  nick-name  of  "  Fanny."  Boys  always 
have  good  names  for  each  other,  indicative  of  character  or  per- 
sonal appearance,  and  the  name  li  Fanny  "  stuck  to  Ouster 
through  his  academic  life  and  long  after,  when  he  met  his  for- 
mer classmates  as  enemies  in  the  field.  "  That's  just  like 
Fanny,"  said  one  of  them,  when  he  received  a  note  from  Ouster, 
left  at  a  farm  house,  informing  him  politely  that  he  had  just 
whipped  such  an  one  (a  former  classmate)  handsomely,  and  was 
coming  next  day  to  repeat  the  operation  on  the  recipient  of  the 
letter. 

Camp  wore  its  way  out,  and  the  Third  Class  went  into  bar- 
racks once  again  for  the  same  routine,  the  studies  being  ad 
vanced  and  much  more  severe  than  before,  the  principal  recre- 
ation being  mounted  drill  in  the  riding  hall.  Here  it  was  that 
Cadet  Ouster  developed  that  perfection  in  horsemanship  which 
distinguished  him  afterward,  with  the  more  ease  as  every 
Western  boy  knows  something  of  riding  early  in  life.  To 
those  who  do  not,  the  riding  school  of  West  Point  is  a  hard 
one,  but  very  effective.  The  Third  Class  men  take  up  riding 
3 


34:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

iii  November,  and  are  exercised  by  platoons  of  about  twenty  at 
a  time,  the  same  old  troop  horses  being  used  from  year  to  year, 
in  the  ridinsr  hall.  The  floor  is  strewn  with  tanbark  several 

o 

inches  in  depth,  so  that  there  is  no  danger  to  life  or  limb  in  a 
fall  and  the  animals  are  caparisoned  in  full  army  rig  at  the 
close  of  the  course.  Usually  the  class  commences  on  blankets 
alone,  without  stirrups,  and  when  this  is  the  case  the  lesson  is 
comparatively  easy  ;  but  sometimes  the  riding  master  orders  on 
saddles,  and  gives  the  command  to  the  cadets  "  Cross-Stirrups !  " 
Those  who  have  ever  tried  to  ride  in  a  large  McClellan  saddle 
without  stirrups,  on  a  hard  trotting  horse,  can  imagine  the  tor- 
ments of  the  poor  boys  on  strange  animals.  In  the  army  a 
man  gets  used  to  his  own  steed  and  inured  to  his  paces,  but 
where  rider  and  horse  are  frequently  changed,  as  at  West 
Point,  it  is  a  very  different  thing.  The  constant  alterations 
spoil  the  horses'  tempers,  and  most  of  them  get  to  be  hard- 
mouthed,  unruly  brutes,  full  of  bad  tricks,  and  always  on  the 
watch  for  a  chance  to  unseat  a  rider. 

Put  a  lot  of  green  riders  on  such  animals,  and  make  them 
cross  stirrups,  then  let  the  platoon  start  at  a  walk,  and  all  ia 
well,  but  when  the  command  is  given  "  Trot — March  !  "  what 
a  joltir»g  and  pounding  ensues,  the  unlucky  cadets  trying  to 
hold  on  with  knees  and  thighs  to  a  saddle  flap  that  seems  aa 
slippery  as  glass  !  And  yet  two-thirds  of  the  practice  in  the 
riding  hall  is  done  at  the  same  trot,  and  the  unfeeling  riding 
master  sits  on  his  horse  in  the  centre,  cool  as  a  cucumber. 
His  stirrups  are  not  crossed,  you  may  be  sure,  or  he  could  not 
Bmile  so  sweetly  over  the  miseries  of  the  poor  pupils,  bumping 
about.  One  of  the  late  cadets— a  young  fellow,  too,  promoted 
from  the  ranks  of  the  army  during  the  war,  and  who  had  served 
in  battle  with  the  volunteer  cavalry  before  he  came  to  West 
Point,  says:  "It  is  one  of  the  most  cruel  things  that  can  be 
thought  of,  to  be  obliged  to  ride  without  stirrups  for  the  first 
time  on  such  perfect  devils  as  some  of  these  horses  are.  There 
were  upwards  of  thirty  in  my  class  who  were  thrown,  though 


CADET    CUSTER.  35 

only  three  or  four  of  them  were  injured — none  severely.  One 
had  his  foot  stepped  on  in  a  playful  manner  by  one  of  the  incar- 
nate fiends,  mashing  his  big  toe  to  a  jelly  ;  but  that  was  not  of 
much  consequence,  as  it  has  now  recovered.  Many  were 
severely  bruised,  but  in  ninety-nine  cases  out  of  a  hundred  it 
'M-  impossible  for  a  cadet  to  be  hurt  badly  by  being  thrown  in 
the  riding  hall.  The  only  way  is  to  ride  right  through  and 
take  the  pounding  and  bruises,  and  get  used  to  it.  The 
remedy  is  a  rough  one,  but  the  only  one  effectual." 

Through  all  the  troubles  of  the  riding  hall  passed  Cadet 
Ouster,  as  blithe  and  debonair  as  ever.  His  length  of  limb 
gave  him  great  advantage,  his  rough  Western  life  still  more. 
A  tall  wiry  built  man  has  greater  ease  in  riding  than  a  shorter 
aspirant ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  "  Fanny  "  was  known  as 
one  of  the  best  riders  at  the  Point,  emulating  the  fame  that 
belonged  in  by-gone  times  to  Cadet  Grant,  whose  famous  leap 
on  "  Old  York  "  is  traditional  to  this  day. 

The  winter  passed  away  and  another  spring,  and  then  the 
airs  of  June  were  felt  once  more,  blowing  over  "  Second  Class 
Camp  "  and — blessed  news — furlough  to  see  home  for  the  first 
time  in  two  years. 

Furlough  lasts  till  the  Second  Class  goes  to  work  again,  in 
barracks,  and  there  is  no  need  to  say  how  it  was  enjoyed  by  Cadet 
Ouster  at  his  home,  nor  how  many  of  his  buttons  he  exchanged 
for  locks  of  hair  and  vows  of  affection.  In  this  he  was  not  pecu- 
liar. All  cadets  have  done  it  from  time  immemorial,  and  Cadet 

• 

Ouster,  nearly  twenty,  handsome  as  Apollo,  was  by  no  means 
behind  the  fashion.  How  he  enjoyed  his  furlough,  how  ho 
hated  to  go  back,  how  his  work  during  the  winter  seemed  duller 
and  harder  than  ever,  all  these  things  are  understood.  The 
daily  routine  of  his  further  life  was  a  repetition  of  the  past. 
But  the  time  was  coming,  as  Ouster  approached  First  Class 
and  graduation,  when  a  change  passed  over  the  spirit  of  West 
Point,  such  as  it  had  never  seen  before  and  is  never  likely  to 
see  again.  Tin's  it  was  which  rendered  the  experiences  of 


36  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

Coster's  classmates  unique  in  the  annals  of  the  Academy,  and 
from  henceforth  it  is  fitting  that  Ouster  himself  should  take  up 
the  story,  as  he  has  done  in  the  opening  chapters  of  his  War 
Memoirs,  wherein  he  rapidly  summarizes  his  Academic  career, 
in  the  following  fashion  : 

The  first  official  notification  received  by  me  of  my  appoint- 
ment to  the  Military  Academy  bore  the  signature  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  then  Secretary  of  War  in  the  cabinet  of  President 
James  Buchanan.  Colonel  Richard  Delafield,  one  of  the  ablest 
and  most  accomplished  officers  of  the  Engineer  Corps,  occupied 
the  position  of  superintendent  of  the  Academy,  and  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  William  J.  Hardee,  of  the  cavalry,  afterward  lieuten- 
ant-general in  the  Confederate  army,  was  the  commandant  of 
the  Corps  of  Cadets. 

Among  the  noticeable  feature  of  cadet  life  as  then  impressed 
upon  me,  and  still  present  in  my  memory,  were  the  sectional 
lines  voluntarily  established  by  the  cadets  themselves ;  at  first 
barely  distinguishable,  but  in  the  later  years  immediately  pre- 
ceding the  war  as  clearly  defined  and  strongly  dra\vn  as  were 
the  lines  separating  the  extremes  of  the  various  sections  in  the 
national  Congress.  Nor  was  this  fact  a  strange  or  remarkable* 
one.  As  each  Congressional  district  and  territory  of  the  United 
States  had  a  representative  in  Congress,  so  each  had  its  repre- 
sentatives at  the  Military  Academy. 

In  looking  back  over  the  few  months  and  years  passed  at 
West  Point  immediately  preceding  the  war,  some  strange  inci- 
dents recur  to  my  mind.  When  the  various  State  conventions 
were  called  by  the  different  States  of  the  South  with  a  view  to  the 
adoption  of  the  ordinance  of  secession,  it  became  only  a  question 
of  time  as  to  the  attempted  withdrawal  of  the  seceding  States. 
And  while  there  were  those  representing  both  sections  in  Con- 
gress who  professed  to  believe  that  war  would  not  necessarily 
or  probably  follow,  this  opinion  was  not  shared  in  even  by  per- 
sons as  young  and  inexperienced  as  the  cadets.  War  was 
anticipated  by  them  at  that  time,  and  discussed  and  looked  for- 


CADET    OUSTER.  37 

ward  to  as  an  event  of  the  future,  with  as  much  certainty  as  if 
speaking  of  an  approaching  season.  The  cadets  from  the  South 
were  in  constant  receipt  of  letters  from  their  friends  at  home, 
keeping  them  fully  advised  of  the  real  situation  and  promising 
them  suitable  positions  in  the  military  force  yet  to  be  organized 
to  defend  the  ordinance  of  secession.  All  this  was  a  topic  of 
daily  if  not  hourly  conversation.  Particularly  was  this  true 
\vhen  we  assembled  together  at  meal-time,  when,  grouped  in 
squads  of  half-a-dozen  or  more,  each  usually  found  himself  in 
the  midst  of  his  personal  friends. 

1  remember  a  conversation  held  at  the  table  at  which  I 
sat  during  the  winter  of  '60-'61.  I  was  seated  next  to  Cadet 
P.  M.  B.  Young,  a  gallant  young  fellow  from  Georgia,  a  class- 
mate of  mine,  then  and  since  the  war  an  intimate  and  valued 
friend — a  major-general  in  the  Confederate  forces  during  the 
war  and  a  member  of  Congress  from  his  native  State  at  a  later 
date.  The  approaching  war  was  as  usual  the  subject  of  conver- 
sation in  which  all  participated,  and  in  the  freest  and  most 
friendly  manner;  the  lads  from  the  North  discoursing  earnestly 
upon  the  power  and  rectitude  of  the  National  Government,  the 
impulsive  Southron  holding  up  pictures  of  invaded  rights  and 
future  independence.  Finally,  in  a  half  jocular,  half  earnest 
manner,  Young  turned  to  me  and  delivered  himself  as  follows: 
"  Custer,  my  boy,  we're  going  to  have  war.  It's  no  use  talking ; 
I  see  it  coming.  All  the  Crittenden  compromises  that  can  be 
patched  up  won't  avert  it.  Now  let  me  prophesy  what  will 
happen  to  you  and  me.  You  will  go  home,  and  your  abolition 
Governor  will  probably  make  you  colonel  of  a  cavalry  regiment. 
I  will  go  down  to  Georgia,  and  ask  Governor  Brown  to  give  me 
a  cavalry  regiment.  And  who  knows  but  we  may  move  against 
each  other  during  the  war.  You  will  probably  get  the  advan- 
tage of  us  in  the  first  few  engagements,  as  your  side  will  be  rich 
and  powerful,  while  we  will  be  poor  and  weak.  Your  regi- 
ment will  be  armed  with  the  best  of  weapons,  the  sharpest  of 
sabres;  mine  will  have  only  shot-guns  and  scythe  blades;  but 


GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

for  all  that  we'll  get  the  best  of  the  fight  in  the  end,  because 
we  will  fight  for  a  principle,  a  cause,  while  you  will  fight  only 
to  perpetuate  the  abuse  of  power."  Lightly  as  we  both  regarded 
this  boyish  prediction,  it  was  destined  to  be  fulfilled  in  a 
remarkable  degree.  Early  in  the  war  I  did  apply,  not  to  the 
abolition  Governor  of  my  native  State,  but  to  that  of  Michigan 
for  a  cavalry  regiment.  I  was  refused,  but  afterward  obtained 
the  regiment  I  desired  as  a  part  of  my  command.  Toung  was 
chosen  to  lead  one  of  the  Georgia  cavalry  regiments.  Both  of 
us  rose  to  higher  commands,  and  confronted  each  other  on  the 
battle-field. 

On  December  20,  1860,  South  Carolina  formally  led  the 
way  by  adopting  the  ordinance  of  secession ;  an  example  which 
was  followed  within  the  next  few  weeks  by  Mississippi,  Alabama, 
Florida,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  in  the  order  named. 
As  soon  as  it  became  evident  that  these  States  were  determined 
to  attempt  secession,  the  cadets  appointed  therefrom,  imitating 
the  action  of  their  Senators  and  representatives  in  Congress,  and 
influenced  by  the  appeals  of  friends  at  home,  tendered  their 
resignations,  eager  to  return  to  their  homes  and  take  part  in  the 
organization  of  the  volunteer  forces  which  the  increasing  diffi- 
culties and  dangers  of  the  situation  rendered  necessary.  Besides, 
as  the  Confederate  Congress  was  called  to  meet  for  the  first  time 
at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  February  6,  1861,  and  would  un- 
doubtedly authorize  the  appointment  of  a  large  number  of 
officers  in  the  formation  of  the  Confederate  armies,  it  was  im- 
portant that  applicants  for  positions  of  this  kind  should  be  on 
the  ground  to  properly  present  their  claims. 

One  by  one  the  places  occupied  by  the  cadets  from  the  se- 
ceding States  became  vacant ;  it  cost  many  a  bitter  pang  to 
disrupt  the  intimate  relations  existing  between  the  hot-blooded 
Southron  and  his  more  phlegmatic  schoolmate  from  the  North. 
No  school-girls  could  have  been  more  demonstrative  in  their 
affectionate  regard  for  each  other  than  were  some  of  the  cadets 
about  to  separate  for  the  last  time,  and  under  circumstances 


CADET    OUSTER.  39 

which  made  it  painful  to  contemplate  a  future  coming  together. 
Those  leaving  for  the  South  were  impatient,  enthusiastic,  and 
hopeful.  Visions  filled  their  minds  of  a  grand  and  glorious 
Confederacy,  glittering  with  the  pomp  and  pageantry  which 
usually  characterizes  imperial  power,  and  supported  and  sur- 
rounded by  a  mighty  army,  the  officers  of  which  would  constitute 
a  special  aristocracy. 

Their  comrades  from  the  North,  whom  they  were  leaving 
behind,  were  reserved  almost  to  sullenness ;  were  grave  almost 
to  stoicism.  The  representatives  of  the  two  sections  had  each 
resolved  upon  their  course  of  action  ;  and  each  in  a  manner 
characteristic  of  their  widely  different  temperaments,  as  different 
as  the  latitudes  from  which  they  hailed.  Among  the  first  of 
the  cadets  to  leave  West  Point  and  hasten  to  enroll  themselves 
under  the  banner  of  the  seceding  States,  were  two  of  my  class- 
mates, Kelley  and  Ball,  of  Alabama.  Kelley  became  prominent 
in  the  war,  and  was  killed  in  battle.  Ball  also  attained  a  high 
rank,  and  is  now  a  prominent  official  in  one  of  the  most  exten- 
sive business  enterprises  in  tins  country.  They  took  their 
departure  from  the  Academy  on  Saturday.  I  remember  the 
date  the  more  readily  as  I  was  engaged  in — to  adopt  the  cadet 
term — "  walking  an  extra,"  which  consisted  in  performing 
the  tiresome  duties  of  a  sentinel  during  the  unemployed  hours 
of  Saturday,  hours  usually  given  to  recreation.  On  this  occa- 
sion I  was  pacing  back  and  forth  on  my  post,  which  for  the 
time  being  extended  along  the  path  leading  from  the  cadets' 
chapel  toward  the  academic  building,  when  I  saw  a  party  of 
from  fifteen  to  twenty  cadets  emerge  from  the  open  space  be- 
tween the  mess  hall  and  the  academic  building,  and  direct  their 
steps  toward  the  steamboat  landing  below.  That  which  partic- 
ularly attracted  my  attention  was  the  bearing  aloft  upon  the 
shoulders  of  their  comrades  of  my  two  classmates  Ball  and 
Kelley,  as  they  were  being  carried  in  triumph  from  the  doors 
of  the  Academy  to  the  steamboat  landing.  Too  far  off  to  ex- 
change verbal  adieus,  even  if  military  discipline  had  permitted 


40  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

it,  they  caught  sight  of  me  as,  step  by  step,  I  reluctantly  paid 
the  penalty  of  offended  regulations,  and  raised  their  hats  in 
token  of  farewell,  to  which,  first  casting  my  eyes  about  to  see 
that  no  watchful  superior  was  in  view,  I  responded  by  bringing 
my  musket  to  a  "  present." 

The  comrades  who  escorted  them  were  Southerners  like 
hemselves,  and  only  awaiting  the  formal  action  of  their  respect- 
ive States  on  the  adoption  of  the  secession  ordinance  to  follow 
their  example.  It  was  but  a  few  weeks  until  there  was  scarcely 
a  cadet  remaining  at  the  Academy  from  the  Southern  States. 
Many  resigned  from  the  border  States  without  waiting  to  see 
whether  their  State  would  follow  in  the  attempt  at  secession  or 
not ;  some  resigned  who  had  been  appointed  from  States  which 
never  voted  to  leave  the  Union  ;  while  an  insignificant  few,  who 
had  resolved  to  join  the  Confederate  forces,  but  desired  to 
obtain  their  diplomas  from  the  academic  faculty,  remained  until 
the  date  of  their  graduation.  Some  remained  until  the  declara- 
tion and  commencement  of  hostilities ;  then,  allowing  the 
government  to  transport  them  to  Washington,  tendered  their 
resignations,  and  were  dismissed  for  doing  so  in  the  face  of  the 
enemy.  Happily  the  number  that  pursued  this  questionable 
course  did  not  exceed  half  a  dozen. 

At  no  point  in  the  loyal  States  were  the  exciting  events  of 
the  spring  of  1SG1  watched  with  more  intense  interest  than  at 
West  Point.  And  after  the  departure  of  the  Southern  cadets, 
the  hearts  of  the  people  of  no  community,  State,  town,  or  vil- 
lage, beat  with  more  patriotic  impulse  than  did  those  of  the 
young  cadets  at  West  Point.  Casting  aside  all  questions  of 
personal'ambition  or  promotion;  realizing  only  that  the  gov- 
ernment which  they  had  sworn  to  defend,  the  principles  they 
had  been  taught  from  childhood,  were  in  danger,  and  threatened 
by  armed  enemies,  they  would  gladly  have  marched  to  battle  as 
private  soldiers,  rather  than  remain  idle  spectators  in  the  great 
conflict. 

As  the  time  for  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln  approached, 


CADET  CUSTER.  4:1 

rumors  prevailed,  and  obtained  wide  belief,  to  the  effect  that  a 
plot  was  on  foot  by  which  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
to  be  made  the  occasion  on  the  part  of  the  enemies  of  the  gov- 
ernment, of  whom  great  numbers  were  known  to  be  in  Wash- 
ington, for  seizing  or  making  away  with  the  executive  officers 
of  the  nation,  and  taking  possession  of  the  people's  capital. 
Whether  or  not  such  a  scheme  was  ever  seriously  contemplated, 
it  was  deemed  prudent  to  provide  against  it.  The  available 
military  resources  of  the  government  amounted  to  but  little  at 
that  period.  Lieutenant-General  Scott,  then  Cornmander-in- 
Chief  of  the  army,  issued  orders  for  the  assembling  at  Washing- 
ton of  as  large  a  military  force  as  circumstances  would  permit. 
Under  this  order  it  became  necessary  to  make  a  demand  upon 
the  regular  military  forces  then  employed  at  West  Point.  A 
battery  of  artillery  was  hastily  organized  from  the  war  material 
kept  at  the  Academy  for  the  purpose  of  instruction  to  the 
cadets.  The  horses  were  supplied  by  taking  those  used  by 
the  cadets  in  their  cavalry  and  artillery  drills.  The  force  thus 
organized  hastened  to  Washington,  where,  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Griffin — afterward  Major-General  Griffin — it  took 
part  in  the  inaugural  ceremonies.  Then  followed  the  firing  upon 
Sumter,  the  intelligence  of  which  waked  the  slumbering  echoes 
of  loyalty  and  patriotism  in  every  home  and  hamlet  throughout 
the  ]STorth. 

It  is  doubtful  if  the  people  of  the  North  were  ever,  or  will 
ever  be  again,  so  united  in  thought  and  impulse  as  when  the 
attack  on  Sumter  was  flashed  upon  them.  Opponents  in  politics 
became  friends  in  patriotism  ;  all  differences  of  opinion  vanished 
or  were  laid  aside,  and  a  single  purpose  filled  and  animated  the 
breast  of  the  people  as  of  one  man — a  purpose  unflinching  and 
unrestrained — to  rush  to  the  rescue  of  the  government,  to  beat 
down  its  opposers,  come  from  whence  they  may.  In  addition 
to  sharing  the  common  interest  and  anxiety  of  the  public  in  the 
attack  upon  Sumter,  the  cadets  felt  a  special  concern,  from  the 
fact  that  among  the  little  band  of  officers  shut  up  in  that  fort 


42  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

ress  were  two,  Lieutenants  Snyder  and  Hall,  who  had  been 
our  comrades  as  cadets  only  a  few  months  before. 

As  already  stated,  the  time  of  study  and  instruction  at 
"West  Point  at  that  period  was  five  years,  in  the  determination 
and  fixing  of  which  no  one  had  exercised  greater  influence  than 
Jefferson  Davis — first  as  Secretary  of  "War,  afterward  as  Uni 
ted  States  Senator,  and  member  of  a  special  congressional  com 
mittee  to  consider  the  question  as  to  whether  the  course  should 
extend  to  five  years  or  only  include  four. 

In  the  general  demand  in  1861,  not  only  from  the  National 
Government,  but  from  States,  for  competent  and  educated  offi- 
cers to  instruct  and  command  the  new  levies  of  troops  then 
being  raised,  in  response  to  the  call  of  the  President,  to  oppose 
the  rebellion,  it  was  decided  by  the  authorities  at  Washington 
to  abandon  the  five  years'  course  of  instruction  at  the  Military 
Academy,  and  re-establish  that  of  four  years.  The  effect  of 
this  was  to  give  to  the  service  in  that  year,  two  classes  of  grad- 
uates for  officers,  instead  of  but  one.  By  this  change  the  class  of 
which  I  was  a  member  graduated,  under  the  four  years'  system, 
in  June,  while  the  preceding  class  was  graduated,  under  the  five 
years'  rule,  only  a  couple  of  months  in  advance  of  us.  The 
members  of  both  classes,  with  but  few  exceptions,  were  at  once 
ordered  to  "Washington,  where  they  were  employed  either  in  drill- 
ing raw  volunteers,  or  serving  on  the  staffs  of  general  officers, 
engaged  in  organizing  the  new  regiments  into  brigades  and  di- 
visions. I  was  one  of  the  exceptions  referred  to,  and  the  causes 
which  led  me  in  a  different  direction  may  be  worthy  of  mention. 

My  career  as  a  cadet  had  but  little  to  commend  it  to  tht 
study  of  those  who  came  after  me,  unless  as  an  example  to 
be  carefully  avoided.  The  requirements  of  the  academic  regu- 
lations, a  copy  of  which  was  placed  in  my  hand  the  morning  of 
my  arrival  at  West  Point,  were  not  observed  by  me  in  suck 
manner  as  at  all  times  to  commend  me  to  the  approval  and 
good  opinions  of  my  instructors  and  superior  officers.  My 
offences  against  law  and  order  were  not  great  in  enormity,  but 


CADET    CUSTER.  43 

what  they  lacked  in  magnitude  they  made  up  in  number.  The 
forbidden  locality  of  Benny  Havens  possessed  stronger  attrac- 
tions than  the  study  and  demonstration  of  a  problem  in  Euclid, 
or  the  prosy  discussion  of  some  abstract  proposition  of  moral 
science.  My  class  numbered,  upon  entering  the  Academy,  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five.  Of  this  number,  only  thirty-four 
graduated,  and  of  these  thirty-three  graduated  above  me.  The 
resignation  and  departure  of  the  Southern  cadets  took  away 
from  the  Academy  a  few  individuals  who,  had  they  remained, 
would  probably  have  contested  with  me  the  debatable  honor  of 
bringing  up  the  rear  of  the  class. 

We  had  passed  our  last  examination  as  cadets,  had  exchanged 
barrack  for  camp  life,  and  were  awaiting  the  receipt  of  orders 
from  Washington  assigning  us  to  the  particular  branches  of  the 
service  for  which  we  had  been  individually  recommended  by 
the  academic  faculty.  The  month  of  June  had  come,  and  we 
were  full  of  impatience  to  hasten  to  the  capital  and  join  the 
forces  preparing  for  the  coming  campaign.  It  is  customanr,  or 
was  then,  to  allow  each  cadet,  prior  to  his  graduation,  to  perform 
at  least  one  tour  of  duty  as  an  officer  of  the  guard,  instead  of 
the  ordinary  duties  of  a  private  soldier  on  guard.  I  had  not  only 
had  the  usual  experience  in  the  latter  capacity,  extending  over 
a  period  of  four  years,  but  in  addition  had  been  compelled,  as 
punishment  for  violations  of  the  academic  regulations,  to  per- 
form extra  tours  of  guard  duty  on  Saturdays — times  which 
otherwise  I  should  have  been  allowed  for  pleasure  and  recrea- 
tion. If  my  memory  serves  me  right,  I  devoted  sixty-six  Satur- 
days to  this  method  of  vindicating  outraged  military  law,  du- 
ring my  cadetship  of  four  years.  It  so  happened  that  it  fell  to 
my  detail  to  perform  the  duties  of  officer  of  the  guard  in  camp, 
at  a  time  when  the  arrival  of  the  order  from  Washington,  offi- 
cially transforming  us  from  cadets  to  officers,  was  daily  expected. 
I  began  my  tour  at  the  usual  hour  in  the  morning,  and  eveiy- 
thing  passed  off  satisfactorily  in  connection  with  the  discharge 
of  my  new  responsibilities,  until,  just  at  dusk,  I  heard  a  commo- 


4:4:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  OUSTER. 

tion  near  the  guard  tents.  Upon  hastening  to  the  scene  of  the 
disturbance,  which  by  the  way  was  at  a  considerable  distance 
from  the  main  camp,  I  found  two  cadets  engaged  in  a  personal 
dispute  which  threatened  to  result  in  blows.  Quite  a  group  of 
cadets,  as  friends  and  spectators,  had  formed  about  the  two 
bellicose  disputants.  I  had  hardly  time  to  take  in  the  situation, 
when  the  two  principals  of  the  group  engaged  in  a  regular  set- 
to,  and  began  belaboring  each  other  vigorously  with  their  fists. 
Some  of  their  more  prudent  friends  rushed  forward  and  at- 
tempted to  separate  the  two  contestants.  My  duty  as  officer 
of  the  guard  was  plain  and  simple.  I  should  have  arrested  the 
two  combatants  and  sent  them  to  the  guard  tents,  for  violating 
the  peace  and  the  regulations  of  the  Academy.  But  the  in- 
stincts of  the  boy  prevailed  over  the  obligation  of  the  officer  of 
the  guard.  I  pushed  my  way  through  the  surrounding  line  of 
cadets,  dashed  back  those  who  were  interfering  in  the  struggle, 
and  called  out  loudly,  "  Stand  back,  boys ;  let's  have  a  fair  fight." 
I  had  occasion  to  remember,  if  not  regret,  the  employment 
of  these  words.  Scarcely  had  I  uttered  them  when  the  crowd 
about  me  dispersed  hurriedly,  and  fled  to  the  concealment  of 
their  tents.  Casting  about  me  to  ascertain  the  cause  of  this 
sudden  dispersion,  I  beheld,  approaching  at  a  short  distance, 
two  officers  of  the  army,  Lieutenants  Hazen  and  Merrill  (now 
Major-General  Hazen  and  Colonel  Merrill  of  the  Engineer 
Corps).  I  sought  the  tent  of  the  officer  of  the  guards  promptly, 
but  the  mischief  had  been  done.  Lieutenant  Hazen  happened 
to  be  officer  of  the  day  on  that  particular  day,  whose  duty  it 
was  to  take  cognizance  of  violations  of  the  regulations. 
Summoning  me  to  his  presence,  near  the  scene  of  the  unfor- 
tunate disturbance,  he  asked  me  in  stern  tones  if  I  was  not 
the  officer  of  the  guard;  to  which  I  of  course  responded  in  the 
affirmative.  He  then  overwhelmed  me  by  inquiring  in  the 
same  unrelenting  voice,  "  Why  did  you  not  suppress  the  riot 
which  occurred  here  a  few  minutes  ago  ? "  Now,  it  had 
never  been  suggested  to  me  that  the  settlement  of  the  personal 


CADET    CUSTER.  45 

difficulty  between  two  boys,  even  by  the  administering  of  blows, 
could  be  considered  or  described  as  a  riot.  The  following 
morning  I  was  required  to  report  at  the  tent  of  the  command- 
ant (Lieutenant-Colonel  John  F.  Reynolds,  afterward  General 
Reynolds,  killed  at  Gettysburg).  Of  course  no  explanation 
could  satisfy  the  requirements  of  military  justice.  I  was 
ordered  to  return  to  my  tent  in  arrest.  The  facts  in  the  case 
•were  reported  to  Washington,  on  formal  charges  and  specifica- 
tions, and  a  court-martial  asked  for  to  determine  the  degree  of 
my  punishment. 

Within  a  few  hours  of  my  arrest  the  long-expected  order 
came,  relieving  my  class  from  further  duty  at  West  Point,  and 
directing  the  members  of  it  to  proceed  to  Washington  and 
report  to  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  army  for  further  orders. 
My  name,  however,  did  not  appear  in  this  list.  I  was  to  be 
detained,  to  await  the  application  of  the  commandant  for  a 
court-martial  to  sit  on  my  case.  The  application  received 
approval  at  the  War  Department,  and  the  court  was  assembled 
at  West  Point,  composed  principally  of  officers  who  had  re- 
cently arrived  from  Texas,  where  they  served  under  General 
Twiggs,  until  his  surrender  to  the  Confederate  forces.  The 
judge  advocate  of  the  court  was  Lieutenant  Eenet,  now  Briga- 
dier-General and  Chief  of  the  Ordnance  Corps.  I  was  arraigned 
with  all  the  solemnity  and  gravity  which  might  be  looked  for 
in  a  trial  for  high  treason,  the  specification  setting  forth 
in  stereotyped  phraseology  that  "  He,  the  said  cadet  Custer,  did 
fail  to  suppress  a  riot  or  disturbance  near  the  guard  tent,  and 
did  fail  to  separate,  etc.,  but,  on  the  contrary,  did  cry  out  in  a 
loud  tone  of  voice,  '  Stand  back,  boys ;  let's  have  a  fair  fight,' 
or  words  to  that  effect." 

To  which  accusations  the  accused  pleaded  "  Guilty,"  as  a 
matter  of  course,  introducing  as  witnesses,  by  way  of  mitiga- 
tion, the  two  cadets,  the  cause  of  my  difficulty,  to  prove  that 
neither  was  seriously  injured  in  the  fray.  One  of  them  is  now 
a  promising  young  captain  in  the  Engineer  Corps. 


46  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

The  trial  was  brief,  scarcely  occupying  more  time  than  did 
the  primary  difficulty. 

I  dreaded  the  long  detention  which  I  feared  I  must  undergo 
while  awaiting  not  only  the  verdict,  but  the  subsequent  action 
of  the  authorities  at  "Washington,  to  whom  the  case  must  by 
law  be  submitted. 

My  classmates  who  had  preceded  me  to  Washington  inter- 
ested themselves  earnestly  in  my  behalf  to  secure  my  release 
from  further  arrest  at  West  Point,  and  an  order  for  me  to  join 
them  at  the  national  capital.  Fortunately  some  of  them  had 
influential  friends  there,  and  it  was  but  a  few  days  after  my 
trial  that  the  superintendent  of  the  Academy  received  a  tele- 
graphic order  from  Washington,  directing  him  to  release  me  at 
once,  and  order  me  to  report  to  the  Adjutant-General  of  the 
army  for  duty.  This  order  practically  rendered  the  action  and 
proceedings  of  the  court-martial  in  my  case  nugatory.  The 
record,  I  presume,  was  forwarded  to  the  War  Department, 
where  it  probably  lies  safely  stowed  away  in  some  pigeon-hole. 
What  the  proceeding  of  the  court  or  their  decision  was,  I  have 
never  learned. 


Thus  ends  the  record  of  Cadet  Ouster's  life  at  West  Point 
as  traced  by  his  own  hand.  It  shows  him  as  he  was,  but, 
as  usual  with  the  author,  tells  far  less  of  himself  than  we  should 
like  to  know.  We  see  the  generous  impulsive  boy  before  us, 
always  doing  the  first  thing  that  came  to  his  hand,  and  never 
recking  of  the  consequences.  There  is  something  in  this  wild 
free  character  that  seems  utterly  unsuited  to  the  pedantic 
martinetry  and  restraint  of  the  Point.  "Let's  have  a  fair 
fight "  smacks  of  the  old  days  of  chivalry.  It  was  to  be  the 
watchword  of  the  young  cadet's  future  career.  It  seems  plain, 
although  Ouster  did  not  say  so,  that  in  his  heart  he  had  long 
chafed  against  the  arrogant  superciliousness  of  the  Southern 
members  of  his  class,  who  in  those  days  thought  to  monopolize 


CADET    CUSTER.  47 

all  the  chivalry  in  America.  As  his  first  recorded  escapade 
tells  of  the  chivalrous  spirit,  so  his  early  career  was  to  be  the 
very  incarnation  of  chivalry,  and  he  was  fairly  to  eclipse  the 
most  romantic  heroes  of  the  South  in  brilliancy  and  dash.  But 
after  all,  this  was  only  one  phase  of  his  character,  overlying 
the  sterling  sense  at  the  bottom  of  it,  as  will  appear  in  its  place. 
During  his  career  at  "West  Point,  Caster  kept  up  a  strict  corre- 
spondence with  his  sister  Mrs.  Reed,  and  spent  a  large  part  of  all 
his  furloughs  at  her  house  in  Monroe.  He  seems  to  have  become 
much  enamored  of  this  sleepy  little  country  town,  with  its  broad 
streets  planted  with  handsome  trees,  the  brawling  little  river  that 
runs  through  its  midst,  its  old  houses,  and  general  air  of  quiet 
respectability.  So  fond  was  he  of  the  place  that  he  even  per- 
suaded his  parents  to  move  there,  which  they  did,  remaining 
for  about  a  year.  Not  liking  the  place,  they  concluded  to  return 
to  New  Rumley,  but  afterwards  compromised  the  matter  by 
moving  to  the  vicinity  of  Toledo,  taking  a  farm  in  Wood 
County,  near  that  of  Mr.  David  Kirkpatrick,  Mr.  Custer's  step- 
son. From  his  first  entrance  to  Monroe,  young  Ouster  seems 
to  have  identified  himself  with  it,  to  have  been  a  "Monroe 
boy,"  to  have  loved  all  the  "  Monroe  boys."  Tears  after, 
we  find  his  staff  full  of  "  Monroe  boys,"  and  right  well  they 
fought,  too. 

"What  was  the  magnet  that  drew  him  to  Monroe  ?  The  place 
never  did  him  any  material  good.  He  owed  his  cadetship  to 
Ohio,  and  his  parents  lived  there.  Every  thing  seemed  to  point 
his  way  to  his  native  state.  Yet  there  was  a  little  thing,  a  mere 
trifle  in  the  world's  eye,  a  secret  vision  locked  in  his  owr 
breast,  which  even  his  sister,  who  was  his  closest  confidant  in 
all  else,  never  suspected  :  that  was  the  magnet  that  drew  him 
to  Monroe.  The  vision  of  a  little  dark  eyed  maiden  of  only 
eight  summers,  swinging  on  a  gate,  and  flinging  him  a  careless 
salutation  in  very  want  of  thought,  then  shyly  fleeing  into  the 
house  when  she  met  his  eye,  and  realized  something  strange 
and  undefined  in  its  glance.  It  was  four,  five,  six,  seven,  eight 


48  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

years  later,  as  he  came  home  on  his  several  vacations,  that  he 
saw  the  little  maid  shooting  up  into  a  shy,  modest  young  lady, 
guarded  around  so  closely  by  parental  care  that  he  could  rarely 
catch  a  glimpse  of  her.  No  more  salutations  for  him  :  she  no 
longer  recognized  him.  The  innocent  freedom  of  the  child 
had  been  changed  into  the  reserve  and  dignity  of  the  young 
lady.  She  was  either  at  home  with  her  father,  or  at  school  in 
the  Seminary  (by  this  time  a  young  lady's  school),  of  which  she 
was  one  of  the  most  promising  and  pains-taking  scholars.  The 
gulf  that  divided  the  Judge's  heiress  from  the  penniless  cadet 
seemed  to  grow  wider  and  wider,  and  more  impossible  to  leap, 
for  as  yet  he  had  not  even  been  introduced  to  the  young  lady. 

All  the  same,  Ouster  bided  his  time  in  silence.  He  felt 
that  time  was  coming,  and  meantime  his  "  vision  "  was  out  of 
danger  from  any  one  else,  hedged  round  with  every  safeguard. 
To  pass  away  the  time,  a  candid  biographer  is  compelled  to 
admit  that  he  flirted  with  other  girls  considerably,  even  what 
strict  church  members  would  call  outrageously,  but  it  was  all 
only  skin-deep.  He  was  still, after  all,  only  a  boy.  When  we 
next  come  to  him,  it  will  be  as  a  man  among  men. 


SECOND  BOOK—  THE  SUBALTERN. 


CHAPTER   I. 

LIEUTENANT   CUSTEE,   SECOND   CAYALRY. 

HE  introduction  of  the  young  officer  to  military  life  can 
__  hardly  be  told  by  any  one  so  well  as  he  has  described  it 
himself.  It  is  unique.  Probably  no  cadet  ever  experienced 
such  a  quick  transition  from  school  to  active  duty.  Hear  him- 
self. 

I  left  West  Point  on  the  18th  of  July,  1861,  for  Wash- 
ington, delaying  a  few  hours  that  afternoon  on  my  arrival  in 
New  York  to  enable  me  to  purchase,  of  the  well-known  mili- 
tary firm  of  Horstmanns,  my  lieutenant's  outfit  of  sabre,  revol- 
ver, sash,  spurs,  etc.  Taking  the  evening  train  for  Washington, 
I  found  the  cars  crowded  with  troops,  officers  and  men,  hasten- 
ing to  the  capital. 

At  each  station  we  passed  on  the  road  at  which  a  halt  was 
made,  crowds  of  citizens  were  assembled,  provided  bountifully 
with  refreshments,  which  they  distributed  in  the  most  lavish 
manner  among  the  troops.  Their  enthusiasm  knew  no  bounds; 
they  recejved  us  with  cheers  and  cheered  us  in  parting.  It  was 
no  unusual  sight,  on  leaving  a  station  surrounded  by  these  loyal 
people,  to  see  matrons  and  maidens  embracing  and  kissing  with 
patriotic  fervor  the  men,  entire  strangers  to  them,  whom  they 
saw  hastening  to  the  defence  of  the  nation. 

Arriving  at  Washington  soon  after  daylight,  Saturday 
morning,  the  20th  of  July,  I  made  my  way  to  the  Ebbit  House, 
4 


50  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

where  I  expected  to  find  some  of  my  classmates  domiciled. 
Among  others  whom  I  found  there  was  Parker,  appointed  from 
Missouri,  who  had  been  my  room  and  tent-mate  at  West  Point 
for  years.  He  was  one  of  the  few  members  of  my  class  who, 
while  sympathizing  with  the  South,  had  remained  at  the  Acad- 
emy long  enough  to  graduate  and  secure  a  diploma.  Proceed 
ing  to  his  room  without  going  through  the  formality  of  announc- 
ing my  arrival  by  sending  up  a  card,  1  found  him  at  that  early 
hour  still  in  bed.  Briefly  he  responded  to  my  anxious  inquiry  for 
news,  that  McDowell's  army  was  confronting  Beauregard's,  and 
a  general  engagement  was  expected  hourly.  My  next  inquiry 
was  as  to  his  future  plans  and  intentions,  remembering  his 
Southern  sympathies.  To  this  he  replied  by  asking  me  to  take 
from  a  table  near  by  and  read  an  official  order  to  which  he 
pointed. 

Upon  opening  the  document  referred  to,  I  found  it  to  be  an 
order  from  the  War  Department  dismissing  from  the  rolls  of 
the  army  Second  Lieutenant  James  P.  Parker,  for  having 
tendered  his  resignation  in  the  face  of  the  enemy.  The  names 
of  two  others  of  my  class-mates  appeared  in  the  same  order. 
Both  the  latter  have  since  sought  and  obtained  commissions  in 
the  Egyptian  army  under  the  Khedive.  After  an  hour  or  more 
spent  in  discussing  the  dark  probabilities  of  the  future  as  partic- 
ularly affected  by  the  clouds  of  impending  war,  I  bade  a  fond 
farewell  to  my  former  friend  and  classmate,  with  whom  I  had 
lived  on  terms  of  closer  intimac}T  and  companionship  than  with 
any  other  being.  We  had  eaten  day  by  day  at  the  same  table, 
had  struggled  together  in  the  effort  to  master  the  same  problems 
of  study  ;  we  had  marched  by  each  other's  side  year  after  year, 
elbow  to  elbow,  when  engaged  in  the  duties  of  drill,  parade, 
etc.,  and  had  shared  our  blankets  with  each  other  when  learn- 
ing the  requirements  of  camp  life.  Henceforth  this  was  all  to 
be  thrust  from  our  memory  as  far  as  possible,  and  our  paths  and 
aims  in  life  were  to  run  counter  to  each  other  in  the  future. 
We  separated ;  he  to  make  his  way,  as  he  did  immediately,  to 


LIEUTENANT    CUSTER,    SECOND    CAVALRY.  51 

the  seat  of  the  Confederate  Government,  and  accept  a  commis- 
sion under  a  flag  raised  in  rebellion  against  the  Government 
that  had  educated  him,  and  that  he  had  sworn  to  defend ;  I  to 
proceed  to  the  office  of  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  army  and 
report  for  such  duty  as  might  be  assigned  me  in  the  great  work 
which  was  then  dearest  and  uppermost  in  the  mind  of  every 
loyal  citizen  of  the  country. 

It  was  not  until  after  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  that  I 
obtained  an  audience  with  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  army, 
and  reported  to  him  formally  for  orders,  as  my  instructions 
directed  me  to  do.  I  was  greatly  impressed  by  the  number  of 
officials  I  saw,  and  the  numerous  messengers  to  be  seen  flitting 
from  room  to  room,  bearing  immense  numbers  of  huge-looking 
envelopes.  The  entire  department  had  an  air  of  busy  occu- 
pation which,  taken  in  connection  with  the  important  military 
events  then  daily  transpiring  and  hourly  expected,  and  con- 
trasted with  the  hum-drum  life  I  had  but  lately  led  as  a  cadet, 
added  to  the  bewilderment  I  naturally  felt. 

Presenting  my  order  of  instructions  to  the  officer  who  seemed 
to  be  in  charge  of  the  office,  he  glanced  at  it,  and  was  about  to 
give  some  directions  to  a  subordinate  near  by  to  write  out  an 
order  assigning  me  to  some  duty,  when,  turning  to  me,  he  said, 
"  Perhaps  you  would  like  to  be  presented  to  General  Scott,  Mr. 
Ouster  ? "  To  which  of  course  I  joyfully  assented.  I  had 
often  beheld  the  towering  form  of  the  venerable  chieftain  du- 
ring his  summer  visits  to  West  Point,  but  that  was  the  extent 
of  my  personal  acquaintance  with  him.  So  strict  was  the  dis- 
cipline at  the  Academy,  that  the  gulf  which  separated  cadets 
from  commissioned  officers  seemed  greater  in  practice  than  that 
which  separated  enlisted  men  from  them.  Hence  it  was  rare 
indeed  that  a  cadet  ever  had  an  opportunity  to  address  or  be 
addressed  by  officers,  and  it  was  still  more  rare  to  be  brought 
into  personal  conversation  with  an  officer  above  the  grade  of 
lieutenant  or  captain ;  if  we  except  the  superintendent  of  the 
Academy  and  the  commandant  of  the  corps  of  cadets.  The 


52  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

sight  of  a  general  officer,  let  alone  the  privilege  of  speaking  to 
one,  was  an  event  to  be  recounted  to  one's  friend.  In  those 
days,  the  title  of  general  was  not  so  familiar  as  to  be  encoun- 
tered on  every  hotel  register.  Besides,  the  renown  of  a  long 
lifetime  gallantly  spent  in  his  country's  service,  had  gradually 
but  justly  placed  General  Scott  far  above  all  contemporary 
chieftains,  in  the  admiration  and  hero  worship  of  his  fellow 
countrymen ;  and  in  the  youthful  minds  of  the  West  Point 
cadets  of  those  days,  Scott  was  looked  up  to  as  a  leader  whose 
military  abilities  were  scarcely  second  to  those  of  a  Napoleon, 
and  whose  patriotism  rivalled  that  of  Washington. 

Following  the  lead  of  the  officer  to  whom  I  had  reported,  I 
was  conducted  to  the  room  in  which  General  Scott  received  his 
official  visitors.  I  found  him  seated  at  a  table  over  which  were 
spread  maps  and  other  documents,  which  plainly  showed  their 
military  character.  In  the  room,  and  seated  near  the  table, 
were  several  members  of  Congress,  of  whom  I  remember  Sena- 
tor Grimes,  of  Iowa.  The  topic  of  conversation  -\vas  the  ap 
preaching  battle  in  which  General  McDowell's  forces  were 
about  to  engage.  General  Scott  seemed  to  be  explaining  to 
the  Congressmen  the  position,  as  shown  by  the  map,  of  the  con- 
tending armies.  The  Adjutant-General  called  General  Scott's 
attention  to  me  by  saying,  "  General,  this  is  Lieutenant  Custer, 
of  the  Second  Cavalry  ;  he  has  just  reported  from  West  Point, 
and  I  did  not  know  but  that  you  might"  have  some  special 
orders  to  give  him."  Looking  at  me  a  moment,  the  General 
shook  me  cordially  by  the  hand,  saying,  "  Well,  my  young 
friend,  I  am  glad  to  welcome  you  to  the  service  at  this  critical 
time.  Our  country  has  need  of  the  strong  arms  of  all  her  loyal 
sons  in  this  emergency."  Then,  turning  to  the  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, he  inquired  to  what  company  I  had  been  assigned.  "To 
Company  G,  Second  Cavalry,  now  under  Major  Innes  Palmer, 
with  General  McDowell,"  was  the  reply.  Then,  addressing 
me,  the  General  said,  "  We  have  had  the  assistance  of  quite  a 
number  of  you  young  men  from  the  Academy,  drilling  volun- 


LIEUTENANT    OUSTER,    SECOND    CAVALRY.  53 

teers,  etc.  Now,  what  can  I  do  for  you  ?  Would  you  prefer 
to  be  ordered  to  report  to  General  Mansfield  to  aid  iu  this 
work,  or  is  your  desire  for  something  more  active  ? " 

Although  overwhelmed  by  such  condescension  on  the  part 
of  one  so  far  superior  in  rank  to  any  officer  with  whom  I  had 
been  brought  in  immediate  contact,  I  ventured  to  stammer  out 
that  I  earnestly  desired  to  be  ordered  to  at  once  join  my  com- 
pany, then  with  General  McDowell,  as  I  was  anxious  to  see 
active  service.  "  A  very  commendable  resolution,  young  man," 
was  the  reply,  then  turning  to  the  Adjutant-General,  he  added, 
"  Make  out  Lieutenant  Ouster's  orders  directing  him  to  proceed 
to  his  company  at  once  " ;  then,  as  if  a  different  project  had 
presented  itself,  he  inquired  of  me  if  I  had  been  able  to  provide 
myself  with  a  mount  for  the  field.  I  replied  that  I  had  not, 
but  would  set  myself  about  doing  so  at  once.  "I  fear  you 
have  a  difficult  task  before  you,  because,  if  rumor  is  correct, 
every  serviceable  horse  in  the  city  has  been  bought,  borrowed, 
or  begged  by  citizens  who  have  gone  or  are  going  as  spectators 
to  witness  the  battle.  I  only  hope  Beauregard  may  capture 
some  of  them  and  teach  them  a  lesson.  However,  what  I 
desire  to  say  to  you  is,  go  and  provide  yourself  with  a  horse  if 
possible,  and  call  here  at  seven  o'clock  this  evening.  I  desire 
to  send  some  dispatches  to  General  McDowell,  and  you  can  be 
the  bearer  of  them.  You  are  not  afraid  of  a  night  ride,  are 
you  ? "  Exchanging  salutations,  I  left  the  presence  of  the 
General-in-Chief,  delighted  at  the  prospect  of  being  at  once 
thrown  into  active  service,  perhaps  participating  in  the  great 
battle  which  every  one  there  knew  was  on  the  eve  of  occurring ; 
but  more  than  this  rny  pride  as  a  soldier  was  not  a  little  height- 
ened by  the  fact  that  almost  upon  my  first  entering  the  service 
I  was  to  be  the  bearer  of  important  official  dispatches  from  the 
General-in-Chief  to  the  General  commanding  the  principal  army 
in  the  field. 

I  had  yet  a  difficult  task  before  me,  in  procuring  a  mount. 
I  visited  all  the  prominent  livery  stables,  but  received  almost 


54  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

the  same  answer  from  each,  the  substance  of  which  was,  that  I 
was  too  late;  all  the  disposable  horses  had  been  let  or  engaged. 
I  \vas  almost  in  despair  at  the  idea  that  I  was  not  to  be  able  to 
take  advantage  of  the  splendid  opportunity  for  distinction 
opened  before  me,  and  was  at  a  loss  what  to  do,  or  to  whom  to 
apply  for  advice,  when  I  met  on  Pennsylvania  avenue  a 
soldier  in  uniform,  whom  I  at  once  recognized  as  one  of  the 
detachment  formerly  stationed  at  West  Point,  who  left  with 
those  ordered  suddenly  to  the  defence  of  "Washington  at  the 
time  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  inauguration,  when  it  was  feared  that  an 
attempt  would  be  made  to  assassinate  the  President  elect.  Glad 
to  encounter  any  one  I  had  ever  seen  before,  I  approached  and 
asked  him  what  he  was  doing  in  Washington.  He  answered 
that  he  belonged  to  Griffin's  battery,  which  was  then  with 
McDowell's  forces  at  the  front,  and  had  returned  to  Washins:- 

'  o 

ton,  by  Captain  Griffin's  order,  to  obtain  and  take  back  with 
him  an  'extra  horse  left  by  the  battery  on  its  departure  from 
the  capital.  Here  then  was  my  opportunity,  and  I  at  once 
availed  myself  of  it.  It  was  the  intention  of  this  man  to  set 
out  on  his  return  at  once ;  but  at  my  earnest  solicitation  he 
consented  to  defer  his  departure  until  after  seven  o'clock,  agree- 
ing also  to  have  the  extra  horse  saddled  and  in  readiness  for  me. 

Promptly  at  seven  o'clock  I  reported  at  the  Adjutant-Gener- 
al's office,  obtained  my  dispatches,  and  with  no  baggage  or  extra 
clothing  to  weight  down  my  horse,  save  what  I  carried  on  my 
person,  I  repaired  to  the  point  at  which  I  was  to  find  my  horse 
and  companion  for  the  night.  Upon  arriving  there  I  was  both 
surprised  and  delighted  to  discover  that  the  horse  which  acci- 
dent seemed  to  have  provided  for  me  was  a  favorite  one  ridden 
by  me  often  when  learning  the  cavalry  exercises  at  West  Point. 
Those  who  were  cadets  just  before  the  war  will  probably  recall 
him  to  mind  when  I  give  the  name,  "  Wellington,"  by  which 
he  was  then  known. 

Crossing  Long  bridge  about  night-fall,  and  taking  the  Fairfax 
C.  H.  road  for  Centreville,  the  hours  of  night  flew  quickly  past, 


LIEUTENANT  CUSTER,  SECOND  CAVALRF.       55 

engrossed  as  my  mind  was  with  the  excitement  and  serious  nov- 
elty of  the  occasion,  as  well  as  occasionally  diverted  by  the  conver- 
sation of  my  companion.  I  was  particularly  interested  with  hia 
description,  given  as  we  rode  in  the  silent  darkness,  of  a  skir- 
mish which  had  taken  place  only  two  days  before  at  Blackburn's 
Ford,  between  the  forces  of  the  enemy  stationed  there,  and  a 
reconnoitring  detachment  sent  from  General  McDowell's  army ; 
especially  when  I  learned  that  my  company  had  borne  an  hon- 
orable part  in  the  affair. 

It  was  between  two  and  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  when 
we  reached  the  army  near  Centreville.  The  men  had  already 
breakfasted,  and  many  of  the  regiments  had  been  formed  in  col 
umn  in  the  roads  ready  to  resume  the  march ;  but  owing  to 
delays  in  starting,  most  of  the  men  were  lying  on  the  ground, 
endeavoring  to  catch  a  few  minutes  more  of  sleep;  others  were 
sitting  or  standing  in  small  groups,  smoking  and  chatting.  So 
filled  did  I  find  the  road  with  soldiers  that  it  was  with  difficulty 
my  horse  could  pick  his  way  among  the  sleeping  bodies  with- 
out disturbing  them.  But  for  my  companion  I  should  have 
had  considerable  difficulty  in  finding  my  way  to  headquarters ; 
but  he  seemed  familiar  with  the  localities  even  in  the  darkness, 
and  soon  conducted  me  to  a  group  of  tents  near  which  a  large 
log  fire  was  blazing,  throwing  a  bright  light  over  the  entire 
scene  for  some  distance  around.  As  I  approached,  the  sound  of 
my  horse's  hoofs  brought  an  officer  from  one  of  the  tents  near- 
est to  where  I  halted.  Advancing  toward  me,  he  inquired  who 
I  wished  to  see.  I  informed  him  that  I  was  bearer  of  dis- 
patches from  General  Scott  to  General  McDowell.  "I  will 
relieve  you  of  them,"  was  his  reply  ;  but  seeing  me  hesitate  to 
deliver  them,  he  added,  "I  am  Major  "Wadsworth  of  General 
McDowell's  staff."  While  I  had  hoped  from  ambitious  pride 
to  have  an  opportunity  to  deliver  the  dispatches  in  person  to 
General  McDowell,  I  could  not  decline  longer,  so  placed  the 
documents  in  Major  Wadsworth's  hands,  who  took  them  to  a 
tent  a  few  paces  distant,  where,  through  its  half-open  folds,  I 


56  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

saw  him  hand  them  to  a  large,  portly  officer,  whom  I  at  once 
rightly  conceived  to  be  General  McDowell.  Then,  returning 
to  where  I  still  sat  on  my  horse,  Major  Wadsworth  (afterward 
General  Wadsworth)  asked  of  me  the  latest  news  in  the  capi- 
tal, and  when  I  replied  that  every  person  at  Washington  was 
looking  to  the  army  for  news,  he  added,  "  Well,  I  guess  they  will 
not  have  to  wait  much  longer.  The  entire  army  is  under  arms, 
and  moving  to  attack  the  enemy  to-day." 

After  inquiring  at  what  hour  I  left  Washington,  and  remark- 
ing that  I  must  be  tired,  Major  Wadsworth  asked  me  to  dis- 
mount and  have  some  breakfast,  as  it  would  be  difficult  to  say 
when  another  opportunity  would  occur.  I  was  very  hungry, 
and  rest  would  not  have  been  unacceptable,  but  in  my  inexperi- 
ence I  partly  imagined,  particularly  while  in  the  presence  of  the 
white-haired  officer  who  gave  the  invitation,  that  hunger  and 
fatigue  were  conditions  of  feeling  which  a  soldier,  especially  a 
young  one,  should  not  acknowledge.  Therefore,  with  an  appe- 
tite almost  craving,  I  declined  the  kind  proffer  of  the  Major. 
But  when  he  suggested  that  I  dismount  and  allow  my  horse  to 
be  fed,  I  gladly  assented.  While  Major  Wadsworth  was  kindly 
interesting  himself  in  the  welfare  of  my  horse,  I  had  the  good 
fortune  to  discover  in  an  officer  at  headquarters,  one  of  my  recent 
West  Point  friends,  Lieutenant  Kingsbury,  aide-de-camp  to 
General  McDowell.  He  repeated  the  invitation  just  given  by 
Major  Wadsworth  in  regard  to  breakfast,  and  I  did  not  have  the 
perseverance  to  again  refuse.  Near  the  log-fire  already  men- 
tioned, were  some  servants  busily  engaged  in  removing  the 
remains  of  breakfast.  A  word  from  Kingsbury,  and  they  soon 
prepared  for  me  a  cup  of  coffee,  a  steak,  and  some  Virginia  corn 
bread,  to  which  I  did  ample  justice.  Had  I  known,  however, 
that  I  was  not  to  have  an  opportunity  to  taste  food  during  the 
next  thirty  hours,  I  should  have  appreciated  the  opportunity  I 
then  enjoyed  even  more  highly. 

As  I  sat  on  the  ground  sipping  my  coffee,  and  heartily  en- 
joying my  first  breakfast  in  the  field,  Kingsbury  (afterward 


LIEUTENANT    CUSTER,    SECOND    CAVALRY.  57 

Colonel  Kingsbury,  killed  at  the  battle  of  Antietarn)  informed 
me  of  the  general  movement  then  begun  by  the  army,  and  of 
the  attack  which  was  to  be  made  on  Beauregard's  forces  that 
day.  Three  days  before  I  had  quitted  school  at  West  Point. 
I  was  about  to  witness  the  first  grand  struggle  in  open  battle 
between  the  Union  and  secession  armies  ;  a  struggle  in  which, 
fortunately  for  the  nation,  the  Union  forces  were  to  suffer  de- 
feat, while  the  cause  for  which  they  fought  was  to  derive  from 
it  renewed  strength  and  encouragement. 


So  closes  the  record  of  the  young  officer's  first  tour  of  duty. 
As  long  as  we  can  let  us  follow  him,  for  no  one  else  can  tell  his 
story  so  well  as  himself. 

In  the  whole  of  his  story  of  this  period  there  is  great  fresh- 
ness, and  its  only  fault  in  the  eyes  of  the  general  public,  is  that 
it  tells  so  little  of  Lieutenant  Ouster,  the  real  point  of  interest. 
In  this,  as  all  through  his  published  memoirs,  noticeably  so  in 
his  "  Life  on  the  Plains,"  written  at  a  later  period  of  his  life, 
when  he  was  a  public  character,  Ouster  always  exhibits  this 
modesty  of  self-reference,  a  characteristic  of  the  true  knightly 
soldier.  Whenever  he  mentions  Ouster,  it  is  only  to  make  the 
story  realistic,  and  never  to  boast  of  his  own  deeds.  He  never 
seems  to  have  got  over  the  fear  that  a  personal  story  must  be  a 
bore  to  the  general  public.  In  a  general  sense  he  was  quite 
right,  for  personal  stories  of  adventure  from  commonplace  peo- 
ple are  very  apt  to  be  uninteresting.  In  the  case  of  men  like 
Ouster,  centres  of  popular  favor,  and  of  whom  little  is  certainly 
known,  the  more  particulars  given  us  the  better,  and  the  more 
complete  our  knowledge  of  them,  the  more  we  are  satisfied. 

Yery  luckily  for  the  success  of  his  biographer,  young  Ouster 
soon  after  became  quite  a  constant  and  voluminous  correspond- 
ent with  his  family  at  home,  and  did  not  make  the  same  mistake 
with  them.  There,  he  was  quite  sure  where  the  interest  lay. 
The  gentle  loving  women  at  home  did  not  care  a  pin  for  de- 


58  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

tails  of  battles  and  campaigns,  which  they  hardly  comprehend- 
ed, but  they  did  care  very  much  for  what  Lieutenant  Ouster, 
or  rather  their  dear  boy  Armstrong  was  doing,  and  in  his  let- 
ters he  tells  them  this  freely,  without  any  mock  modesty.  At 
a  little  later  period  we  shall  see  a  good  deal  of  these  letters : 
for  the  present  it  is  thought  better  to  go  no  further  in  our  re- 
searches than  Ouster  himself  has  indicated  that  he  wishes  us  to 
go.  We  shall  therefore  follow  him  to  Bull  Run  and  to  the 
Peninsula,  taking  up  the  parable  ourselves  only  when  he  stops. 
The  personal  interest  of  these  letters  is  great,  and  their  read- 
ing is  much  more  racy  than  the  published  narratives  of  Ouster 
himself.  They  reveal  the  real  natural  Ouster,  full  of  life  and 
spirits,  generous  and  ardent,  so  clearly,  that  it  is  like  talking 
with  a  famous  actor  off  the  stage,  far  more  interesting  than  see- 
ing him  act.  Unlike  most  actors,  however,  Ouster  is  better 
company  off  the  stage  than  on  it,  and  we  hope  that  these  let- 
ters, when  they  come,  will  aid  in  undeceiving  the  world  as  to 
his  character,  and  free  him  from  one  very  unjust  charge,  that 
of  vanity.  From  this  vice  no  man  was  freer,  and  his  most  pri- 
vate letters  show  as  much  real  modesty  as  his  most  studied 
published  memoirs. 


CHAPTER    II. 

BULL  RUN. 

THE  battle  of  Bull  Run  has  been  often  discussed,  and  was 
once  the  occasion  of  the  fiercest  controversies.  At  the 
time  it  was  fought,  and  for  at  least  a  year  thereafter,  it  was 
almost  impossible  to  form  a  clear  idea  of  anything,  except  for  a 
general  impression  that  a  great  panic  had  taken  place,  that  Mr. 
Russell,  of  the  London  Times,  had  abused  the  great  Yankee 
nation  in  the  most  outrageous  way,  and  that  some  one  was  to 
blame — it  was  hard  to  say  who.  McDowell  and  Scott  went 
down  at  once  under  the  popular  storm,  and  the  former  has  per- 
haps never  entirely  recovered  from  the  hasty  verdict  then 
passed  on  him. 

The  preliminary  reflections  of  General  Ouster  on  this  re- 
markable battle,  the  first  in  which  he  was  engaged,  are  so  appo- 
site that  they  well  deserve  quotation.  He  says  truly  that  no 
battle  of  the  war  startled  and  convulsed  the  entire  country, 
North  and  South,  as  did  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run,  although 
many  succeeding  it,  both  in  the  East  and  in  the  West,  wero 
more  notable  from  the  fact  that  greatly  superior  numbers  were 
engaged,  more  prominent  or  experienced  chieftains  arrayed 
upon  either  side,  and  greater  results  obtained  upon  the  battle- 
field. Nor  is  this  difficult  to  explain.  The  country,  after  the 
enjoyment  of  long  years  of  peace  and  prosperity,  was  unused 
to  the  conditions  and  chances  of  war.  The  people  of  neither 
section  had  fully  realized  as  yet  the  huge  proportions  of  the 
struggle  into  which  they  had  been  plunged.  This  is  shown 
not  only  by  the  opinions  of  the  people  as  shadowed  forth  /n 


CO  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

the  press,  but  by  the  authoritative  acts  and  utterances  of  the 
highest  officials  of  the  land  ;  for  example,  the  proclamation  of 
President  Lincoln  as  late  as  April  15,  1861,  after  Fort  Sumter 
had  been  fired  upon  and  had  been  surrendered.  In  this  procla- 
mation, calling  for  75,000  troops,  or  rather  in  the  call  sent  to 
the  loyal  Governors  of  the  States,  the  period  of  service  was 
limited  to  three  months.  To  this  can  be  added  Mr.  Seward's 
well-known  "  ninety  days  "  prediction,  all  tending  to  incline  the 
people  to  believe  the  war  was  destined  to  be  brief,  perhaps  to  be 
terminated  by  a  single  engagement.  Then  again,  war  was  not 
regarded  by  the  masses  as  a  dreadful  alternative,  to  be  avoided 
to  the  last,  but  rather  as  an  enterprise  offering  some  pleasure 
and  some  excitement,  with  perhaps  a  little  danger  and  suffer- 
ing. Last  of  all,  the  people  of  the  two  contending  sections 
had,  through  the  false  teachings  of  their  leaders,  formed  such 
unjust  and  incorrect  notions  in  regard  to  the  military  prowess 
and  resolution  of  their  opponents,  that  it  required  the  wager  of 
actual  battle  to  dispel  these  erroneous  ideas. 

How  true  these  sayings  of  Ouster  are,  we  can  remember. 
The  awakening  from  delusion  was  marked  by  much  of  the  same 
unpractical  extravagance  of  feeling  which  dictated  the  previous 
blind  confidence.  It  was  the  childish  and  passionate  resentment 
of  those  who  knew  nothing  ot  war  save  from  unprofessional 
books.  The  United  States  had  seen  no  real  serious  war  from  its 
foundation,  the  influence  of  the  brief  invasion  of  1812-14:  being 
so  partial  and  slight  that  the  distresses  of  campaigning  were 
practically  unknown.  The  Mexican  War  was  but  a  brilliant 
memory  of  a  holiday  excursion  to  the  vast  masses  of  the 
country,  and  its  veterans  were  even  then  fast  dropping  off  the 
list  into  superannuation.  In  the  first  flush  of  bitter  mortifica- 
tion and  anger  at  the  unexpected  reverse,  the  general  run  of 
northern  people  were  as  feverishly  unreasonable  as  the  French 
Republicans  of  the  year  '93,  and  every  man  turned  at  once 
into  a  volunteer  spy  on  his  neighbor,  if  the  latter  were  suspected 
of  sympathy  for  the  victorious  South. 


BULL    RUN.  61 

A  somewhat  ludicrous  instance  of  this  occurred  within  the 
knowledge  of  the  writer,  having  been  witnessed  by  a  personal 
friend.  It  will  give  a  very  fair  idea  of  the  state  of  gloom  and 
acrimony  of  feeling  engendered  in  the  North  by  the  news  of 
Bull  Hun.  It  took  place,  moreover,  close  to  New  York  city, 
tliei:  and  thereafter  the  place  in  the  whole  Union  where  South- 
ern sympathizers  were  most  common  and  outspoken,  a  place 
not  to  be  compared  in  ardor  of  sectional  feeling  to  the  country 
towns. 

Crossing  on  the  Brooklyn  ferry  boat,  the  day  after  the  news 
of  Bull  Run  had  electrified  the  country,  the  passengers  seemed 
gloomy  and  preoccupied.  A  single  exception  was  found  in  a 
foreign  gentleman  who  was  .conversing  with  a  friend,  and  who 
finally  broke  into  a  loud  laugh  where  he  sat.  Instantly  a  man 
on  the  other  side  of  the  cabin,  who  had  been  regarding  him  with 
great  disfavor  since  his  entrance,  rose,  stalked  over  to  him,  and 
struck  him  a  violent  blow  on  the  face,  crying,  "  How  dare  you 
laugh,  sir,  when  the  country  is  in  danger  ?  " 

It  seems  hardly  credible  now,  and  yet  the  fact  is  undoubted, 
and  it  appears  that  the  action  attracted  no  sympathy  for  the 
sufferer,  who  had  run  counter  to  the  intensity  of  popular  feel- 
ing. At  that  time,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  sympathy 
of  most  foreigners  was,  actively  or  passively,  for  the  South  ;  and 
the  news  of  the  Southern  victory  determined  many  waverers 
against  the  General  Government.  Looking  back  now,  after 
the  practical  test  of  actual  warfare,  in  which  success  depends  so 
little  on  ardor  of  feeling,  so  much  on  dogged  determination, 
these  outbursts  of  feeling  appear  in  their  true  light,  as  childish 
ebullitions,  unworthy  of  earnest  men,  conscious  of  their  strength. 
The  real  trouble  then  was,'  that  the  people  were  not  conscious 
of  their  strength,  but  exaggerated  their  temporary  weakness  as 
they  had  their  primary  resources. 

Such  as  it  was,  the  battle  of  Bull  Hun  had  several  curious 
points  about  it,  which  we  will  endeavor  to  elucidate  for  the 
general  reader,  assisted  partly  by  General  Ouster  himself,  and 


62  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

partly  by  the  narrative  of  the  Confederate  commander,  General 
Joseph  E.  Johnston. 

The  Confederate  forces  were  thus  disposed,  according  to  the 
first :  "  Beauregard's  headquarters  were  at  or  near  Manassas, 
distant  from  Ceutreville,  where  General  McDowell  was  located 
in  the  midst  of  his  army,  about  seven  miles.  The  stream  which 
gave  its  name  to  the  battle  runs  in  a  south-east  direction  be- 
tween Centreville  and  Manassas,  somewhat  nearer  to  the  former 
place  than  to  the  latter.  The  Confederate  army  was  posted  in 
position  along  the  right  bank  of  Bull  Kun,  their  right  resting 
near  Union  Mill,  the  point  at  which  the  Orange  and  Alexandria 
railroad  crosses  the  stream,  their  centre  at  Blackburn's  Ford, 
while  their  left  was  opposite  the  Stone  bridge,  or  crossing  of 
the  Warrenton  pike,  at  the  same  time  holding  a  small  ford 
about  one  mile  above  the  Stone  bridge." 

It  consisted,  according  to  the  order  of  General  Beauregard 
prescribing  the  march  to  the  battle  field,  (quoted  in  full  in  the 
Appendix  to  Johnston's  Narrative)  of  seven  brigades  of  the 
"  Army  of  the  Potomac,"  Beauregard's  force  proper,  with  forty- 
two  guns  and  twelve  companies  of  cavalry.  These  brigades 
were  those  of  Ewell,  D.  R.  Jones,  Longstreet  and  Bonham  in 
the  first  line,  stretching  in  the  order  named  from  Union  Mills 
on  the  right  to  Mitchell's  Ford  on  the  left,  facing  northeast. 
Supporting  them  in  the  second  line  were  those  of  Holmes  and 
Early.  The  last  brigade,  Colonel  Cock's,  was  four  miles  further 
to  the  left,  guarding  the  fords.  The  cavalry  was  split  up  into 
squadrons  of  two  companies,  one  to  each  of  the  first  four  divis- 
ions, which  were  composed  of  two  brigades  each  or  one  with 
some  additional  forces.  They  were  commanded  respectively  by 
Ewell,  Jones,  Longstreet  and  Bonham.  Jackson's  brigade,  of  the 
Army  of  the  Shenandoah,  with  two  regiments  of  another  bri- 
gade, were  also  present  from  Johnston's  forces  in  the  valley,  and 
later  in  the  day,  Elzey's  brigade  of  that  army  arrived  just  in  time 
to  turn  defeat  into  victory.  The  two  extra  regiments  from  the 
valley  were  hastily  consolidated  with  two  others  of  Beauregard's 


BULt,    RUN.  63 

army,  early  in  the  day,  and  constituted  Bee's  brigade,  which 
suffered  worst  of  all.  All  the  troops  from  the  valley  came  from 
the  left,  and  were  put  in  on  the  left. 

It  had  been  Beaiire^ard's  intention  before  Johnston  arrived, 

o  * 

to  strengthen  his  right,  and  attack  the  Federal  left,  so  as  to  turn 
it  and  push  it  towards  the  valley,  into  the  clutches  of  Johnston, 
who  would  take  it  in  rear.  This  disposition  was  changed  by 
the  arrival  of  Johnston,  about  noon.  It  was  then  found  that 
McDowell's  plan  was  exactly  the  reverse  of  Beauregard's.  He 
intended  to  attack  with  his  right,  under  the  impression  that 
Johnston  would  be  detained  in  the  valley.  If  he  succeeded,  he 
would  drive  Beauregard  into  the  sea,  but  his  plan  was  entirely 
predicated  on  the  absence  of  Johnston.  If  the  latter  came  in 
during  the  battle,  he  was  certain  to  strike  the  Federal  right 
wing  square  in  the  rear.  As  it  happened,  that  is  just  what 
Johnston's  last  brigade  did. 

McDowell's  forces  were  otherwise  disposed.  They  were 
organized  into  four  divisions,  led  by  Brig.  General  Tyler,  (Con- 
necticut Volunteers)  and  Colonels  Hunter,  Heintzelman,  and 
Miles,  of  the  Regular  Army.  Tyler's  division  was  to  threaten 
Cocke's  brigade  on  the  Confederate  left,  while  Hunter  and 
Heintzelman  were  to  move  still  further  up,  and  cross  the  stream 
above,  so  as  to  turn  the  Confederates.  Miles  was  to  be  in  re- 
serve near  Centreville,  to  frustrate  any  attempt  made  by  Beau- 
regard  to  attack  on  that  side.  One  of  Tyler's  brigades  was  to 
assist  Miles,  and  keep  the  enemy  amused  by  cannonading  his 
centre  at  Blackburn's  Ford.  McDowell  had  a  fifth  division, 
Runyon's,  back  on  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad,  guard- 
ing communications.  It  was  not  engaged. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  Hunter's  and  Heintzelman's  divis- 
ions were  to  do  all  the  fighting.  Tyler  and  Miles  were  to  keep 
the  enemy  amused.  The  only  fault  of  the  disposition,  outside 
of  the  Johnston  possibility,  was  that  Bull  Run  separated  half 
the  army  from  the  other  half.  From  henceforth,  let  us  permit 
the  story  to  be  taken  up  by  Custer  himself.  It  is  so  freshly, 


64:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

graphically  and  clearly  told  by  him  that  it  cannot  be  improved. 
He  takes  up  the  description  from  where  we  left  him,  eating  his 
hasty  breakfast  at  McDowell's  headquarters,  in  the  grey  morn- 
ing, arid  continues : — 

In  the  preceding  chapter  I  described  my  night  ride  from 
Washing-ton  to  the  camp  of  General  McDowell's  army,  at  and 
ibout  Centre ville.  After  delivering  my  dispatches  and  con- 
cluding my  business  at  headquarters,  I  remounted  my  horse, 
and  having  been  directed  in  the  darkness  the  way  to  the  ground 
occupied  by  Palmer's  seven  companies  of  cavalry,  I  set  out  to 
tind  my  company  for  the  first  time,  and  report  to  the  command- 
ing officer  for  duty  before  the  column  should  begin  the  march 
to  the  battle-ground.  As  previously  informed  by  a  staff  officer 
at  headquarters,  I  found  it  only  necessary  to  ride  a  few  hundred 
yards,  when  suddenly  I  came  upon  a  column  of  cavalry  already 
mounted,  and  in  readiness  to  move.  It  was  still  so  dark  that  I 
could  see  but  a  few  lengths  of  1113^  horse  in  any  direction.  I 
accosted  one  of  the  troopers  nearest  to  me,  and  inquired, 
"  What  cavalry  is  this  ? "  "  Major  Palmer's,"  was  the  brief 
reply.  I  followed  up  my  interrogations  by  asking,  "  Can  you 
tell  me  where  Company  G,  Second  Cavalry,  is  ?  "  the  company 
to  which  I  had  been  assigned,  but  as  yet  had  not  seen.  "At 
the  head  of  the  column,"  came  in  response.  Making  my  way 
along  the  column  in  the  darkness,  I  soon  reached  the  head, 
where  I  found  several  horsemen  seated  upon  their  horses,  but 
not  formed  regularly  in  the  column.  There  was  not  sufficient 
light  to  distinguish  emblems  of  rank,  or  to  recognize  the  officer 
from  the  private  soldier.  With  some  hesitation  I  addressed 
the  group,  numbering  perhaps  a  half-dozen  or  more  individuals, 
and  asked  if  the  commanding  officer  of  my  company,  giving 
its  designation  by  letter  and  regiment,  was  present.  "  Here  he 
is,"  promptly  answered  a  voice,  as  one  of  the  mounted  figures 
rode  toward  me,  expecting  no  doubt  I  was  a  staff  officer,  bear- 
ing orders  requiring  his  attention. 

I  introduced  myself  by  saying,  "  I  am  Lieutenant  Custer, 


BULL    RUN.  65 

and  in  accordance  with  orders  from  the  War  Department,  I 
report  for  duty  with  my  company,  sir."  "  Ah,  glad  to  meet 
yon,  Mr.  Ouster.  We  have  been  expecting  yon,  as  we  saw  in 
the  list  of  assignments  of  the  graduating  class  from  West  Point, 
that  yon  had  been  marked  down  to  ns.  T  am  Lieutenant 
Drummond.  Allow  me  to  introduce  you  to  some  of  your 
brother  officers."  Then  turning  his  horse  toward  the  group  of 
officers,  he  added,  u  Gentlemen,  permit  me  to  introduce  to  you 
Lieutenant  Ouster,  who  has  just  reported  for  duty  with  his 
company."  We  bowed  to  each  other,  although  we  could  see 
but  little  more  than  the  dim  outlines  of  horses  and  riders  as  we 
chatted  and  awaited  the  order  to  move  "  forward."  This  was 
iny  introduction  to  service,  and  my  first  greeting  from  officers 
and  comrades  with  whom  the  future  fortune  of  war  was  to  cast 
me.  Lieutenant  Drummond,  afterward  captain,  to  whom  I  had 
just  made  myself  known,  fell  mortally  wounded,  and  died  gal- 
lantly on  the  field,  at  the  battle  of  Five  Forks,  nearly  four 
years  afterward. 

The  cavalry,  on  the  Federal  side,  consisting  of  only  seven 
companies  of  regulars  under  Major  Palmer,  were  not  employed 
to  any  considerable  extent  during  the  battle,  except  as  supports 
to  batteries  of  artillery.  One  charge  was  made  in  the  early 
part  of  the  battle,  near  the  Warrenton  turnpike,  by  Colburn's 
squadron.  In  advancing  to  the  attack  in  the  morning,  Palmer's 
companies  accompanied  Hunter's  division  in  the  long  and  tedi- 
ous movement  through  an  immense  forest  by  which  Bull  Run 
was  crossed  at  one  of  the  upper  fords,  and  the  left  flank  of  the 
Confederates  successfully  turned. 

After  arriving  at  Sudley  Springs,  the  cavalry  halted  for  half 
an  hour  or  more.  We  could  hear  the  battle  raging  a  short  dis- 
tance in  our  front.  Soon  a  staff  officer  of  General  McDowell's 
came  galloping  down  to  where  the  cavalry  was  waiting,  saying 
that  the  General  desired  us  to  move  across  the  stream  and  up 
the  ridge  beyond,  where  we  were  to  support  a  battery.  The 
order  was  promptly  obeyed,  and  as  we  ascended  the  crest  I  saw 
5 


66  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

Griffin  with  his  battery  galloping  into  position.  The  enemy 
had  discovered  him,  and  their  artillery  had  opened  fire  upon 
him,  but  the  shots  were  aimed  so  high  the  balls  passed  overhead. 
Following  the  battery,  we  also  marched  within  plain  hearing  of 
each  shot  as  it  passed  over  Griffin's  men.  I  remember  well  the 
strange  hissing  and  exceedingly  vicious  sound  of  the  first  can- 
non shot  I  heard  as  it  whirled  through  the  air.  Of  course  I  had 
often  heard  the  sound  made  by  cannon  balls  while  passing 
through  the  air  daring  my  artillery  practice  at  West  Point,  but 
a  man  listens  with  changed  interest  when  the  direction  of  the 
balls  is  toward  instead  of  away  from  him.  They  seemed  to 
utter  a  different  language  when  fired  in  angry  battle  from  that 
put  forth  in  the  tamer  practice  of  drill.  The  battery  whose 
support  we  were,  having  reached  its  position  on  an  advanced 
crest  near  the  right  of  the  line,  the  cavalry  was  massed  near  the 
foot  of  the  crest,  and  sheltered  by  it  from  the  enemy's  fire. 
Once  the  report  came  that  the  enemy  was  moving  to  the  attack 
of  the  battery  which  we  were  specially  sent  to  guard.  The 
order  was  at  once  given  for  the  cavalry  to  advance  from  the 
base  to  the  crest  of  the  hill  and  repel  the  enemy's  assault.  We 
were  formed  in  column  of  companies,  and  were  given  to  under- 
stand that  upon  reaching  the  crest  of  the  hill  we  would  probably 
be  ordered  to  charge  the  enemy.  When  it  is  remembered  that 
but  three  days  before  I  had  quitted  West  Point  as  a  school-boy, 
and  as  yet  had  never  ridden  at  anything  more  dangerous  or  ter- 
rible than  a  three-foot  hurdle,  or  tried  my  sabre  upon  anything 
more  animated  or  combative  than  a  leather-head  stuffed  with  tan 
bark,  it  may  be  imagined  that  my  mind  was  more  or  less  givei 
to  anxious  thoughts  as  we  ascended  the  slope  of  the  hill  in  front 
of  us.  At  the  same  time  I  realized  that  I  was  in  front  of  a 
company  of  old  and  experienced  soldiers,  all  of  whom  would 
have  an  eye  upon  their  new  lieutenant  to  see  how  he  comported 
himself  when  under  fire.  My  pride  received  an  additional 
incentive  from  the  fact  that  while  I  was  on  duty  with  troops 
for  the  first  time  in  my  life,  and  was  the  junior  officer  of  all 


BULL   RUN  67 

present  with  the  cavalry,  there  was  temporarily  assigned  to  duty, 
with  my  company  another  officer  of  the  same  rank,  who  was 
senior  to  me  by  a  few  days,  and  who,  having  been  appointed 
from  civil  life,  was  totally  without  military  experience  except 
such  as  he  had  acquired  during  the  past  few  days.  My  brief 
acquaintance  with  him  showed  me  that  he  was  disposed  to 
attach  no  little  importance  to  the  fact  that  I  was  fresh  from 
West  Point  and  supposed  to  know  all  that  was  valuable  or 
worth  knowing  in  regard  to  the  art  of  war.  In  this  common 
delusion  I  was  not  disposdd  to  disturb  him.  1  soon  found  that 
he  \vas  inclined  to  defer  to  me  in  opinion,  and  I  recall  now,  as 
I  have  often  done  when  in  his  company  during  later  years  of 
the  war,  the  difficulty  we  had  in  deciding  exactly  what  weapon 
we  would  use  in  the  charge  to  which  we  believed  ourselves 
advancing.  As  we  rode  forward  from  the  foot  of  the  hill,  he  in 
front  of  his  platoon  and  I  abreast  of  him,  in  front  of  mine, 
Walker  (afterward  captain)  inquired  in  the  most  solemn  tones, 
"  Ouster,  what  weapon  are  you  going  to  use  in  the  charge  ? " 
From  my  earliest  notions  of  the  true  cavalryman  I  had  always 
pictured  him  in  the  charge  bearing  aloft  his  curved  sabre,  and 
cleaving  the  skulls  of  all  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  We 
had  but  two  weapons  to  choose  from  :  each  of  us  carried  a  sabre 
and  one  revolver  in  our  belt.  I  promptly  replied,  "  The 
sabre;"  and  suiting  the  action  to  the  word,  I  flashed  my  bright 
new  blade  from  its  scabbard,  and  rode  forward  as  if  totally 
unconcerned.  Walker,  yielding  no  doubt  to  what  he  believed 
was  "  the  way  we. do  it  at  West  Point,"  imitated  my  motion, 
and  forth  came  his  sabre.  I  may  have  seemed  to  him  uncon- 
cerned, because  1  aimed  at  this,  but  I  was  far  from  enjoying 
that  feeling.  As  we  rode  at  a  deliberate  walk  up  the  hill,  I 
began  arguing  in  my  own  mind  as  to  the  comparative  merits  of 
the  sabre  and  revolver  as  a  weapon  of  attack.  If  I  remember 
correctly,  I  reasoned  pro  and  con  about  as  follows:  "Now  the 
sabre  is  a  beautiful  weapon ;  it  produces  an  ugly  wound ;  the 
term  '  sabre  charge '  sounds  well ;  and  above  all  the  sabre  is  sure ; 


68  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER 

it  never  misses  fire.  It  has  this  drawback,  however :  in  order 
to  be  made  effective,  it  is  indispensable  that  you  approach  very 
close  to  your  adversary — so  close  that  if  you  do  not  unhorse  or 
disable  him,  he  will  most  likely  render  that  service  to  you.  So 
much  for  the  sabre.  Now  as  to  the  revolver,  it  has  this  advan- 
tage over  the  sabre:  one  is  not  compelled  to  range  himself 
alongside  his  adversary  before  beginning  his  attack,  but  may 
select  his  own  time  and  distance.  To  be  sure  one  may  miss  his 
aim,  but  there  are  six  chambers  to  empty,  and  if  one,  two,  or 
three  miss,  there  are  still  three  shots  left  to  fire  at  close  quarters. 
As  this  is  my  first  battle,  had  I  not  better  defer  the  use  of  the 
sabre  until  after  I  have  acquired  a  little  more  experience?" 
The  result  was  that  I  returned  my  sabre  to  its  scabbard,  and 
without  uttering  a  word  drew  my  revolver  and  poised  it  oppo- 
site my  shoulder.  Walker,  as  if  following  me  in  my  mental  dis- 
cussion, no  sooner  observed  my  change  of  weapon  than  he  did 
likewise.  With  my  revolver  in  my  hand  I  put  it  upon  trial 
mentally.  First,  I  realized  that  in  the  rush  and  excitement  of 
the  charge  it  would  be  difficult  to  take  anything  like  accurate 
aim.  Then,  might  not  every  shot  be  fired,  and  without  result? 
by  which  time  in  all  probability  we  would  be  in  the  midst  of 
our  enemies,  and  slashing  right  and  left  at  each  other;  in  which 
case  a  sabre  would  be  of  much  greater  value  and  service  than  an 
empty  revolver.  This  seemed  convincing;  so  much  so  that  my 
revolver  found  its  way  again  to  its  holster,  and  the  sabre  was 
again  at  my  shoulder.  Again  did  Walker,  as  if  in  pantomime, 
follow  my  example.  How  often  these  changes  of  purpose  and 
weapons  might  have  been  made  I  know  not,  had  the  cavalry 
not  reached  the  crest  meanwhile,  and  after  being  exposed  to  a 
hot  artillery  fire,  and  finding  that  no  direct  attack  upon  our 
battery  was  meditated  by  the  enemy,  returned  to  a  sheltered 
piece  of  ground. 

A  little  incident  occurred  as  we  were  about  to  move  for- 
ward to  the  expected  charge,  which  is  perhaps  worth  recording 
Next  to  the  company  with  which  I  was  serving  was  one  which 


BULL    RUN.  69 

I  noticed  as  being  in  most  excellent  order  and  equipment. 
The  officer  in  command  of  it  was  of  striking  appearance,  tall, 
well  formed,  and  handsome,  and  possessing  withal  a  most  sol- 
dierly air.  I  did  not  then  know  his  name ;  but  being  so  near 
to  him  and  to  bis  command,  I  could  not  but  observe  him. 
When  the  order  came  for  us  to  move  forward  up  the  hill,  and 
to  be  prepared  to  charge  the  moment  the  crest  was  reached, 
I  saw  the  officer  referred  to  ride  gallantly  in  front  of  his  com- 
mand, and  just  as  the  signal -forward  was  given,  I  heard  him 
say,  "Now,  men,  do  your  duty."  I  was  attracted  by  his  sol- 
dierly words  and  bearing ;  and  yet  within  a  few  days  after  the 
battle  he  tendered  his  resignation,  and  in  a  short  time  was  serv- 
ing under  the  Confederate  flag  as  a  general  officer. 

With  the  exception  of  a  little  tardiness  in  execution,  some- 
thing to  be  expected  perhaps  in  raw  troops,  the  plan  of  battle 
marked  out  by  General  McDowell  was  carried  out  with  remark- 
able precision  up  till  about  half  past  three  p.  M.  The  Confed- 
erate left  wing  had  been  gradually  forced  back  from  Bull  Rim 
until  the  Federals  gained  entire  possession  of  the  Warrenton 
turnpike  leading  from  the  Stone  bridge.  It  is  known  now  that 
Beauregard's  army  had  become  broken  and  routed,  and  that 
both  himself  and  General  Johnston  felt  called  upon  to  place 
themselves  at  the  head  of  their  defeated  commands,  including 
their  last  reserves,  in  their  effort  to  restore  confidence  and 
order;  General  Johnston  at  one  critical  moment  charging  to 
the  front  with  the  colors  of  the  Fourth  Alabama.  Had  the  fate 
of  the  battle  been  left  to  the  decision  of  those  who  were  present 
and  fought  up  till  half-past  three  in  the  afternoon,  the  Union 
troops  would  have  been  entitled  to  score  a  victory  with  scarcely 
a  serious  reverse.  But  at  this  critical  moment,  with  their 
enemies  in  front  giving  way  in  disorder  and  flight,  a  new  and 
to  the  Federals  an  unexpected  force  appeared  suddenly  upon 
the  scene.  From  a  piece  of  timber  almost  directly  in  rear  of 
McDowell's  right  a  column  of  several  thousand  fresh  troops  of 
the  enemy-  burst  almost  upon  the  backs  of  the  half  victorious 


70  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

Federals.  I  was  standing  with  a  friend  and  classmate  at  that 
moment  on  a  high  ridge  near  our  advancing  line.  We  were 
congratulating  ourselves  upon  the  glorious  victory  which  al- 
ready seemed  to  have  been  won,  as  the  Confederates  were 
everywhere  giving  way,  when  our  attention  was  attracted  by  a 
long  line  of  troops  suddenly  appearing  behind  us  upon  the  edge 
of  the  timber  already  mentioned.  It  never  occurred  to  either  of 
us  that  the  troops  we  then  saw  could  be  any  but  some  of  our 
reinforcements  making  their  way  to  the  front.  Before  doubts 
could  arise  we  saw  the  Confederate  flag  floating  over  a  portion 
of  the  line  just  emerging  from  the  timber ;  the  next  moment 
the  entire  line  levelled  their  muskets  and  poured  a  volley  into 
the  backs  of  our  advancing  regiments  on  the  right.  At  the 
same  time  a  battery  which  had  also  arrived  unseen  opened  fire, 
and  with  a  cry  of  "We' re.  flanked  !  We're  flanked  !  "  passed 
from  rank  to  rank,  the  Union  lines,  but  a  moment  before  so 
successful  and  triumphant,  threw  down  their  arms,  were  seized 
by  a  panic,  and  began  a  most  disordered  flight.  All  this  occurred 
almost  in  an  instant  of  time.  No  pen  or  description  can  give 
anything  like  a  correct  idea  of  the  rout  and  demoralization  that 
followed.  Officers  and  men  joined  in  one  vast  crowd,  aban- 
doning, except  in  isolated  instances,  all  attempts  to  preserve 
their  organizations.  A  moderate  force  of  good  cavalry  at  that 
moment  could  have  secured  to  the  Confederates  nearly  every 
man  and  gun  that  crossed  Bull  Run  in  the  early  morning. 
Fortunately  the  Confederate  army  was  so  badly  demoralized  by 
its  earlier  reverses,  that  it  was  in  no  mood  or  condition  to 
make  pursuit,  and  reap  the  full  fruits  of  victory.  The  troops 
that  had  arrived  upon  the  battle-field  so  unexpectedly  to  the 
Federals,  and  which  had  wrought  such  disaster  upon  the  Union 
arms,  were  Elzey's  brigade  of  infantry  and  Beckham's  battery 
of  artillery,  the  whole  under  command  of  Brigadier-General  E. 
Kirby  Smith,  being  a  detachment  belonging  to  Johnston's 
army  of  the  Shenandoah,  just  arrived  from  the  valley.  Had 
this  command  reached  the  battle-field  a  few  minutes  later,  the 


BULL    RUN.  71 

rout  of  Beanregard's  army  would  have  been  assured,  as  his 
forces  seemed  powerless  to  check  the  advance  of  the  Union 
troops. 

General  McDowell  and  his  staff,  as  did  many  of  the  higher 
officers,  exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  to  stay  the  retreating 
Federals,  but  all  appeals  to  the  courage  and  patriotism  of  the 
latter  fell  as  upon  dumb  animals.  One  who  has  never  wit- 
nessed the  conduct  of  large  numbers  of  men  when  seized  by  a 
panic  such  as  that  was,  cannot  realize  how  utterly  senseless  and 
without  apparent  reason  men  will  act.  And  yet  the  same  men 
may  have  exhibited  great  gallantry  and  intelligence  but  a  mo- 
ment before. 

The  value  of  discipline  was  clearly  shown  in  this  crisis  by 
observing  the  manner  of  the  few  regular  troops,  as  contrasted 
with  the  raw  and  undisciplined  three  months'  men.  The 
regular  soldiers  never  for  a  moment  ceased  to  look  to  their 
officers  for  orders  and  instructions,  and  in  retiring  from  the 
field,  even  amid  the  greatest  disorder  and  confusion  of  the 
organizations  near  them,  they  preserved  their  formation,  and 
marched  only  as  they  were  directed  to  do. 

The  long  lines  of  Union  soldiery,  which  a  few  minutes 
before  had  been  bravely  confronting  and  driving  the  enemy, 
suddenly  lost  their  cohesion  and  became  one  immense  mass  of 
fleeing,  frightened  creatures.  Artillery  horses  were  cut  from 
their  traces,  and  it  was  no  unusual  sight  to  see  three  men,  per- 
haps belonging  to  different  regiments,  riding  the  same'  horse, 
and  making  their  way  to  the  rear  as  fast  as  the  dense  mass  of 
men  moving  with  them  would  permit.  The  direction  of  the 
retreat  was  toward  Centre ville,  by  way  of  the  Stone  bridge 
crossing,  and  other  fords  above  that  point.  An  occasional  shot 
from  the  enemy's  artillery,  or  the  cry  that  the  Black  Horse 
cavalry,  so  dreaded  in  the  first  months  of  the  war  in  Virginia, 
were  coming,  kept  the  fleeing  crowd  of  soldiers  at  their  best 
speed.  Arms  were  thrown  away  as  being  no  longer  of  service 
in  warding  off  the  enemy.  Here  and  there  the  State  colors  of 


72  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

a  regiment,  or  perhaps  the  national  standard,  would  be  seen 
lying  on  the  ground  along  the  line  of  retreat,  no  one  venturing 
to  reclaim  or  preserve  them,  while  more  than  one  full  set  of 
band  instruments  could  be  observed,  dropped  under  the  shade 
of  some  tree  in  rear  of  the  line  of  battle,  and  where  their  late 
owners  had  probably  been  resting  from  the  fatigues  of  the  fight 
when  the  panic  seized  them  and  forced  them  to  join  their  com- 
rades in  flight.  One  good  steady  regiment  composed  of  such 
sterling  material  as  made  up  the  regiments  of  either  side  at  the 
termination  of  the  war,  could  have  checked  the  pursuit  before 
reaching  Bull  Run,  and  could  have  saved  much  of  the  artillery 
and  many  of  the  prisoners  that  as  it  was  fell  into  the  enemy's 
hands  simply  for  want  of  owners.  The  rout  continued  until 
Centreville  was  reached ;  then  the  reserves  posted  under  Mills 
gave  some  little  confidence  to  the  retreating  masses,  and  after 
the  latter  had  passed  the  reserves,  comparative  order  began  in  a 
slight  degree  to  be  restored.  General  McDowell  at  first  decided 
to  halt  and  make  a  stand  on  the  heights  near  Centreville,  but 
this  was  soon  discovered  to  be  unadvisable,  if  not  impracticable, 
so  large  a  portion  of  the  army  having  continued  their  flight 
toward  Washington.  Orders  were  then  given  the  various  com- 
manders to  conduct  their  forces  back  to  their  former  camps 
near  Arlington,  opposite  Washington,  where  they  arrived  the 
following  day. 

When  the  retreat  began  my  company  and  one  other  of  cav- 
alry, and  a  section  of  artillery,  commanded  by  Captain  Arnold, 
came  under  the  personal  direction  and  control  of  Colonel 
Heintzlernan,  with  whom  we  moved  toward  Centreville.  Col- 
onel Heiutzleman,  although  suffering  from  a  painful  wound, 
continued  to  exercise  command,  and  maintained  his  seat  in  the 
saddle.  The  two  companies  of  cavalry  and  the  section  of 
Arnold's  battery  moved  off  the  battle-field  in  good  order,  and 
were  the  last  organized  bodies  of  Union  troops  to  retire  across 
Bull  Run.  When  within  about  two  miles  of  Centreville,  at 
the  bridge  across  Cub  Run,  the  crossing  was  found  to  be  com- 


BULL    RUN.  73 

pletely  blocked  up  by  broken  wagons  and  ambulances.  There 
being  no  other  crossing  available,  and  the  enemy  having  opened 
with  artillery  from  a  position  a  short  distance  below  the  bridge, 
and  commanding  the  latter,  Captain  Arnold  was  forced  to 
abandon  his  guns.  The  cavalry  found  a  passable  ford  for  their 
purpose,  and  from  this  point  no  further  molestation  was  en- 
countered from  the  enemy.  After  halting  a  few  hours  in  some 
old  camps  near  Centreville,  it  now  being  dark,  the  march  was 
resumed,  and  kept  up  until  Arlington  was  reached,  during  the 
forenoon  of  the  22d.  I  little  imagined  when  making  my  night 
ride  from  Washington  to  Centreville,  the  night  of  the  20th, 
that  the  following  night  would  find  me  returning  with  a  de- 
feated and  demoralized  army.  It  was  with  the  greatest  diffi- 
culty that  many  of  the  regiments  could  be  halted  on  the  Arling- 
ton side  of  Long  bridge,  so  determined  were  they  to  seek  safety 
and  rest  under  the  very  walls  of  the  capitol.  Some  of  the  regi- 
ments lost  more  men  after  the  battle  and  retreat  had  ended, 
than  had  been  killed,  wounded,  and  captured  by  the  enemy. 
Three-fourths  of  one  regiment,  known  as  the  Zouaves,  disap- 
peared in  this  way.  Many  of  the  soldiers  continued  their 
flight  until  they  reached  ISTew  York. 

Here  ends  the  vivid  personal  narrative  of  the  young  officer, 
placed  so  suddenly  in  the  midst  of  the  first  great  battle  of  the 
war.  The  reader  will  have  noticed  ere  this,  the  frank  and  can- 
did naivete  of  his  style,  and  the  real  modesty  which  pervades 
the  account,  the  way  in  which  he  tells  a  story  against  himself, 
as  to  his  first  charge,  and  the  perfect  greenness  to  which  he 
confesses,  in  spite  of  his  West  Point  education.  The  reflec- 
tions with  which  he  closes  his  story  of  Bull  Run,  are  as  just  and 
sober,  as  the  narrative  is  fresh  and  picturesque,  and  equally 
worthy  of  quotation.  Besides  this,  they  have  the  further  ad- 
vantage of  being  true  to  the  letter. 

He  says  : — 

While  the  result  of  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  startled  and 
aroused  the  entire  country,  from  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Rio 


74  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

Grande,  the  effect  upon  the  people  of  the  North,  and  that  upon 
those  of  the  revolted  States  was  widely  different. 

The  press  and  people  of  the  South  accepted  the  result  of 
the  battle  as  forecasting  if  not  already  assuring  the  ultimate 
success  of  their  cause,  and  marking,  as  they  expressed  it,  the 
birth  of  a  nation  ;  and  while  this  temporary  advantage  may  have 
excited  and  inspired  their  enthusiasm,  and  increased  their 
faith  as  well  as  their  numbers,  by  drawing  or  driving  into 
their  ranks  the  lukewarm,  and  those  inclined  to  remain  loyal, 
yet  it  was  a  source  of  weakness  as  well,  from  the  fact  that  the 
people  of  the  South  were  in  a  measure  confirmed  in  the  very 
prevalent  belief  which  had  long  existed  in  the  Southern  States 
regarding  the  great  superiority  in  battle  of  the  Southron  over 
his  fellow-countryman  of  colder  climes.  This  impression  main 
tained  its  hold  upon  the  minds  of  the  people  of  the  South,  and 
upon  the  Southern  soldiery,  until  eradicated,  by  months  and 
years  of  determined  battle.  The  loyal  North  accepted  its 
defeat  in  the  most  commendable  manner,  and  this  remark  is 
true,  whether  applied  to  the  high  officials  of  the  States  and 
General  Government  or  to  the  people  at  large.  There  was  no 
indulging  in  vain  or  idle  regrets  ;  there  was  no  flinching  from 
the  support  and  defence  of  the  Union  ;  there  was  least  of  all 
hesitation  as  to  the  proper  course  to  pursue.  If  the  idea  of 
compromise  had  been  vainly  cherished  by  any  portion  of  the 
people,  it  had  vanished,  and  but  one  sentiment,  one  purpose 
actuated  the  men  of  the  North,  as  if  acting  under  a  single  will. 
Men  were  hurried  forward  from  all  the  loyal  States ;  more 
offered  their  services  than  the  government  was  prepared  to 
accept.  The  defeat  of  the  Union  arms  forced  the  North  to 
coolly  calculate  the  immense  task  before  it  in  attempting  to 
overthrow  the  military  strength  of  the  insurgent  States.  Had 
Bull  Run  resulted  otherwise  than  it  did,  had  the  North  instead 
of  the  South  been  the  victor,  there  would  have  been  danger  of 
a  feeling  of  false  security  pervading  the  minds  of  the  people  of 
the  North.  Their  patriotism  would  not  have  been  awakened 


BULL    RUN.  75 

by  success  as  it  was  by  disaster ;  they  would  not  have  felt  called 
upon  to  abandon  the  farm,  the  workshop,  the  counting-room, 
and  the  pulpit,  in  order  to  save  a  government  tottering  almost 
upon  the  brink  of  destruction. 

It  only  remains  to  follow  the  soldier-author  in  his  analysis 
of  the  subsequent  careers  of  the  officers  present  on  both  sides 
in  this  famous  fight,  and  the  story  of  Bull  Run  will  be 
complete. 

It  is  interesting,  says  Ouster,  to  note  the  names  of  officers 
of  both  contending  armies  who  were  present  at  the  battie 
of  Bull  Run,  and  who  afterward  achieved  more  or  less  distinc- 
tion, and  exercised  important  commands  in  later  years  of  the 
war.  On  the  Union  side  there  were  McDowell,  Hunter,  Heint- 
zelman,  Burnside,  Howard,  Keyes,  Franklin,  Schenck,  "Wilcox, 
Gorman,  Blenker,  Ward,  Richardson,  Andrew  Porter,  Terry, 
Slocum,  Wadsworth,  Sykes,  Barry,  Hunt,  Fry,  Averill,  Innes 
Palmer,  Wheaton,  Barnard,  Abbot,  "Webb,  Griffin,  Ricketts, 
Ayres,  Baird,  Wright,  Whipple,  and  Richard  Arnold. 

Of  those  officers  who  were  present  at  the  battle  of  Bull 
Run,  McDowell  was  the  only  one  who  held  a  rank  above  that  of 
field  officer,  he  being  a  brigadier-general.  Sixteen  held  the 
rank  of  colonel,  one  that  of  lieutenant-colonel,  six  that  of  major, 
five  that  of  captain,  and  eight  the  rank  of  lieutenant.  Nearly 
all  were  advanced  in  time  to  the  rank  of  major-general ;  more 
than  half  the  number  were  appointed  subsequently  to  the  com- 
mand of  armies,  corps,  or  departments,  while  but  few  held 
positions  below  that  of  division  commander.  Among  the  colo- 
nels of  regiments  at  Bull  Run  was  W.  T.  Sherman,  now  Gen- 
eral of  the  Army  of  the  United  States.  Of  the  present  three 
major-generals  of  the  regular  army,  one  was  the  commander  of 
the  Union  forces  on  that  day  ;  and  of  the  six  brigadier-generals 
now  in  the  line  of  the  regular  army,  two,  Howard  and  Terry, 
were  colonels  of  voluntere  regiments  at  the  battle  of  July  21. 

"  Upon  the  side  of  the  Confederates  there  was  Johnston, 
Beauregard,  Jackson  (who  obtained  at  this  battle  the  sobriquet  of 


76  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

Stonewall),  E.  Kirby  Smith,  Longstreet,  J.  E.  B.  Stuart,  Hamp- 
ton, D.  K  Jones,  A.  P.  Hill,  Ewell,  Early,  Kershaw,  Elzey, 
Echolls,  Huuton,  Cooke,  Pendleton,  Holmes,  S.  Jones,  Barks- 
dale,  Jordan,  and  Evans.  The  great  majority  of  these  became 
prominent  generals,  and  as  commanders  of  armies  or  of  large 
bodies  or  troops  in  several  of  the  decisive  battles  and  campaigns 
of  the  war,  displayed  great  ability  and  gallantry,  and  won  last- 
ing renown  by  their  prowess  and  military  skill." 


CHAPTER   III. 

ORGANIZING  AN  ARMY. 

OLLO  WING  our  original  design,  we  shall  utilize,  in  de- 
J-  scribing  the  period  immediately  following  the  battle  of 
Bull  Run,  the  scanty  memoirs  left  by  General  Ouster,  wherever 
they  relate  to  personal  adventures.  "We  are  convinced  that  they 
possess  an  interest  and  value  to  the  public,  especially  since  the 
early  death  of  their  author,  to  which  a  more  elaborate  narrative 
from  another  hand  could  not  aspire.  The  matter  most  to  be 
deplored  is  that  they  are  so  very  short  that  we  shall  soon  be 
compelled  to  drop  them,  and  that  the  last  part  was  written 
in  such  exceeding  haste,  in  the  midst  of  camp  life  and  even  011 
the  march  against  the  Indians,  as  not  fairly  to  represent  the 
author.  Had  General  Ouster  been  spared  another  year,  enjoy- 
ing the  advantages  of  leisure  under  which  he  wrote  his  "  Life 
on  the  Plains,"  his  contributions  to  the  early  history  of  the  war 
must  have  proved  of  exceeding  value.  As  it  is,  let  us  continue 
with  him  on  his  journey  as  far  as  he  goes  with  us. 

In  selecting  from  his  memoirs,  we  consider  it  due  to  the 
public,  however,  to  omit  those  purely  personal  estimates  of  the 
character  of  the  various  officers  who  at  an  early  period  of  the 
war,  fell,  justly  or  unjustly,  under  popular  or  political  censure, 
with  which  the  early  chapters  of  the  memoirs  abound.  The 
proper  place  for  such  estimates  is  to  be  found  in  the  future 
history  of  the  war  so  often  dreamed  about,  and  some  day, 
possibly,  to  be  written.  In  the  personal  history  of  a  single 
officer,  other  than  that  of  the  commander-in-chief,  such  estimates 
are  only  provocative  of  controversy,  and  needless  for  the  eluci- 


78  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

dation  of  truth.  "Where  they  affect  only  the  private  character  of 
the  illustrious  dead,  whose  peculiarities  are  matter  of  public 
interest,  as  in  the  case  of  Kearny,  we  quote  them  in  full, 
especially  where  they  illustrate  the  keen  eye  for  character  pos- 
sessed by  Ouster  himself.  Accordingly  we  will  let  him  take 
up  the  narrative  of  events  immediately  following  the  battle  of 
Bull  Run  in  his  own  language. 

When  McDowell  saw  the  victory  which  he  had  planned  so 
ably  to  achieve  swept  from  his  grasp  almost  at  the  moment 
when  he  deemed  it  secure,  and  beheld  his  forces,  which  but 
a  moment  before  were  driving  their  adversaries  in  disorder 
before  them,  now  turn  and  abandon  the  field  they  had  fought 
so  gallantly  to  win,  his  first  idea  was  to  retire  his  army  behind 
its  reserves  at  Centreville,  re-form  the  disordered  regiments,  and 
renew  the  advance  from  that  point.  But  when  he  reached 
Centreville  he  saw  that  all  efforts  to  stop  or  rally  the  flying 
Federals  must  prove  unavailing,  many  of  the  regiments  having 
without  instructions  continued  their  flight  in  the  direction 

o 

of  Washington.  Orders  were  therefore  given  for  the  entire 
army  to  fall  back  to  its  old  camps  near  Arlington,  opposite  the 
capital.  The  retreat  was  continued  all  night,  and  by  noon 
of  the  following  day  the  Federal  army  could  be  said  to  be 
safely  back  in  its  old  camps  near  the  capital.  While  the  losses 
in  the  battle  had  been  severe,  they  would  have  been  almost 
unprecedented  had  all  the  absentees  from  the  Union  regiments, 
upon  the  arrival  of  the  latter  at  Arlington,  been  chargeable 
to  the  legitimate  losses  of  battle.  The  truth  was  that  hundreds 
of  men  belonging  to  some  of  the  regiments  had  not  pretended 
to  halt  at  their  old  camps,  but  had  rushed  across  the  Long  bridge 
over  the  Potomac,  which  separated  their  camps  from  the  capital, 
and,  continuing  their  flight,  made  no  halt  until  they  had  placed 
hundreds  of  miles  between  themselves  and  the  scene  of  their 
late  disaster.  Hundreds  of  these  fugitives,  including  among 
their  numbers  a  few  officers,  were  seen  in  the  streets  of  New 
York  within  forty-eight  hours  after  the  arrival  of  the  routed 


ORGANIZING    AN    ARMY.  7<> 

army  at  Arlington.  One  regiment,  the  Second  New  York 
militia,  reported  one  hundred  and  forty  men  missing  after  the 
battle,  yet  the  regiment  had  not  crossed  Bull  Run  during  the 
engagement. 

The  company  of  cavalry  to  which  I  belonged,  and  one  other, 
with  a  section  of  Arnold's  battery,  as  already  stated,  were  the 
last  organized  bodies  of  troops  to  leave  the  battle-field,  which 
they  did  under  the  immediate  command  of  Colonel  Heintzel- 
man.  The  guns  had  to  be  abandoned  upon  our  arrival  at  Cub 
Run,  owing  to  the  passa'geway  becoming  blocked  with  broken 
vehicles.  I  had  ridden  nearly  all  the  night  preceding  the  bat- 
tle, to  enable  me  to  join  the  army  and  participate  in  the  strug- 
gle. When  the  battle  reached  its  disastrous  termination,  and 
night  spread  its  mantle  over  our  defeated  and  demoralized 
troops,  I  found  myself  hastening  with  the  fleeing,  frightened 
soldiery  back  toward  that  capital  which  I  had  left  but  a  few 
hours  before.  To  add  to  the  discomforts  and  delays  of  the 
retreat,  the  rain  fell  in  torrents,  rendering  the  road  almost  im- 
passable. Reaching  Arlington  Heights  early  in  the  forenoon,  I 
scarcely  waited  for  my  company  to  be  assigned  to  its  camp, 
before  I  was  stretched  at  full  length  under  a  tree,  where,  from 
fatigue,  hunger,  and  exhaustion,  I  soon  fell  asleep,  despite  the 
rain  and  mud,  and  slept  for  hours  without  awakening.  "When 
I  finally  awoke,  and  attempted  to  take  a  retrospect  of  my  late 
introduction  to  actual  service,  I  could  find  but  little  to  console 
or  flatter  me,  and  still  less  to  encourage  a  hopeful  view  of  the 
success  of  the  Union  cause  in  the  future ;  and  yet  while  I  do 
not  now  recall,  even  among  the  many  dark  and  trying  days 
passed  through  at  later  periods  of  the  war,  any  event  which 
brought  with  it  more  despondency  and  discouragement  than 
the  defeat  at  Bull  Run,  neither  then  nor  at  any  subsequent  pe- 
riod did  I  ever  lose  or  lessen  my  faith,  my  firm  belief  and  con- 
viction, that  the  cause  of  the  Union  was  destined  in  the  end  to 
triumph  over  all  obstacles  and  opposition. 

General  McDowell  at  once  set  himself  to  the  immense  work 


8J  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  OUSTER. 

of  restoring  order  and  establishing  discipline  among  his  badly- 
shattered  columns.  The  President,  himself  drove  in  an  open 
carriage  through  the  camps  of  the  volunteers,  occasionally 
halting  arid  addressing  a  few  words  of  comfort  and  encourage- 
ment to  the  groups  of  dispirited  soldiery,  as  the  latter  formed 
about  his  carriage.  But  something  more  substantial  than 
speech-making  was  speedily  resolved  upon.  As  the  firing  upon 
Sumter  had  been  immediately  followed  by  a  call  from  the  Presi- 
dent for  75,000  men  to  serve  for  a  period  of  three  months,  so 
was  the  disaster  at  Bull  Run  made  the  occasion  for  issuing  a 
second  call  for  a  much  greater  number  of  men  to  serve  for 
three  years,  or  during  the  war. 

The  harsh  and  unjust  criticisms  which  were  showered  from 
all  parts  of  the  land  upon  General  McDowell  for  the  unfortu- 
nate termination  of  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  decided  the  gov- 
ernment to  call  to  the  active  command  of  the  forces  then 
assembled,  and  about  to  assemble  at  Washington,  a  new  chief. 
Jn  making  the  selection  for  this  important  position,  the  opinion 
of  the  government  officials  charged  with  this  duty,  and  that 
of  the  people  as  indicated  by  the  public  press,  seemed  to  centre 
upon  a  single  personage  as  the  one  best  fitted  to  restore  confi- 
dence to  the  troops,  and  to  inspire  the  country  with  hopes  of 
success  ill  the  future.  General  McGlellan,on  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war,  had  been  appointed  by  Governor  Dennison, 
of  Ohio,  to  the  grade  of  major-general  of  the  State  troops, 
and  charged  with  the  duty  of  organizing  and  equipping  the 
immense  force  of  volunteers  furnished  by  that  State,  under 
the  call  for  three  months'  men.  Afterward  assigned  to  the 
command  of  the  military  department  of  West  Yirginia,  con- 
taining at  that  time  a  considerable  number  of  troops  in  the 
field,  opposed  to  which  was  a  Confederate  army  under  command 
of  educated  leaders,  McClellan  devised  and  put  in  execution  a 
plan  of  operation  which,  after  a  series  of  rapid  and  most  bril- 
liant victories,  resulted  in  the  capture  or  overthrow  of  all  the 
forces  of  the  enemy  operating  in  his  department.  So  decisive 


ORGANIZING    AN    ARMY.  81 

and  gratifying  were  these  victories,  coining  as  they  did  almost 
simultaneously  with  the  disaster  and  disappointment  of  Bull 
Run,  and  the  operations  of  the  Shenandoah,  that  all  eyes  had 
singled  out  the  youthful  victor  in  the  "West  Virginia  battles  as 
the  one  destined  to  lead  the  armies  of  the  republic  to  future 
victory. 

On  the  25th  of  July,  four  days  after  the  defeat  at  Bull  Run, 
McClellan,  having  turned  over  his  command  in  West  Virginia 
to  General  Rosecrans,  the  next  in  rank,  was  assigned  to  the 
command  of  a  geographical  division,  which  included  the  de- 
partments of  Washington  and  Northeastern  Virginia,  with 
headquarters  at  Washington.  No  appointment  to  high  com- 
mand during  the  war  received  higher  commendation  or  more 
universal  approval  from  the  people  and  the  army,  not  even 
excepting  that  of  General  Grant  in  1864.  It  can  also  be  truth- 
fully said,  that  no  officer  of  either  side  ever  developed  or  gave 
evidence  of  the  possession  of  that  high  order  of  military  ability 
which  at  that  peculiar  and  particular  time  was  so  greatly  de- 
manded in  the  Federal  commander,  and  which  General 
McClellan  brought  to  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  the  reor- 
ganizer  and  commander  of  a  defeated  and  demoralized  force, 
and  to  the  formation  of  a  new  army  composed  almost  entirely 
of  new  levies  fresh  from  the  counting-honse,  the  farm,  and  the 
workshop.  Subsequent  events  and  results  of  the  war,  did  much 
to  detract  from,  and  cover  up,  the  real  merit  and  worth  of 
McClellan's  achievements  in  this  respect,  but  to  him  alone 
belongs  the  credit  of  that  system  of  organization,  discipline,  and 
supply  by  which  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  created,  and 
owing  to  which  that  army  was  unlike  as  well  as  superior  to  any 
other  army  of  the  republic,  in  all  the  acquired  elements  which 
tend  to  make  a  powerful  and  efficient  force." 

After  some  personal  estimates  of  the  causes  of  McClellan's 
failure,  Custer  proceeds  : 

After  remaining  at  Arlington  a  few  days,  the  company  to 
which  I  belonged  was  ordered  to  Alexandria,  at  which  point  it 
6 


82  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

only  remained  a  brief  period,  being  moved  still  further  to  the 
front,  thus  twice  going  beyond  the  Alexandria  Seminary,  where 
we  were  destined  to  remain  some  weeks.  While  at  this  point 
General  Philip  Kearny,  who  had  just  been  appointed  Brigadier- 
general  U.  S.  Volunteers,  arrived  and  assumed  command  of  a 
brigade  of  volunteers  composed  of  four  regiments  of  New  Jer- 
sey troops,  afterward  known  and  distinguished  as  the  Jersey 
Brigade.  To  this  brigade  my  company  was  temporarily 
attached,  thus  bringing  us  under  the  command  of  Kearny. 
When  he  arrived  from  Washington  with  his  commission  as 
Brigadier-general,  and  with  orders  to  organize  the  Jersey  Bri- 
gade, he  was  not  provided  with  a  single  staff  officer,  and,  being 
unacquainted  with  the  younger  officers  of  the  brigade,  was 
unable  to  select  the  necessary  officers  for  his  staif.  In  this 
dilemma  he  asked  the  officer  commanding  my  company  (Lieu- 
tenant Drummond)  if,  having  three  officers  present  for  duty,  he 
could  not  dispense  with  my  services,  I  being  the  junior,  to 
enable  me  to  do  duty  upon  the  brigade  staff.  To  this  proposi- 
tion Drummond  assented ;  whereupon  Kearny,  by  a  formal 
order,  detailed  me  first  as  aide-de-camp,  afterward  as  assistant 
adjutant-general,  I  being  the  first  staff  officer  detailed  by  Kearny. 
I  found  the  change  from  subaltern  in  a  company  to  a  responsi- 
ble position  on  the  staff  of  a  most  active  and  enterprising  offi- 
cer both  agreeable  and  beneficial. 

Kearny  was  a  very  peculiar,  withal  a  very  gallant  leader. 
Formerly  an  officer  of  the  regular  service,  he  had  enjoyed  rare 
and  unusual  opportunities  for  perfecting  his  knowledge  and 
experience  in  all  matters  relating  to  the  military  profession. 
He  had  while  an  officer  of  the  army  been  detailed  by  the  gov- 
ernment as  one  of  three  officers  to  be  sent  to  Europe,  particu- 
larly to  France,  to  study  the  military  art  and  customs  of  service 
as  prevailing  in  that  country.  While  abroad  on  this  mission  he 
had  opportunities  to  see  the  French  army  in  actual  service;  and 
as  results  of  his  observation,  made  some  interesting  and  valuable 
reports  to  the  government  at  Washington.  He  participated  in 


ORGANIZING    AN    ARMY. 

onr  war  with  Mexico  as  a  cavalry  officer,  losing  an  arm  while 
leading  a  charge  of  cavalry  which  was  characterized  by  its  great 
boldness,  if  not  by  its  success.  After  the  war  with  Mexico 
Kearny  resigned  his  commission  in  the  regular  army,  and  being 
possessed  of  great  wealth  and  a  love  for  foreign  travel  and  ad- 
venture, he  spent  several  years  abroad,  during  a  portion  of  which 
he  entered  the  French  service  under  Napoleon  III.,  and  by  his 
gallantry  and  conspicuous  conduct  won  the  marked  commenda- 
tion of  the  French  military  authorities.  He  returned  to  his 
native  country  as  soon  as  he  learned  of  the  threatened  outbreak 
between  the  North  and  South,  and  promptly  sought  to  obtain 
a  command  which  would  enable  him  to  fight  in  defence  of  the 
Union.  In  this  he  was  at  first  unsuccessful,  and  was  forced  to  see 
other  and  inferior  men  appointed  to  commands  which  he  would 
gladly  have  accepted.  Finally  successful  in  obtaining  a  com- 
mission, he  at  once  formed  his  brigade,  and  began  devoting 
himself  to  the  discipline  and  organization  of  that  splendid 
body  of  men  afterward  destined  to  become  so  famous  as 
Kearny's  or  the  Jersey  Brigade. 

Of  the  many  officers  of  high  rank  with  whom  I  have  served, 
Kearny  was  the  strictest  disciplinarian.  So  strict  was  he  in 
this  respect  that  were  it  not  for  the  grander  qualities  he  subse- 
quently displayed  he  might  well  have  been  considered  as  simply 
a  military  martinet.  His  severity  of  discipline  was  usually  vis- 
ited upon  the  higher  officers,  the  colonels  and  field-officers, 
rather  than  upon  the  subaltern  and  enlisted  men.  Once  aroused 
by  some  departure,  however  slight,  from  the  established  regu- 
lation or  order,  and  the  unfortunate  victim  of  Kearny's  dis- 
pleasure became  the  object  and  recipient  of  such  a  torrent  of 
violent  invectives,  such  varied  and  expressive  epithets,  that  the 
limit  of  language  seemed  for  once  to  have  been  reached;  and 
luckless  offenders  have  more  than  once  tendered  their  resigna- 
tions rather  than  subject  themselves  a  second  time  to  such  an 
ordeal. 

Kearny  was  a  man  of  violent  passions,  quick  and  determined 


81  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

impulses,  haughty  demeanor,  largely  the  result  of  his  military 
training  and  life,  brave  as  the  bravest  of  men  can  be,  possessed 
of  unusually  great  activity,  both  mental  and  physical,  patriotic 
as  well  as  ambitious,  impatient  under  all  delay,  extremely  sen- 
sitive in  regard  to  the  claims  of  his  command  as  well  as  his 
;wn.  Distrustful  of  all  those  who  differed  with  him  in  opinion 
or  action,  capable  as  a  leader  of  men,  and  possessed  of  that  neces- 
sary attribute  which  endeared  him  to  his  followers  despite  his 
severity,  he  presented  a  combination  which  is  rarely  encoun- 
tered. He  constantly  chafed  under  the  restraint  and  inactivity 
of  camp  life,  and  was  never  so  contented  and  happy  as  when 
moving  to  the  attack.  And  whether  it  was  the  attack  of  a 
picket-post  or  the  storming  of  the  enemy's  breastworks,  Kearny 
was  always  to  be  found  where  the  danger  was  greatest.  Not- 
withstanding the  fame  he  achieved  as  an  infantry  commander, 
he  never  felt  that  he  was  in  his  proper  place,  but  always  longed 
to  command  immense  bodies  of  cavalry,  believing  that  with  that 
arm  he  would  find  service  more  in  keeping  with  his  restless, 
impulsive  temperament.  Brave  in  battle,  imperious  in  com- 
mand, and  at  times  domineering  toward  those  beneath  him,  no 
one  could  wear  a  more  courtly  manner  than  Kearny,  unless  he 
willed  to  do  otherwise. 

During  my  brief  but  agreeable  tour  of  duty  with  Kearny 
as  a  staff  officer,  I  found  him  ever  engaged  in  some  scheme 
either  looking  to  the  improvement  of  his  command  or  the  dis- 
comfiture of  his  enemy.  The  pickets  of  the  Confederates  were 
stationed  along  a  line  but  four  or  five  miles  distant  from  Kear- 
ny's  headquarters.  He  determined,  with  the  approval  of 
higher  authority,  to  organize  a  small  expedition  and  effect  the 
capture  of  what  was  believed  to  be  one  of  the  principal  picket 
posts  of  the  Confederates.  In  fact  it  was  believed  that  on  a 
particular  night  there  were  to  be  assembled  at  the  house  near 
which  the  picket  reserve  was  located  several  Confederate  officers 
of  importance,  who  were  reported  to  be  reconnoitering  the 
ground  between  the  two  hostile  forces.  Kearny  fixed  the 


ORGANIZING    AN   ARMY.  85 

night  in  question  as  the  one  upon  which  the  attempt  to  effect 
the  capture  should  be  made.  Three  hundred  picked  men  from 
the  Jersey  Brigade  were  named  for  this  duty.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Buck  was  assigned  to  the  command.  Kearny  directed 
me  to  accompany  the  expedition  as  a  representative  from  head- 
quarters. It  must  be  remembered  that  officers  and  men  were 
at  that  time  totally  lacking  in  the  actual  experience  of  war. 
Those  who  fought  at  Bull  Kun  had  been  discharged,  and  raw, 
inexperienced  regiments  had  taken  their  places. 

The  night  chosen  for  the  undertaking  proved  to  be  a 
lovely  moonlight  one.  The  troops  assembled  near  Kearny's 
headquarters  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  leaving  all 
impediments  in  the  way  of  blankets,  overcoats,  and  unnecessary 
accoutrements  behind,  we  soon  began  our  silent  march  to  the 
front.  It  was  known  that  the  Confederate  pickets  were  posted 
four  or  five  miles  in  advance,  but  before  marching  half  that 
distance  a  halt  was  ordered,  and  additional  precautions  adopted 
to  preserve  secrecy  in  our  movements.  From  that  point  we 
pursued  our  way  as  quietly  as  possible,  no  one  being  allowed 
to  speak  above  a  whisper.  Sometimes,  instead  of  following  the 
road,  we  made  our  way  through  paths  in  the  forest,  feeling  our 
way  as  cautiously  as  if  masked  batteries,  then  the  ~bete  noire  ot 
the  average  volunteer,  were  bristling  from  beyond  every  bush. 
The  cracking  of  a  twig  in  the  distance,  or  the  stumbling  of  one 
of  the  leading  files  over  a  concealed  log,  was  sufficient  to  cause 
the  entire  column  to  halt,  and  with  bated  breath  peer  into  the 
darkness  of  the  forest  in  vain  endeavor  to  discover  a  foe  whose 
presence  at  that  particular  time  and  place  was  not  desired. 

In  this  manner  we  continued  our  course,  at  each  step  the 
tension  on  our  nerves,  to  describe  it  by  no  other  name,  becom- 
ing greater  and  greater,  until  we  resembled  in  enlarged  form 
some  ludicrous  stage  picture  in  which  the  alarmed  family, 
aroused  from  their  beds  by  noise  of  imaginary  burglars,  come 
stealthily,  timidly  into  the  room,  staring  in  all  directions  to  dis- 
cover the  disturber  of  the  household,  and  ready  to  drop  alJ 


86  GENERAL  GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

weapons  of  defence  and  seek  safety  in  flight  at  the  first  real 
cause  of  alarm.  So  it  was  with  us.  Inexperienced,  magnifying 
the  strength  and  terrible  character  of  our  unseen  foes,  dreading 
surprise,  we  had  worked  ourselves  np  to  so  excitable  a  condi- 
tion, that  all  that  was  necessary  to  terminate  our  anxiety  as  well 
as  the  expedition,  was  to  confront  us  with  an  undoubted  enemy. 
"We  were  not  to  undergo  much  longer  delay.  The  house  about 
which  the  picket  was  posted,  and  which  was  to  be  the  object  of 
our  attack — a  surprise  if  possible — was  located  at  one  end  of  a 
long  lane,  at  the  foot  of  which  we  now  found  ourselves.  A 
brief  halt  was  made,  final  instructions  from  our  leaders  were 
whispered  from  ear  to  ear,  and  again  we  moved  forward. 
Owing  to  clouds  we  could  only  receive  partial  benefit  from  the 
moon  ;  sufficient,  however,  to  discern  in  the  distance  at  the 
head  of  the  lane  a  clump  of  trees  within  which  the  house  was 
said  to  be  located. 

As  we  silently  made  our  way  up  the  lane,  moving  in  column 
of  fours,  with  not  a  skirmisher  or  advance  guard  thrown  to  the 
front,  every  isolated  tree  or  even  the  fanner's  herd  grazing  in 
the  fields  near  by,  were  sufficient  to  make  us  halt  and  determine 
whether  or  not  we  were  being  '  flanked.'  Frequent  discoveries  of 
our  errors  in  this  respect  might  have  inspired  us  with  some  little 
confidence,  but  at  that  moment  we  surely  heard  human  voices 
up  the  lane  in  the  vicinity  of  the  house.  Of  course  we  halted. 
It  did  not  impress  me  that  we  were  engaged  in  a  military 
undertaking ;  on  the  contrary,  it  struck  me  as  resembling  upon 
a  large  scale  some  bo}7hood  scheme  involving  a  movement  upon 
a  neighboring  orchard  or  a  melon  patch,  and  the  time  had 
arrived  just  before  crossing  the  fence,  when  the  impression 
prevails  that  the  owner  of  the  orchard  and  his  dog  are  on  the 
lookout.  Halting  to  listen  and  distinguish  the  voices  again, 
a  few  moments'  silence  ensued,  during  which  the  clouds  cleared 
away,  permitting  the  moon  to  shine  forth  and  light  up  the 
whole  scene,  and  enabling  the  enemy's  pickets  to  take  in  at 
a  glance  who  and  what  we  were. 


ORGANIZING    AN    ARMY.  '  87 

'Who  comes  there?'  rang  out  on  the  still  night  air,  and 
without  waiting  for  an  answer,  bang,  bang,  bang,  went  three 
muskets.  It  was  a  sorrowful  waste  of  ammunition  to  fire  three 
muskets  when  one  would  have  answered  as  well.  I  am  sure 
that  while  we  may  all  have  been  facing  toward  the  house  when 
the  first  shot  was  fired,  we  were  not  only  facing  but  moving 
in  the  opposite  direction  before  the  sound  of  the  last  one 
reached  our  ears.  I  presume  too  that  the  fellows  who  fired 
the  shots  ran  in  the  opposite  direction,  faster  than  we  did; 
that  is,  if  they  were  disposed  to  be  active.  But  all  chance 
to  effect  a  surprise  having  been  lost,  our  party  did  not  propose 
to  expend  either  time  or  ammunition  in  furtherance  of  the 
object  of  the  expedition.  We  beat  a  hasty  if  not  precipitate 
retreat,  and  returned  to  our  camp  in  less  than  half  the  time 
it  had  required  to  march  from  there.  The  same  officers  and 
men  who  participated  in  this  little  affair,  if  charged  with  the 
same  duty  one  year  later,  at  a  time  when  they  had  become 
more  familiar  with  the  operations  of  war, .would  have  in  all 
probability  succeeded  in  capturing  and  bringing  away  as 
prisoners  the  entire  picket  guard  and  its  immediate  reserves. 

I  remained  on  Kearny's  staff'  as  aide  until  an  order  was 
issued  prohibiting  officers  of  the  regular  army  from  serving 
on  the  staffs  of  officers  holding  commissions  as  volunteers. 
Early  in  the  fall  of  1861  the  principal  portion  of  the  cavalry, 
both  regular  and  volunteer,  was  formed  into  one  organization 
and  collected  near  Washington,  under  the  command  of  Briga- 
dier-General Philip  St.  George  Cooke,  an  officer  who  had 
rendered  valuable  service  as  a  cavalry  officer  on  the  plains,  and 
who  had  more  recently  attracted  attention  in  military  circles  as  the 
author  of  a  system  of  cavalry  tactics  based  upon  the  single  rank 
formation,  the  principles  of  which,  under  another  name,  have 
been  largely  adopted  by  the  government  for  all  arms  of  its 
service.  Brigadier-General  Stoneman,  another  cavalry  officer, 
was  announced  as  chief  of  cavalry  on  the  staff  of  General  McCl el- 
Ian.  To  Stoneman  was  assigned  the  task  of  organizing  and 


88  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

equipping  the  cavalry  forces  which  were  to  operate  in  the  field 
with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  The  concentration  of  the 
cavalry  near  "Washington  transferred  my  company  from  its 
camp  with  Kearny's  Brigade,  below  Alexandria,  to  Cliffburn, 
about  two  miles  east  of  the  capital.  The  fall  and  winter  were 
passed  in  perfecting,  as  far  as  possible,  the  preparations  for  the 
spring  campaign. 

During  the  fall  of  1861  Lieutenant  Ouster  was  ordered 
home  on  sick  leave  in  October,  and  remained  there  till  Febru- 
ary, 1862,  when  he  rejoined  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  being 
assigned  to  the  Fifth  Cavalry. 

This  period  of  leave  brings  us  to  a  time  in  Caster's  career, 
which  witnessed  the  final  formation  of  his  moral  character,  and 
changed  him  in  many  respects  from  a  wild  and  reckless  boy 
into  a  self-respecting  man.  In  regarding  his  character  as  testi- 
fied to  by  others,  we  have  hitherto  found  everything  to  admire 
and  little  to  censure,  his  uncommon  goodness  in  youth  being 
remarkable.  This,  his  first  army  leave,  was  distinguished  by 
his  solitary  lapse  from  exemplary  life,  but  it  was  marked 
also  by  his  sudden  and  permanent  reform  and  awakening  to 
principle. 

"We  have  said  in  an  early  chapter  that  Custer  never  at  any 
time  drank  intoxicating  liquors,  nor  smoked.  This  statement 
must  now  be  qualified.  In  his  early  life,  and  while  at  West 
Point,  he  never  did.  The  influence  of  a  pure  and  virtuous 
home  life,  of  a  family  of  exemplary  piety,  saved  him  from  all 
such  dangers.  It  was  not  till  he  entered  the  army,  and  lived 
around  Washington,  that  he  learned  what  temptation  was,  and 
then  it  came  on  him  with  resistless  force.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered that  at  that  time  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  gathered 
to  itself,  along  with  many  good  men,  many  worthless,  dissipated 
scamps,  even  among  the  highest  officers.  The  amount  of  hard 
drinking  that  was  done  by  all,  from  general  to  lieutenant,  was 
frightful,  and  the  language  in  common  use  was  of  the  vilest 
description.  While  all  this  at  first  made  a  pure-minded  country 


ORGANIZING   AN   ARMY.  89 

boy  disgusted  and  ashamed,  he  found,  like  all  others,  that 
familiarity  blunted  his  senses,  and  finally  he  yielded  to  the  pre- 
vailing habits.  Poor  lad,  how  could  he  help  it !  He  saw  his 
general,  Kearny,  whom  he  admired  and  respected  as  a  model 
soldier,  given  over  to  both,  swearing  with  an  elaboration  of 
blasphemy  that  shocked  him  at  first,  amused  him  later,  and 
finally  almost  compelled  his  imitation,  from  unconscious  habit. 
Every  one  drank  deep,  and  there  seemed  to  be  no  escape  from 
the  habit.  Briefly,  this  •  period  was  the  one  little  spot  in  Ous- 
ter's career,  the  one  fault  in  a  perfect  life.  He  fell  in  with  the 
prevailing  habits,  drank  as  deep  and  swore  as  hard  as  any  man 
in  the  army.  With  these  habits  he  went  home,  and  paid  a 
long  visit  to  Monroe.  While  there,  he  at  once  became  some- 
what of  a  pet.  In  those  days  every  soldier  was  a  favorite,  and 
Lieutenant  Ouster  "of  the  Regular  Army  "  was  a  very  differ- 
ent person  from  the  schoolboy  "  Armstrong,"  who  used  to 
wrestle  with  the  boys  and  run  the  streets  in  old  times.  He 
was  becoming  a  man  of  mark,  and  was  one  of  those  who  were 
"  making  history." 

The  public  characters  of  the  little  town  began  to  notice  him, 
and  among  others  Judge  Bacon  recognized  him  publicly  and 
praised  his  conduct.  The  Judge  was  an  original  Old  Line  Whig, 
and  therefore  almost  of  necessity  an  ardent  Republican  and 
firm  supporter  of  the  Union  under  Lincoln.  He  was  an  en- 
thusiastic admirer  of  the  soldiers,  and  during  the  early  part  of 
the  war  lived  much  in  public,  frequently  addressed  Union 
meetings,  and  used  all  of  his  great  influence  to  forward  the 
cause  he  loved.  It  was  quite  natural  therefore  that  he  should 
look  on  the  rising  young  officer^  who  had  been  on  Kearny's 
staff,  with  great  favor,  and  he  did  so.  The  Judge,  however, 
was  one  of  those  men  of  firm  and  unbending  rectitude  and  fas- 
tidious social  sense,  who  make  a  great  distinction  between  pub- 
lic and  private  life.  While  his  acquaintance  with  }roung  Ouster 
in  public  life  was  quite  cordial,  he  never  (at  that  time)  offered 
to  introduce  him  into  his  private  family.  There  was  a  certain 


90  GENERAL    GEORGE  A.   CUSTER. 

gulf  still  existing  between  the  chief  personage  of  Monroe  and 
the  young  officer,  which  might  have  been  overlooked  elsewhere, 
but  not  in  a  place  where  the  distinctions  of  circles  are  so  marked 
as  in  a  small  country  town  like  Monroe.  Still,  the  Judge  was 
much  interested  in  young  Ouster,  and  frequently  spoke  of  him 
to  his  daughter,  now  a  young  lady  of  sixteen,  and  approaching 
her  graduation  at  the  Seminary.  But  with  the  natural  perversity 
of  the  female  sex,  the  more  the  Judge  spoke  in  praise  of  the 
young  man,  the  less  did  the  daughter  seem  inclined  to  like  him. 
She  remembered  him  as  one  of  a  crowd  of  "  boys,"  and  like 
almost  every  young  girl  brought  up  at  home  and  under  strict 
religious  teachings,  she  looked  on  "  boys  "  as  a  sort,  of  wild 
beasts,  with  whom  she  could  have  no  feelings  in  common. 

Affairs  were  in  this  state,  young  Ouster  on  a  long  visit  to 
Mrs.  Reed,  when  he  fell  in  one  day  with  a  number  of  old  school 
cronies,  and  started  on  a  grand  spree.  Ouster  had  always  been 
of  a  peculiarly  nervous  and  excitable  temperament,  and  liquor 
made  him  a  perfect  maniac,  no  matter  how  little  he  took.  The 
result  was  that,  towards  sunset,  the  young  officer  and  one  of  his 
old  schoolmates  were  seen  coming  up  Monroe  Street  past  the 
Judge's  house,  going  towards  Mrs.  Reed's,  and  Ouster  was  tak- 
ing the  whole  sidewalk  to  himself,  in  a  peculiarly  free  and  easy 
state.  As  luck  would  have  it,  the  Judge's  daughter  was  at  the 
window;  she  saw  him,  and  her  dislike  was  intensified  at  once. 
Ouster  went  home  to  Mrs.  Reed's,  and  there  too  his  sister  saw 
him,  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  as  far  as  she  knew,  plainly 
under  the  influence  of  liquor,  if  not  decidedly  drunk.  That 
night  was  the  turning  point  of  young  Ouster's  life,  and  tiu 
country  is  to-day  indebted  for  all  the  beauty  and  nobility  of  hia 
subsequent  career  to  the  earnest  will,  love,  and  piety  of  one  of 
the  best  Christian  women  that  ever  breathed. 

Mrs.  Reed  saw  him.  Surprised,  shocked,  and  grieved  as 
she  was,  that  good  creature  never  hesitated.  She  went  straight 
to  him,  wild  as  he  was  in  looks,  and  told  him  she  wished  to 
speak  to  him.  alone.  His  companion  left,  feeling  somewhat 


ORGANIZING    AN    ARMY.  91 

ashamed  of  himself,  Ouster  throwing  him  a  gay  promise  to 
meet  him  down  town.  Then  as  the  door  closed.  Lieutenant 
Ouster  of  the  army  found  himself  undergoing  a  strange  trans- 
formation back  to  quiet  docile  Armstrong,  before  the  grieved  and 
steady  gaze  of  his  sister.  She  led  him  to  her  room  in  silence, 
locked  the  door  on  both,  and  then  asked  him  "  what  he  had  been 
doing."  The  proud  young  soldier  sobered  in  a  moment, 
crimsoned  like  a  girl,  and  felt  horribly  ashamed  of  himself. 

What  passed  at  that  interview  between  the  anxious  loving 
sister  and  the  impulsive  erring  boy,  already  repenting  of  his  de- 
gradation and  error,  will  never  be  fully  known  till  the  last  day. 
Far  be  it  from  us  to  strive  to  lift  the  veil.  It  was  a  season  of 
tears,  prayers,  and  earnest  pleading  on  one  side,  overcoming 
all  resistance  on  the  other.  The  result  was  that  George  Arm- 
strong Ouster  then  and  there,  in  the  presence  of  God,  gave  his 
sister  a  solemn  pledge  that  never  henceforth  to  the  day  of  his 
death  should  a  drop  of  intoxicating  liquor  pass  his  lips.  That 
pledge  he  kept  in  letter  and  spirit  to  the  last.  His  first  excess 
in  Monroe  was  his  last  anywhere,  and  henceforth  he  was  a  free 
man. 

It  may  be  asked  perhaps  why  we  have  related  this  incident 
of  Ouster's  career,  the  only  painful  one  that  mars  an  otherwise 
perfect  life.  We  have  done  so  because  it  was  really  the  turning 
point  for  Ouster,  and  for  the  purpose  of  reimpressing  on  the 
world  the  nature  of  those  home  influences,  so  sweet  and  pure, 
which  ended  in  moulding  a  character  of  perfect  knighthood. 
Mother,  sister,  and  finally  wife,  three  noble  women  aided  to 
mould  that  character.  True,  the  material  was  noble  and  plastic, 
but  at  that  early  period  how  easy  it  would  have  been  to  have 
made  thereof  a  fierce  type  of  destroying  power,  devoid  of  moral 
beauty.  From  all  the  errors  of  such  a  sombre  figure  of  valor 
and  unhappiness,  Ouster  was  saved  by  the  influence  of  a  Chris- 
tian sister.  Honor  to  her  for  it ! 

His  punishment  for  the  brief  lapse  was  yet  to  come,  but  it 
found  him  prepared  with  strength  of  purpose  and  principle  to 


92  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

live  down  the  past  and  conquer  his  future.  His  error  was  pub- 
lic, and  the  one  woman  of  all  others  whose  opinion  he  valued 
had  seen  him  degraded.  How  should  he  ever  now  attain  her 
love  ?  The  gulf  \videned  to  an  almost  immeasurable  distance 
at  once.  To  most  men  it  would  have  seemed  hopelessly  wide. 
Was  it  to  him  ?  We  shall  see  further  on.  For  the  present  let 
us  turn  from  his  private  to  his  public  life. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE  PENINSULAR  CAMPAIGN. 

WHEN  Ouster  returned  to  his  post  in  February  he  found 
that  a  marvelous  transformation  of  affairs  had  taken 
place.  Washington  was  securely  girdled  with  fortifications, 
and,  what  was  of  more  importance,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
was  created.  The  question  of  the  best  method  of  advance  was 
even  then  in  progress  of  hot  discussion  between  McClellan  and 
the  President ;  and  this  discussion  consumed  most  of  the  month. 
Into  the  merits  of  the  controversy  it  is  not  the  purpose  of  Gen- 
eral Ouster's  biographer  to  enter,  further  than  to  state  its 
nature,  and  chronicle  its  result. 

The  President  wished  McClellan  to  advance  on  the  Confed- 
erate forces  at  Manassas,  and  fight  a  second  battle  of  Bull  Run. 
McClellan  wished  to  transfer  the  army  by  water  to  the  Penin- 
sula and  operate  on  Richmond  from  thence.  The  difference 
of  opinion  caused  a  long  correspondence  between  the  two, 
which  ended  in  McClellan  gaining  his  point ;  and  the  transports 
were  accordingly  gathered  in  the  Chesapeake,  to  transfer  the 
army  to  Fortress  Monroe.  General  Ouster,  in  his  last  pub- 
lished papers,  enters  warmly  into  the  controversy  in  favor  of 
McClellan,  for  whom  he  entertained  a  most  sincere  admiration. 
Without  following  him  into  the  vexed  region,  we  shall  again 
quote  from  him  in  all  that  pertains  to  the  record  of  facts  affect- 
ing himself.  On  the  eighth  of  March,  1862,  the  President 
issued  his  "  War  Order  No.  2,"  dividing  the  Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac into  four  corps,  under  Generals  McDowell,  Surnner,  Heintz- 
elman  and  Ivcyes. 

On  the  9th  of  March,     continues  Ouster,     McClellan  re- 


94:  GENERAL   GEORGE  A.  CUSTER. 

ceived  information  that  the  enemy  was  evacuating  his  position 
at  Manassas,  a  move,  as  was  afterward  ascertained,  decided 
upon  when  an  idea  was  gained  upon  the  part  of  the  enemy  in 
regard  to  the  transfer  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  a  new  base. 
This  was  the  effect  foreseen  by  McClellan,  but  the  bad  condition 
of  the  roads  between  Washington  and  Manassas  prevented  him 
from  embarrassing  the  enemy  in  his  retirement. 

As  the  transports  could  not  be  ready  for  some  time  to 
move  the  army  to  its  new  base,  McClellan  decided  to  march  it 
to  Manassas  and  back,  in  order  to  give  the  troops  some  prelimi- 
nary experience  in  marching  and  the  rigors  of  actual  service. 
Orders  were  issued  during  the  9th  for  a  general  movement  of 
the  army  the  next  morning  toward  Centreville  and  Manassas. 
At  noon  on  the  10th,  the  cavalry  advanced  under  Averill, 
reached  the  enemy's  lines  at  Centreville,  and  found  them  aban- 
doned, the  enemy  having  burned  a  considerable  amount  of  mili- 
tary stores  and  other  valuable  property. 

On  the  13th  of  March  McClellan  called  a  council  of  war 
at  his  headquarters  in  the  field  of  Fairfax  Court  House,  the 
council  consisting  of  the  four  corps  commanders,  McDowell, 
Sumner,  Keyes,  and  Heintzelman,  at  which  it  was  decided  '  that 
the  enemy  having  retreated  from  Manassas  to  Gordousville, 
behind  the  Rappahannock  and  Rapidan,  it  is  the  opinion  of 
generals  commanding  corps  that  the  operations  to  be  carried  on 
will  be  best  undertaken  from  Old  Point  Comfort,  between  the 
York  and  James  Rivers. 

"  Operating  against  Richmond  from  Fortress  Monroe  as  a 
base,  it  would  be  desirable  to  use  both  the  James  and  York 
Rivers  as  lines  of  communication  and  supply  ;  but  the  appear- 
ance on  the  8th  of  March,  of  the  Confederate  iron-clad  Merri- 
mac  off  Fortress  Monroe,  and  the  havoc  created  in  the  Fede- 
ral fleet,  imperilled  the  adoption  of  the  peninsular  plan  of  cam- 
paign ;  but  on  the  9th  of  March,  the  Monitor,  as  invented  by 
Ericsson,  engaged  the  Merrimac  near  Fortress  Monroe,  and  so 
clearly  established  its  superiority  over  the  latter,  as  to  remove 


THE    PENINSULAR    CAMPAIGN.  •  95 

considerable  of  the  apprehension  entertained  in  regard  to  the 
Merrimac's  ability  to  embarrass  operations.  Even  if  the  James 
River  remained  closed,  the  line  of  the  York  and  its  tributaries 
was  open. 

While  the  army  was  being  marched  toward  Manassas,  I 
obtained  my  first  experience  with  cavalry  advance  guards. 
General  Stoneman,  chief  of  cavalry,  was  directed  to  push  a 
large  force  of  cavalry  along  the  line  of  the  Orange  and  Alexan- 
dria railroad  to  determine  the  position  of  the  enemy,  and  if  pos- 
sible drive  him  across  the  Rappahannock.  Upon  arriving  at 
Catlett's  Station,  near  Cedar  Run,  the  enemy's  pickets  were  dis- 
cerned in  considerable  force  on  a  hill  about  one  mile  in  our 
front.  The  Fifth  United  States  Cavalry,  to  which  I  then 
belonged,  was  in  advance.  Upon  discerning  the  pickets,  a  halt 
was  ordered,  and  intelligence  of  the  enemy's  presence  sent  to 
General  Stoneman.  An  order  was  soon  received  from  that  offi- 
cer directing  that  the  pickets  of  the  enemy  be  driven  back  across 
Cedar  Run.  When  this  order  reached  us,  the  officers  of  the  regi- 
ment were  generally  assembled  in  a  group  at  the  head  of  the  col- 
umn, Major  Charles  J.  Whiting  in  command.  I  at  once  asked 
permission  to  take  my  company,  the  command  of  which  I  acci- 
dentally held,  owing  to  the  absence  of  the  captain  and  first  lieu- 
tenant, and  perform  the  duty  of  driving  in  the  pickets.  Per- 
mission being  accorded,  I  marched  the  company  to  the  front, 
formed  line,  and  advanced  toward  the  pickets,  then  plainly  in 
view,  and  interested  observers  of  our  movements. 

Advancing  without  opposition  to  the  base  of  the  hill  upon 
which  the  pickets  were  posted,  when  within  convenient  dis- 
tance I  gave  the  command  '  Charge '  for  the  first  time.  My 
company  responded  gallantly,  and  away  we  went.  Our  adver- 
saries did  not  wait  to  receive  us,  but  retreated  hurriedly  and 
crossed  the  bridge  over  Cedar  Run,  setting  fire  to  it  immedi- 
ately after.  We  pursued  them  to  the  bank  of  the  run,  and 
then  exchanged  several  shots  with  the  enemy,  now  safely  posted 
on  the  opposite  side.  Being  unable  to  advance  across  the  stream, 


DO  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

and  exposed  to  a  serious  fire  from  small  arms,  I  ordered  my 
command  to  retire,  which  it  did  in  excellent  order,  but  not 
until  one  man,  private  John  W.  Bryaud,  had  been  shot  in  the 
head,  fortunately  not  seriously,  and  one  horse  wounded.  Bat- 
tles and  skirmishes  at  that  time  were  unfamiliar  events  to  the 
men  composing  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  the  little  epi- 
sode just  recorded,  furnished  a  topic  for  general  discussion  and 
comment.  The  company  that  had  been  engaged  in  the  affair 
was  praised  by  its  companions,  while  it  was  a  question  whether 
private  Bryaud  suffered  most  from  his  wound  or  the  numerous 
and  inquiring  visits  of  the  enterprising  representatives  of  the 
press,  each  anxious  and  determined  to  gather  and  record  for  his 
particular  journal,  all  the  details  connected  with  the  shedding 
of  the  first  blood  by  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Such  was  the  first  introduction  of  the  young  officer  to  actual 
fighting,  for  at  Bull  Run  he  must  be  considered  merely  as  a 
spectator.  When  the  great  enterprise  and  moral  force  of  the 
rebel  cavalry  at  that  time  is  considered,  it  is  interesting  to  note 
how,  even  then,  they  always  shrunk  from  the  cold  steel  of  a 
charge.  The  only  American  cavalry  at  that  date,  capable  of  a 
mounted  charge  in  real  earnest,  was  the  small  force  of  regulars, 
and  the  superiority  of  that  method  of  fighting  cavalry  over  the 
"shooting  business,"  indulged  in  by  the  enemy,  was  first  illus- 
trated in  Virginia  by  Ouster — it  was  symptomatic  of  the  future 
of  the  young  officer,  for  almost  all  his  subsequent  successes, 
were  obtained  in  the  same  manner,  by  rapid  mounted  charges. 

Continuing  his  narrative  of  facts,  we  quote  now  from  the 
last  paper  ever  furnished  by  Ouster  to  his  publishers.  It  was 
written  while  on  his  march  toward  the  foe  that  slew  him,  and 
was  not  received  till  some  days  after  the  news  of  his  death. 

In  endeavoring,  says  Ouster,  to  quiet  the  anxious  fears 
of  President  Lincoln  in  regard  to  a  movement  of  the  Confed- 
erate army  at  Manassas  against  Washington  after  the  transfer  to 
the  Peninsula  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  McClellan  assured 
him  that  the  latter  movement  would  of  itself  be  the  surest  and 


THE    PENINSULAR    CAMPAIGN.  97 

quickest  method  as  well  as  the  one  involving  the  least  loss  of 
life  by  which  the  enemy  would  be  forced  to  abandon  his  fortified 
positions  at  Centreville  and  Manassas,  and  thus  free  Washington 
from  the  menace  of  attack. 

This  opinion  was  promptly  verified  by  the  course  adopted 
by  the  Confederate  leader,  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston.  No 
sooner  did  he  learn  of  the  contemplated  transfer  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  to  the  Lower  Chesapeake,  than  he  evacuated 
every  fortified  position 'in  front  of  Washington,  and  retired 
toward  Richmond ;  and  McClellan  truly  remarked  afterward 
that  at  no  former  period  was  southern  Virginia  so  completely 
in  our  possession,  and  the  vicinity  of  Washington  free  from  the 
presence  of  the  enemy.  The  ground  so  gained  was  not  lost, 
nor  Washington  again  put  in  danger  until  the  enemy  learned 
that  orders  had  been  sent  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  evac- 
uate the  Peninsula,  and  thus  leave  them  free  to  move  directly 
toward  Washington,  which  they  did  at  once,  and  again  seriously 
menaced  the  national  capital. 

Fort  Monroe  having  been  selected  as  the  base  of  operations 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  by  the  council  of  war  assembled 
March  13,  and  that  selection  having  been  acquiesced  in  by  the 
President,  the  next  step  was  to  transfer  the  Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac from  Washington  to  the  Peninsula. 

The  first  plan  for  the  transfer  of  the  army  to  its  new  base 
involved  the  embarkation  of  McDowell's  corps  first ;  the  inten- 
tion being  to  land  it  either  at  a  point  termed  the  Sandbox,  on 
the  right  bank  of  York  River,  about  four  miles  below  Yorktown, 
and  thus  turn  the  works  of  the  enemy  supposed  to  be  at  Ship 
Point,  Howard's  Bridge,  and  Big  Bethel,  or  to  land  it  on  the 
Gloucester  side  of  York  River,  and  move  from  there  to  West 
Point.  This  plan  was  subsequently  changed,  and  the  most  con 
venient  divisions  were  embarked  first,  and  moved  direct  to  Fort- 
ress Monroe.  McDowell's  corps,  by  the  new  arrangement,  was 
to  embark  last,  and  as  an  entire  corps  moved  to  such  point  OD 
York  River  as  might  afterward  be  decided  upon.  The  first 


98  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

division  to  embark  was  that  of  General  Hamilton,  of  Heintzel- 
man's  corps,  which  left  Alexandria  March  17.  On  the  22d  of 
March  Fitz  John  Porter's  division  of  the  same  corps  embarked 
from  the  same  point  accompanied  by  General  Heintzelman,  the 
corps  commander.  McOlellan,  with  his  entire  headquarters, 
embarked  on  the  steamer  Commodore  on  the  1st  of  April,  the 
day  after  he  had  been  informed  by  the  President  that  Blenker's 
division,  ten  thousand  strong,  was  to  be  taken  from  his  com- 
mand. He  arrived  at  Fortress  Monroe  the  afternoon  of  the 
following  day,  and  at  once  began  giving  his  personal  attention 
to  the  disposition  of  his  troops  as  they  arrived  and  disembarked. 
When  the  enemy's  batteries  controlled  or  threatened  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Potomac,  it  had  been  arranged  to  embark  the  troops 
from  Annapolis,  Maryland,  but  upon  the  abandonment  of  these 
batteries  by  the  enemy,  it  was  no  longer  convenient  or  desirable 
to  embark  from  Annapolis.  Alexandria,  Yirginia,  was  there- 
fore, chosen  as  the  point  of  embarkation,  and  orders  given  for 
the  chartering  and  assembling  of  the  necessary  water  transport- 
ation. Omitting  the  details  of  what  in  itself  was  a  stupendous 
undertaking,  the  transfer  to  a  new  and  distant  base,  of  an  im- 
mense army  with  all  its  material  and  accompaniments,  it  will 
be  sufficient  at  present  simply  to  record  that  in  thirty-seven 
days  from  the  time  the  order  wds  given  to  secure  the  transport- 
ation necessary  for  so  extensive  a  movement,  the  transfer  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  effected  from  Washington  to  Fort 
Monroe.  This  transfer  involved  the  shipment  of  121,500  men, 
14,592  animals,  1,150  wagons,  forty-four  batteries,  seventy-four 
ambulances,  besides  pontoon  bridges,  materials  for  telegraph 
lines,  and  other  miscellaneous  matter.  No  accident  or  loss  oc- 
curred to  mar  the  success  of  this  achievement,  save  the  loss  of 
less  than  a  score  of  mules. 

The  vessels    required   to    effect   this    transfer  were    as 
follows : 

One  hundred  and  thirteen  steamers,  at  two  hundred  and 
fifteen  dollars  and  ten  cents  per  day.     One  hundred  and  cigh- 


THE    PENINSULAR    CAMPAIGN.  99 

teen  schooners,  at  twenty-four  dollars  and  forty-five  cents  per 
day.  Eighty-eight  barges,  at  one  thousand  four  hundred  and 
twenty-seven  dollars  per  day. 

"  Nine  of  the  latter  drifted  ashore  during  a  severe  gale,  but 
their  cargoes  were  saved.  The  troops  were  ordered  to  take  up 
the  line  of  march  from  Fortress  Monroe  up  the  Peninsula,  the 
second  day  succeeding  McClellan's  arrival.  This  was  the  4th. 
The  troops  moved  in  two  columns;  that  on  the  right,  under 
Heintzelman,  by  the  Big  Bethel  and  Yorktown  road,  that  on 
the  left,  under  Keyes,  by  the  James  River  and  Warwick  Court 
House  road.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  5th,  both  columns  were 
brought  to  a  halt.  Heintzelman's  on  the  right,  found  itself  in 
front  of  the  enemy's  earthworks  at  Yorktown,  that  of  Keyes, 
consisting  of  Baldy  Smith's  division,  came  unexpectedly  upon 
a  heavy  force  of  the  enemy  intrenched  near  Lee's  Mills,  at  the 
crossing  of  Warwick  River.  The  enemy  opened  upon  Smith's 
troops  with  artillery  and  musketry.  The  Warwick  River  is  a 
diminutive  stream,  undeserving  the  name  of  river,  and  in  itself 
does  not  constitute  a  military  obstacle,  but  .the  Confederates,  by 
a  series  of  dams,  constructed  at  convenient  points,  the  latter, 
protected  by  batteries  and  rifle  pits,  had  enlarged  Warwick 
River  until  it  had  become  an  almost  impassable  barrier  to  the 
advance  of  troops,  unless  the  fire  from  the  protecting  batteries 
and  rifle  pits  could  be  silenced.  So  formidable  were  the  defen- 
sive arrangements  of  the  enemy  that  General  Keyes  found  it 
impracticable  to  execute  the  order  which  McClellan  had  given 
him,  which  was  to  carry  the  enemy's  position  by  assault.  By 
this  system  of  dams,  with  their  protecting  batteries  and  rifle  pits, 
the  Warwick  River  which  heads  within  rifle  shot  of  Yorktown, 
and  flows  across  the  narrow  peninsula  to  the  James,  became  an 
excellent  line  of  defence  for  the  enemy,  and  a  most  serious  ob- 
struction to  the  advance  of  the  Union  forces. 

"  On  the  16th  of  April,  however,  it  was  determined  to  push 
a  strong  reconnoissance  against  what  was  supposed  to  be  the 
weakest  point  in  the  enemy's  line,  intending,  if  successful,  to 


LOO  GENERAL   GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

support  the  increment  and  make  it  general.  The  point  selected 
was  a  short  distance  above  Lee's  Mills,  and  opposite  that  portion 
of  the  Federal  line  held  by  Smith's  division.  General  Smith 
directed  the  attack,  the  brunt  of  which  was  borne  by  the  Ver- 
mont brigade.  The  attacking  party  reached  the  first  line  of 
the  enemy's  works  after  wading  to  the  armpits  across  the 
marshy  Warwick,  but  only  to  find  their  position  commanded 
by  other  lines  of  intrenchments.  The  movement  was  a  failure, 
except  so  far  as  it  developed  the  strength  of  the  enemy's  posi- 
tion. The  Union  troops  were  driven  back  with  heavy  loss. 

"  The  slow  operations  of  the  siege  continued.  Batteries  of 
heavy  guns  were  brought  up  and  placed  in  position.  Each  day 
marked  a  step  toward  the  completion  of  the  preliminary  prep- 
arations. It  was  about  this  time  that  I  received  an  order  which 
greatly  changed  the  character  of  my  duties.  I  had  left  Alex- 
andria, Virginia,  with  my  company  of  the  Fifth  II.  S.  Cavalry 
as  second  lieutenant  of  the  company,  and  was  among  the  first 
to  arrive  at  Fortress  Monroe.  I  served  with  my  company 
during  the  march  from  Fortress  Monroe  to  the  "Warwick. 
When  it  was  decided  to  commence  a  siege  there  was  a  demand 
for  young  officers  competent  to  serve  as  subordinates  to  the 
engineer  officers  in  superintending  working  parties  engaged  in 
making  fascines  and  gabions  and  in  laying  out  and  erecting  field 
works,  a  practical  knowledge  of  which  was  supposed  to  belong 
to  all  recent  graduates.  It  was  my  good  fortune  to  be  one  of 
the  young  officers  selected  for  this  duty,  and  I  was  ordered  to 
report  as  assistant  to  Lieutenant  Nicholas  Bowen  of  the  Topo- 
graphical Engineers,  at  that  time  Chief  Engineer  on  the  staff 
of  General  W.  F.  Smith  (Baldy).  I  served  in  this  capacity — 
obtaining  a  most  invaluable  experience — until  the  army  found 
its  advance  to  Richmond  obstructed  by  the  treacherous  and 
tortuous  windings  of  the  Chickahominy  River,  a  stream  which, 
however  chargeable  with  some  of  the  misfortunes  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  was  almost  literally  a  stepping-stone  for  my 
personal  advancement." 


THE    PENINSULAR    CAMPAIGN.  101 

Here  ends  the  record  of  Ouster's  military  life,  as  written  by 
his  own  hand,  and  the  closing  sentence  brings  us  to  the  first 
important  event  of  his  career,  whereby  he  was  brought  to  the 
notice  of  the  commander  of  the  army,  and  earned  his  promo- 
tion to  the  grade  of  a  captain. 

NOTE. — Since  the  publication  of  his  last  article,  written  while 
on  his  last  expedition,  and  forwarded  from  his  last  camp,  and 
since  the  writing  of  the  above  paragraph,  another  manuscript  has 
come  to  light  among  General  Ouster's  papers,  which  covers  this 
period  of  his  life  up  to  the  close  of  the  battle  of  Williamsburg. 
This  manuscript  was  written  after  a  triumphant  Indian  campaign, 
and  was  one  of  the  general's  first  efforts  at  authorship.  It  begins 
almost  the  same  as  his  Galaxy  "  War  Memoirs,"  and  traverses 
the  same  ground,  with  similar  peculiarities  of  style,  but  with  much 
superior  freshness  and  raciness  of  detail.  At  the  end  of  the  bat- 
tle of  Williamsburg,  it  stops  abruptly,  the  author  having  been 
discouraged  from  its  continuance  by  a  notion  that  it  was  unequal  to 
the  subject,  and  feeling,  more  keenly  than  the  world  gives  him 
credit  for,  his  own  deficiencies  in  that  mechanical  education  of  a 
writer  on  which  so  much  stress  is  laid  now-a-days.  This  last  arti- 
cle was  published  in  the  Galaxy  for  November,  1876,  but  its  con- 
tents do  not  add  any  very  important  information  as  to  the  life  of 
Lieutenant  Ouster  at  the  time,  save  those  details  which  are  always 
of  interest  as  concerning  him. 

From  this  paper  it  appears  that  Ouster,  while  at  the  siege  of 
Yorktown,  was  engaged  with  a  working  party  in  throwing  up  by 
night  a  line  of  rifle  pits,  the  nearest  to  the  enemy  of  any  pushed 
out  during  the  siege,  so  near  that  the  working  party  was  compelled 
to  shovel  the  sandy  soil  in  stealthy  silence,  while  they  could  hear 
all  the  conversation  of  their  enemies,  within  a  very  short  distance. 
Besides  this  duty,  Ouster  was  also  detailed  for  a  large  part  of  the 
time  on  balloon  reconnaissances,  and  he  gives  a  graphic  descrip- 
tion of  his  first  ascent,  and  of  his  subsequent  observations  of  the 
enemy's  line  at  different  periods.  He  was  one  of  the  first,  while 
up  in  the  balloon,  to  detect  the  fact  of  Johnston's  evacuation,  and 
hastened  to  General  "  Baldy  "  Smith's  headquarters,  to  report  the 
fact.  He  was  met  there  by  the  same  information,  come  in  from 
two  different  headquarters  ;  one  of  them  a  negro  who  had  escaped 
through  the  lines  ;  and  so  the  credit  of  being  the  first  to  announce 
the  evacuation  was  evenly  divided. 


102 


GENERAL   GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 


This  paper  also  makes  it  clear  how  Ouster  came  to  be  at  the 
rifle  pit,  and  afterwards  at  the  battle  of  Williamsburg  with  Han- 
cock's brigade.  The  rifle  pit  was  in  front  of  General  "  Baldy" 
Smith's  command,  to  which  Ouster  was  attached  as  assistant  en- 
gineer, and  Hancock's  brigade  was  part  of  the  same  division. 
Ouster  therefore  had  a  sort  of  roving  commission  to  go  anywhere 
to  could  to  acquire  information,  that  would  aid  him  in  his  maps 
and  sketches,  and  his  idea  of  the  duties  of  an  engineer  officer  as 
laid  down  in  that  paper  are  exacting  enough  to  fill  the  role  of  a 
general  officer.  There  were  not  many  such  engineers  as  Ouster. 


CHAPTER  V. 

WINNING   THE   BARS. 

ON  the  3d  of  May,  1862,  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  who 
had  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Confederate 
forces  in  the  Peninsula,  found  that  his  position  before  York- 
town  was  no  longer  tenable.  McClellan  had  pushed  his  siege 
works  close  to  Yorktown,  his  army  was  all  landed  and  his  breach- 
ing batteries  were  ready  to  open.  The  Federal  gunboats  in 
the  York  River  were  moreover  ready  to  move  up  the  river  as 
soon  as  the  fire  of  Yorktown  should  be  overcome ;  and  that 
place  once  passed,  there  was  nothing  to  prevent  the  landing  of 
a  heavy  force  in  Johnston's  rear.  His  array,  as  we  learn  from 
the  '  Narrative,'  then  amounted  to  53,000  men,  while  McClel- 
lan's  forces,  as  stated  by  his  own  morning  report,  were  112,000 
men.  By  the  aid  of  heavy  works  Johnston  had  held  him  back 
so  far,  just  as  Lee  subsequently  did  to  Grant  at  Petersburg, 
but  there  was  this  important  difference  in  McClellan's  favor 
against  Johnston,  that  the  latter's  flanks  were  only  covered  by 
water,  and  that  Federal  gun-boats  controlled  that  water.  It 
was  inevitable  that  Yorktown  should  be  evacuated  as  soon  as 
it  was  seriously  attacked.  Johnston  had  done  all  that  could  be 
hoped  for,  when  he  detained  McClellan  a  whole  month  in  front 
of  his  works. 

On  the  night  of  Saturday,  the  Confederates  stole  away 
from  the  lines  of  Yorktown  in  the  darkness,  and  moved  up  the 
Peninsula  towards  Richmond.  Johnston's  army  consisted  of 
four  strong  divisions  of  infantry,  those  of  Magruder,  Longstreet, 
D.  H.  Hill  and  G.  "W.  Smith.  Magruder  and  Smith  took  the 
lead,  then  came  the  baggage,  and  Longstreet  and  D.  H.  Hill 


104  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

followed,  Longstreet  forming  the  infantry  rear  guard.  Stuart's 
cavalry  brigade,  then  inconsiderable  in  numbers,  staid  at  York- 
town  to  the  last,  and  followed  the  infantry  leisurely. 

At  2  A.  M.  May  4th,  McClellan's  army  discovered  the  fact 
of  the  evacuation,  and  began  preparations  for  a  move.  The 
small  cavalry  force  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  with  a  battery, 
started  out  in  the  morning,  and  followed  Stuart  with  excessive 
caution,  under  command  of  General  Stoneman.  They  struck 
Stuart  about  4  p.  M.  near  Williamsburg,  drove  him  in,  and  pen- 
etrated to  a  redoubt  called  Fort  Magruder,  one  of  the  works 
prepared  by  the  providence  of  the  first  Confederate  commander, 
as  a  good  point  to  stay  the  advance  of  the  enemy. 

Longstreet  sent  back  Kershaw's  and  Semmes's  brigades  of 
foot  to  Stuart's  help,  drove  off  Stoneman,  and  took  one  of  his 
guns,  which  was  found  abandoned.  That  night  Longstreet's 
division  halted  near  Williamsburg,  and  his  rear-guard  occupied 
Fort  Magruder  and  six  redoubts  on  a  line  with  it.  It  began  to 
rain  before  morning,  and  the  mud  was  soon  very  heavy,  a  fore- 
taste of  future  Virginia  campaigning. 

Next  day  the  Federal  advance,  consisting  of  Hooker's  divis- 
ion, struck  Fort  Magruder,  and  fought  all  the  morning,  so 
hard  that  Hill's  division  of  Confederates  had  to  be  sent  back  to 
Longstreet's  help.  On  the  Federal  side,  four  more  divisions 
came  up,  but  did  not  join  Hooker,  who  was  left  to  fight  his 
battle  almost  alone  till  later  in  the  day,  when  the  pressure  ot 
the  enemy  compelled  Peck's  brigade  and  some  of  "  Baldy " 
Smith's  division  to  be  put  in.  Finally,  Kearney's  division,  in 
the  same  corps  as  Hooker's,  came  up  from  the  rear,  having 
been  the  last  to  leave  Yorktown,  and  went  in  beside  Hooker 
who  had  suffered  severely.  The  assistance,  however,  did  not 
come  in  time  to  prevent  the  loss  of  seventeen  hundred  men,  in 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  from  Hooker's  division,  with 
ten  colors  taken  and  five  guns  carried  off,  besides  five  more 
injured  and  abandoned.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  Hancock's 
brigade,  on  the  Federal  side,  had  crossed  a  little  run  to  the 


\V1XXIXG    THE    BARS.  105 

right  of  Fort  Magruder,  and  occupied  two  of  the  chain  of 
redoubts  on  the  line  of  the  fort,  thus  turning  Longstreet's  left. 

"With  this  brigade,  Lieutenant  Ouster  made  his  appearance, 
and  behaved  with  his  usual  dash  and  vigor.  He  does  not  seem 
to  have  had  any  particular  business  to  call  him  there,  but  his 
restless  nature  took  him  always  to  the  extreme  advance,  where 
there  was  any  duty  to  be  done,  and  he  seems  early  to  have 
discovered  that  with  Hancock's  command  was  about  as  good  a 
place  as  could  be  found  for  that  sort  of  service.  Yery  fre- 
quently afterwards  during  the  campaign,  he  found  himself 
with  the  same  brigade.  It  is  noticeable  too,  that  at  Williams- 
burg,  his  military  eye  led  him  to  prefer  Hancock's  position 
to  Hooker's.  There  was  much  harder  fighting  in  front  of 
Hooker,  but  it  was  early  evident  that  it  was  a  perfectly  hope- 
less struggle  for  that  single  division  to  attempt  to  carry  the 
Confederate  works  in  front.  It  was  "a  mere  useless  slaughter 
of  brave  men.  In  Hancock's  direction,  a  success  promised 
something.  It  turned  Longstreet's  flank ;  and  had  it  been 
supported  by  other  of  the  numerous  troops  that  lay  idly  look- 
ing on,  might  easily  have  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  greater 
part  of  Johnston's  rear  guard. 

As  it  was,  Hancock's  single  brigade  caused  Longstreet  the 
only  serious  alarm  he  suffered  during  the  day,  according  to 
the  admissions  made  in  "Johnston's  Narrative."  It  did  all 
that  so  small  a  force  could  be  expected  to  do,  occupied  the 
redoubts,  driving  out  the  enemy's  skirmishers,  held  its  own  all 
day ;  and  when  Early's  brigade,  towards  evening,  advanced  to 
dislodge  it,  went  in  on  the  charge,  and  thrashed  Early's  brig- 
ade most  handsomely,  the  only  decided  success  of  the  day. 

The  part  taken  by  Ouster  in  the  affair  is  characteristic,  and 
is  thus  mentioned  in  Hancock's  report:  "I  now  placed  the 
artillery  in  battery  on  the  crest  of  the  hill  in  front  of  the 
enemy's  work  at  short  range,  deployed  skirmishers  on  the 
right  and  left  of  the  road,  and  sent  the  Fifth  Wisconsin,  pre- 
ceded by  skirmishers  under  command  of  Major  Larrabee,  and 


106  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

followed  by  the  Sixth  Maine  in  column  of  assault  across  the  dam 
and  into  the  work,  Lieutenant  Ouster,  Fifth  Regular  Cavalry, 
volunteering  and  leading  the  way  on  horseback."  The  little  run 
mentioned  had  been  turned  into  a  millpond  in  former  times, 
and  the  troops  crossed  on  the  dam. 

A  queer  figure  Ouster  then  was,  according  to  the  accounts 
of  eye-witnesses.  One  officer  took  him  for  a  dashing  newspa- 
per correspondent,  out  to  see  the  fun.  He  wore  an  old  slouch 
hat  and  a  cavalry  jacket,  with  no  marks  of  rank,  the  jacket 
flying  open,  while  his  muddy  boots  did  not  look  worth  more 
than  a  dollar.  His  hair  was  beginning  to  grow  long,  and  aided 
his  careless  dress  to  give  him  a  slouchy  appearance,  but  even 
then  there  was  something  peculiar  about  him  that  made  people 
ask,  "  Who  is  that  young  fellow  ? "  It  was  not  for  more  than 
a  year  after,  that  he  came  out  as  a  dandy. 

In  the  charge  on  Early's  brigade,  which  cost  Early  four  hun- 
dred men,  this  careless  looking  young  officer  was  around  as  usual, 
waving  his  shocking  bad  hat,  and  cheering  on  the  men  in  the 
style  afterwards  so  famous.  Few  knew  him,  but  his  cheery 
ways,  and  the  habit  he  had  of  laughing  and  joking  in  action, 
helped  on  the  green  troops  as  nothing  else  would.  In  a  first 
fight,  the  best  drilled  soldiers  are  always  nervous.  When  they 
come  on  an  enemy  and  deliver  their  own  volley  they  are  all 
right,  but  when  the  counter  volley  strikes  them,  and  they  see 
their  friends  cut  down  all  along  the  line,  the  faint  hearted 
begin  to  drop  out,  with  the  peculiar  suddenness  that  distin- 
guishes the  "  skulker."  Then  the  bravest  feel  discouraged,  as 
if  they  were  being  left  all  alone,  and  they  too  are  ready  to  fall 
back.  If  at  that  moment  up  comes  a  mounted  officer,  laughing 
and  cheery,  with  his  "  Stand  fast,  boys,  we'll  beat  them  ! 
Give  'em  another  volley  now !  "  it  is  wonderful  how  those  men 
will  cheer  up  and  load  and  fire.  It  comes  to  a  test  of  who 
can  take  most  punishment,  and  at  Williamsburg,  Hancock's 
brigade  showed  they  could,  and  ended  by  sweeping  Early 
from  the  field. 


WINNING    THE    BARS.  107 

At  the  close  of  the  battle  of  Williamsburg,  Johnston  with- 
drew during  the  night,  and  the  next  month  was  occupied  by 
JVIcClellan's  slow  advance  up  the  Peninsula,  feeling  his  way  to 
West  Point,  whence  he  turned  to  the  left,  and  bore  down  on 
Richmond  from  the  northeast,  following  the  line  of  the  railroad 
into  Richmond.  How  slow  and  cautious  was  his  advance,  may 
be  judged  from  the  fact  that  it  was  not  till  the  22d  of  May, 
seventeen  days  after  the  battle  of  Williamsburg,  that  his 
advance  reached  the  Chickahominy  River. 

In  order  to  understand  the  subsequent  movements,  and 
what  is  called  the  "  Seven  Days  Fight,"  a  short  account  of  the 
Virginia  Peninsula,  and  the  localities  around  Richmond  is  here 
necessary,  for  those  readers  not  familiar  with  the  ground. 

The  City  of  Richmond,  the  objective  point  of  the  campaign 
of  1862,  lies  at  the  very  head  of  the  Peninsula,  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  James  River,  a  large,  navigable  stream  there1  and 
below  it.  About  sixteen  miles  north  of  Richmond,  runs  the 
Pamunkey  River,  a  deep  black  stream,  nearly  parallel  with  the 
James.  It  is  crossed  by  the  West  Point  railroad  at  White- 
house  landing,  where  it  is  deep  enough  for  gunboats  and 
schooners.  The  railroad  then  goes  on  and  takes  a  curve  to  the 
east,  avoiding  the  seven  bends  which  the  Pamunkey  there  takes, 
inside  of  ten  miles,  and  terminates  at  West  Point,  on  the  other 
bank  of  the  Pamunkey.  Here  the  river  receives  a  tributary 
from  the  north,  and  becomes  an  estuary  two  miles  wide,  called 
the  York  River.  Between  the  Pamunkey  and  James  Rivers, 
lies  the  Peninsula.  It  stretches  out  to  sea  for  some  seventy 
miles,  to  Fortress  Monroe.  Yorktown  is  on  the  north  side,  more 
than  half-way  down.  Williamsburg  is  in  the  middle  of  the 
Peninsula,  some  ten  miles  from  Yorktown.  All  of  the  lower 
part  was  unoccupied  by  either  side  after  Williamsburg.  The 
subsequent  fighting  was  up  in  the  very  neck  of  the  Peninsula, 
to  the  north  of  Richmond.  Here  arises  a  collection  of  little 
streams,  which  join  together  and  constitute  the  Chickahoiniiiy. 
It  splits  the.  Peninsula  in  half.  The  whole  Peninsula  is  low 


108  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

ground,  formed  by  the  accumulated  mud  of  the  two  rivers, 
stopped  and  deposited  for  ages  by  the  ocean  tides.  The  Chicka- 
hominy  steals  along  through  swamps,  and  it  is  hard  to  tell 
which  is  river  and  which  is  swamp. 

On  the  22d  of  May,  McClellan's  army  had  arrived  at  the 
banks  of  the  Chickahominy,  only  six  or  eight  miles  north  of 
Richmond.  The  different  corps  came  on  various  roads,  or 
across  country  on  each  side  the  West  Point  railroad,  and  stopped 
on  the  north  side  of  the  stream.  It  lay  in  the  bottom,  fringed 
with  timber  and  swamp.  On  each  side  was  a  very  gentle  open 
slope,  about  a  mile  wide,  the  crest  covered  with  timber.  The 
Federal  pickets  were  on  the  north  side,  the  enemy  on  the  oppo- 
site crest.  No  one  knew  anything  of  the  depth  of  the  river. 
Two  country  roads  crossed  it  by  bridges.  One  was  a  mile 
below  the  railroad ;  it  was  called  Bottom  Bridge ;  the  other 
was  about  eight  miles  above  the  railroad ;  it  was  called  New 
Bridge.  Meadow  Bridge  was  two  miles  further  up  still.  All 
these  wrere  broken  down,  and  left  with  the  bare  piles  stick- 
ing up. 

On  the  22d  May,  McClellan  established  his  headquarters 
at  Coal  Harbor,  about  a  mile  from  the  Chickahominy ;  and 
General  Barnard,  the  chief  engineer  of  the  army,  at  once  started 
off  to  reconnoitre.  The  previous  day  he  had  been  down  to  Bot- 
tom Bridge,  eight  miles  below,  and  found  no  enemy  there,  while 
the  stream  was  fordable  on  horseback.  Barnard  judged  that  it 
must  be  even  shallower  in  all  probability  higher  up,  and  if  it 
could  be  crossed  there  the  position  would  be  better  to  cover  the 
railroad  to  West  Point,  by  which  the  army  drew  its  supplies 
from  the  seacoast. 

Custer,  being  on  staff  duty,  happened  to  be  around,  and 
Barnard  beckoned  him  to  come  with  him,  not  knowing  who  he 
was  at  the  time.  Both  passed  through  the  picket  line,  and 
went  down  to  the  river.  The  Federal  outside  pickets  \vere 
in  the  clear  ground,  perhaps  two  hundred  yards  from  the  edge 
of  the  swampy  bank.  The  general  and  the  lieutenant  went  on 


Bancroft!^ 

* 


WINNING    THE    BARS.  Ill 

past  the  pickets  but  were  warned  not  to  enter  the  timber,  as  it 
was  full  of  the  enemy's  pickets.  General  Barnard  heard  them,  but 
as  no  picket  shooting  had  taken  place  from  them,  and  as  his  own 
experience  at  Bottom's  Bridge  made  him  doubt  it,  he  passed  on 
with  Ouster,  reached  the  swamp,  penetrated  it,  and  finally  the 
two  found  themselves  alone  on  the  margin  of  the  stream,  the 
dark  flow  of  which  gave  no  revelation  of  its  depths,  nor  of  the 
nature  of  its  bottom.  Turning  to  his  young  subordinate,  Gen- 
eral Barnard  said,  "jump  in."  There  might  have  been  a  pass- 
ing look  of  surprise,  but  the  order  was  instantly  obeyed,  and 
Ouster  forded  the  stream  (finding  firm  bottom)  and  ascended 
the  opposite  bank.  The  young  officer  waded  the  stream,  in  the 
momentary  expectation  of  being  fired  at  by  the  enemy's  pickets 
on  the  other  bank.  All  around  him  was  quite  unknown. 
There  was  every  reason  to  suppose  that  riflemen  were  in  the 
bushes  beyond,  and  Ouster  was  in  the  open  river,  perfectly  ex- 
posed. He  had  drawn  his  revolver,  and  held  it  up  above  the 
water,  which  rose  to  his  armpits  in  the  middle  of  the  stream ; 
and  his  feet  sunk  several  inches  into  the  soft,  sticky,  black  mud 
of  the  bottom.  General  Barnard,  in  his  report,  calls  it  "  firm 
bottom,"  but  it  will  be  noticed  that  the  general  did  not  wade  it 
himself,  and  therefore  his  ideas  of  the  bottom  must  be  regarded 
as  slightly  formal  and  technical  However,  it  was  not  a  quick- 
sand. 

Arrived  at  the  other  side,  Ouster  peered  through  the  bushes 
and  cautiously  ascended  the  bank,  being  rewarded  for  his  ex- 
plorations by  a  distinct  view  of  the  enemy's  picket  fires,  some 
distance  off,  and  by  the  sight  of  their  nearest  sentry,  lazily 
pacing  his  post,  quite  unconscious  of  the  proximity  of  any  foe. 
By  this  time,  Barnard  was  becoming  a  little  nervous  for  Ouster's 
and  his  own  safety,  and  began  to  make  silent  signals  to  him  to 
come  back,  but  the  young  fellow  never  heeded  them  till  he  had 
carefully  examined  the  whole  of  the  enemy's  position,  and  had 
found  that  thoir  main  picket  post  was  so  situated  in  the  midst 
of  a  bend  of  the  river  that  it  might  be  easily  out  off  by  a  bold 


112  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

dash  from  a  point  either  higher  up  or  lower  down.  Not  till  he 
had  settled  this  in  his  mind  did  Ouster  return.  Then  he  waded 
his  way  back  to  Barnard,  and  briefly  reported  the  stream  as  be- 
ing "  fordable."  The  old  engineer  was  not  much  given  to 
compliments,  but  even  he  expressed  a  certain  grim  approval  of 
he  deed,  and  told  Ouster  to  follow  him  back  to  General  Mc- 
Olellan. 

At  that  time  army  headquarters  were  some  half  a  mile  from 
the  river,  on  the  other  side  of  the  northern  ridge  of  the  valley, 
at  the  Widow  Games'  house.  The  general  and  his  young  subor- 
dinate mounted  and  rode  up  to  the  house,  where  they  found 
McClellan  about  to  ride  out  with  his  staff,  to  visit  the  different 
positions.  Here  Ouster  fell  back  while  Barnard  went  on.  In 
these  army  matters,  the  reader  must  remember  the  credit  assigned 
to  an  officer  or  soldier  is  almost  always  in  proportion  to  his 
rank.  The  soldiers  light  the  battle,  and  the  officer  gets  the 
credit.  In  this  case,  Ouster  had  made  the  risky  reconnoissance, 
but  as  Barnard  was  the  chief  engineer,  it  would  all  go  to  Bar- 
nard's credit.  So  the  boy  thought,  at  least.  He  was  yet 
only  a  humble  second  lieutenant,  and  the  riotous  life  he  had  led 
at  Washington  the  previous  winter,  with  the  sudden  shock  of 
revelation  and  repentance  produced  by  his  sister's  solemn  warn- 
ings and  prayers,  had  tended  to  sober  and  subdue  him  greatly. 
There  are  evidences  at  this  time  in  his  private  correspondence 
that  he  felt  at  times  depressed  in  mind  to  some  extent,  and 
thought  that  he  had  led  an  unusually  wicked  life.  This  ten- 
derness of  conscience  was  natural  to  him.  Moreover,  he  had 
spent  most  of  his  money,  was  hard  up,  shabby  in  his  dress,  and 
at  that  moment  was  all  covered  with  the  black  mud  of  the 
Chickahominy.  He  felt  very  keenly  the  contrast  between  his 
own  forlorn  appearance  and  that  of  the  neat  and  handsome  staff 
of  McCiellan,  where  every  officer  was  well  brushed  and  shaved 
and  glittering  with  bright  buttons.  In  short,  Ouster  hung  back 
out  of  sight,  and  dropped  to  the  rear  of  the  staff  as  they  rode 
on.  General  Barnard  rode  by  McClellan's  side  on  the  way  to 


WINNING    HIS    BARS.  113 

the  other  positions,  and  made  his  report  of  the  state  of  the  river, 
so  many  feet  of  water,  such  a  bottom,  etc.  The  commander 
listened,  asked  a  few  questions,  and  finally  it  came  out  that  the 
general  had  not  gone  himself,  but  had  sent  in  some  young 
officer,  really  could  not  say  who — had  seen  him  lounging  near 
headquarters — guessed  he  was  somewhere  near — would  tha 
general  like  to  see  him  ? 

Certainly  the  general  would  like  to  see  him — wanted  to  see 
him  at  once — very  important — where  was  he  ?  Word  was 
passed  that  "  General  McClellan  wanted  to  see  the  officer  who 
had  been  down  to  the  river  with  General  Barnard."  It  passed 
from  a  stately  chief  of  staff,  covered  with  buttons,  through  a 
still  more  gorgeous  aid-de-camp,  thence  to  another  and  another, 
till  it  reached  the  smart  orderlies,  and  every  body  wanted  to 
know  where  was  "  the  officer  that  went  with  General  Barnard." 
At  last  lie  was  found,  and  brought  up,  dirty  and  muddy,  with 
unkempt  hair,  coat  not  brushed,  but  all  creased  from  being  slept 
in,  trousers  far  from  guiltless  of  rags  (fruit  of  hard  riding), 
boots  more  russet  than  black,  with  red  reflections,  cap  once 
blue,  now  purple  from  many  rains  and  suns.  Such  was  the 
figure  that  presented  itself  before  McGlellan — general,  as  al- 
ways, neat  as  a  pin — boy's  face  as  red  as  lire  with  shame  at  his 
own  carelessness. 

But  McClellan  knew  how  to  conquer  mauvaise  honte  as 
few  other  men  could.  He  pretended  not  to  notice  Ouster's 
confusion,  told  the  lad  to  ride  with  him,  that  he  "  wanted  to 
hear  all  about  this  crossing  of  the  river  and  what  was  on  the 
other  side." 

By  a  few  brief  questions  he  set  the  boy  at  his  ease,  drew  him 
on  to  talk,  and,  once  talking,  Custer  was  always  a  remarkably 
vivid  and  correct  narrator.  Before  he  knew  how  it  happened, 
he  found  himself  telling  all  about  the  position  of  the  enemy's 
pickets,  and  how  easily  they  might  be  attacked,  forgetting 
all  mention  of  himself,  and  treating  his  own  exploit  as  nothing 
worthy  of  notice.  The  tables  were  turned  now.  Custer  was 


11-4  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

doing  all  the  talking;  McClellan  listening.  Suddenly  the 
young  officer  recollected  himself  again,  grew  silent  and  bashful, 
touched  his  cap  stiffly,  and  said,  "  That's  all,  sir." 

Then  it  was  that  McClellau  broke  the  silence  abruptly. 
"  Do  you  know,  you're  just  the  young  man  I've  been  looking 
for,  Mr.  Ouster.  How  would  you  like  to  come  on  my 
staff?" 

Ouster  made  no  answer.  For  a  moment  he  could  make 
none.  He  paled  and  flushed,  perfectly  overcome.  He  could 
not  believe  his  good  fortune. 

"  You  don't — really — mean  it — general  ? "  was  all  he  could 
stammer  out. 

"  I  do,"  said  the  general,  kindly.  "  How  say  you  ?  "Will 
you  accept  ? " 

"  How  did  you  feel  when  the  general  spoke  to  you  ? " 
asked  a  friend  of  Ouster's,  long,  long  after. 

His  reply  was  brief,  as  his  eyes  filled  with  tears.  "  Ifeli 
I  could  have  died  for  him," 

That  was  the  commencement,  for  Ouster,  of  a  life-long  ado- 
ration of  McClellan,  which  nothing  after  ever  served  to  weaken. 
McClellan  was  the  first  man  whom  he  found  to  lend  him  a 
helping  hand  in  his  course  through  life,  and  he  never  forgot 
the  fact.  Hitherto  he  had  been  alone,  helpless  and  friendless, 
all  his  gallant  deeds  apparently  wasted.  It  was  to  no  purpose 
that  he  had  led  the  first  charge  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
and  piloted  the  way  to  victory  for  Hancock's  brigade  at  Wil- 
liamsburg.  He  was  still  a  mere  second  lieutenant  of  cavalry 
while  other  subalterns  of  the  regular  army,  all  round  him,  were 
entering  the  volunteer  service  as  captains,  majors,  colonels, 
according  to  the  strength  of  their  friends  and  influence.  He 
had  no  friends  but  humble  ones,  no  influence  at  all.  Now  on  a 
sudden,  to  find  himself  offered  a  conspicuous  position,  which 
almost  certainly  promised  further  advancement,  seemed  to  the 
young  officer  like  a  gift  from  heaven,  and  he  fell  down  and 


WINNING   HIS    BARS.  115 

worshipped  the  giver  forthwith.  The  feeling  with  which  Cus- 
ter,  then  and  after,  regarded  McClellan,  was  such  as  he  never 
gave  to  any  subsequent  general,  not  even  Sheridan.  It  was  a 
compound  of  respect,  gratitude,  and  love  amounting  to  adora- 
tion, which  remained  with  him  to  the  last.  While  his  cooler 
military  sense  must  have  recognized,  later  in  life,  the  undoubted 
faults  of  McClellan  as  a  commander,  he  never  would  admit 
them,  even  to  himself.  He  seemed  to  feel  it  a  point  of  honor 
with  him  to  defend  his  old  commander  and  first  friend  against 
all  assaults.  When  he  commenced  his  War  Memoirs  in  the 
"  Galaxy,"  fourteen  years  after  the  events  in  which  he  then  took 
a  part,  McClellan's  reputation  was  regarded  as  settled  by  the 
fact  of  his  ill  success,  and  his  apologists  occupied  a  decidedly 
weak  position,  as  well  as  an  unpopular  one.  It  is  a  character- 
istic of  Ouster's  loyalty  of  heart  and  gratitude  for  benefits  re- 
ceived, that  he  should  have  deliberately  embraced  the  unpopular 
side  of  McClellan's  defence,  and  have  worked  so  hard  and 
faithfully  as  he  did.  He  never  forgot  his  early  friend,  and  no 
one  else  ever  held  the  same  place  in  his  heart. 

Ouster,  having  gratefully  accepted  the  offer,  took  leave  of 
the  general  and  returned  to  his  quarters,  where  he  soon  received 
the  following  missive : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  Washington,  June  5th,  1862. 

SIR— You  are  hereby  informed  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  has  appointed  you  Additional  aide-de-camp  on  the  staff  of 
Major-General  George  B.  McClellan  with  the  rank  of  captain  in 
the  service  of  the  United  States,  to  rank  as  such  from  the  fifth 
day  of  June,  1862. 

Immediately  on  receipt  hereof,  please  to  communicate  to  this 
department,  through  the  Adjutant-General's  Office,  your  accept- 
ance or  non-acceptance  of  said  appointment;  and  with  your 
letter  of  acceptance,  return  to  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  Army 
the  oath  herewith  enclosed,  properly  filled  up,  subscribed  and 
attested;  reporting  at  the  same  time  your  age,  residence,  when 
appointed,  and  the  State  in  which  you  were  born. 

Should  you  accept,  you  will   at  once  report  in  person,  for 


116  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

orders,  to  Major-General  George  B.  McClellan,  U.  S.  Vols.  Thia 
appointment  to  continue  iti  force  during  the  pleasure  of  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States. 

EDWIK  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War. 
CAPTAIN  GEORGK  A.  CUSTKB,  Addl.  Aide-de-Camp. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  young  officer  filled  out  the  oath 
and  sent  it  back  post  haste,  while  he  reported  at  McClellan's 
headquarters.  The  appointment  he  sent  by  mail  to  his  sister 
Mrs.  Reed,  for  safe  keeping,  and  she  retains  it  to-day.  Even 
before  this  appointment  came,  however,  Ouster  had  justified 
McClellan's  faith  in  his  dash  and  energy.  He  had  begged  to  be 
permitted  to  take  over  some  troops  and  capture  the  picket  post 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  McClellan  consented,  and  a  de- 
tail was  ordered  to  report  to  "  Captain  Ouster,"  (as  he  was  already 
called,  before  his  appointment,)  for  detached  service.  The 
detail  consisted  of  two  companies  of  cavalry  and  one  of  infantry, 
and  the  attack  was  to  be  made  at  dawn.  In  the  meantime 
Caster  had  taken  the  pains  to  wade  the  middle  of  the  river,  for 
nearly  a  mile  up  and  down,  finding  it  favorable  everywhere. 
At  the  appointed  time,  in  the  grey  of  the  morning,  he  found 
his  detail  waiting,  and  rode  down  to  the  river.  The  cavalry 
was  to  follow  the  infantry  as  a  support,  in  the  wrong-headed 
fashion  of  those  days. 

The  young  officer  was  absorbed  in  thought  and  anxiety 
about  this,  his  first  serious  expedition,  and  consequently  did 
not  take  much  notice  of  the  troops  with  him,  till  they  came  to 
the  ford.  Then,  as  the  light  was  growing  stronger,  he  heard  a 
voice  say  "  I  want  to  know  !  If  that  ain't  Armstrong !  "  Ouster 
started  and  looked  at  the  dingy  blue-grey  crowd  of  soldiers,  and 
was  greeted  in  a  moment  by  animated  cries.  "  Why,  it's  Arm- 
strong." "  How  are  ye,  Armstrong."  "  Give  us  your  fist, 
Armstrong." 

He  had,  by  a  strange  chance,  fallen  into  the  midst  of  Com- 
pany A.,  Fourth  Michigan  Infantry,  a  company  raised  in  Mon- 


WINNING    HIS    BARS.  117 

roe,  and  composed  almost  entirely  of  his  old  school  friends  and 
playmates.  With  the  peculiarly  refreshing  republicanism  of  the 
western  and  all  American  country  volunteers,  the  boys  recognized 
no  barrier  of  rank  between  them  and  their  old  playmate.  Here 
Ouster's  tact  and  knowledge  of  human  nature  enabled  him  to 
maintain  discipline  where  another  might  have  failed. 

Instead  of  putting  on  cold  and  distant  airs,  he  hastily  grasped 
the  proffered  hands  nearest,  laughing,  and  said  : 

"  Well,  boys,  I'm  glad  to  see  you,  yon  don't  know  how 
glad  ;  but  I  tell  you  I'm  very  busy  now,  too  busy  to  talk, 
except  to  say  this — All  Monroe  boys,  follow  me ;  stick  to  me, 
and  I'll  stick  to  you  !  Come  1 " 

And  he  rode  into  the  water,  followed  by  cries  of  "  That's 
ns,  Armstrong."  "  Yon  bet  we'll  follow." 

And  they  did.  To  make  a  long  story  short,  they  forded  the 
river,  and  came  down  in  rear  of  the  enemy's  pickets  entirely 
nnperceived,  exactly  as  Ouster  had  planned.  Just  before  sun- 
rise they  opened  fire  on  the  surprised  post  of  the  enemy,  part  of 
the  Louisiana  tigers,  shot  several  and  stampeded  the  rest,  driv- 
ing them  down  toward  the  river,  and  taking  arms,  prisoners,  and 
one  color,  the  first  ever  taken  by  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
captured  by  Ouster  himself.. 

Well  had  he  justified  the  choice  of  his  chief. 

In  this  fight  Ouster  was  associated  with  Lieutenant  Bowen, 
who  was  still  his  nominal  chief.  Had  they  been  supported  by 
the  cavalry  that  was  with  them,  they  intended  to  have  charged 
much  further.  Ouster  came  raging  back  to  the  river  bank, 
waving  a  rebel  sabre  which  he  had  captured,  and  urging, 
entreating,  storming  at  the  cavalry  commander  to  conie  over, 
that  a  grand  chance  awaited  them.  The  officer  refused  to  be 
persuaded.  He  could  see  that  the  firing  had  drawn  out  a  whole 
brigade  of  the  enemy,  and  that  if  he  went  over  a  general  en- 
gagement must  follow.  For  this  the  army  was  not  then  pre- 
pared, so  that  Ouster,  alone  and  unsupported,  with  his  Monroe 
boys,  had  the  undivided  credit  of  this  affair. 


118 


GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 


NOTE. — -From  information  received  since  the  above  was  written 
it  appears  that  the  whole  of  the  Fourth  Michigan  regiment  was 
detailed  for  this  service,  but  that  the  greater  part  was  kept  in 
reserve  with  the  cavalry,  so  that  the  brunt  of  the  fighting  fell  on 
Ouster.  One  great  reason  for  the  hesitation  of  the  commander 
was  the  black  and  formidable  looking  stream,  which  he  hesitated 
to  cross  for  fear  of  entangling  his  horses  in  some  hidden  quick- 
sand. His  conduct  was  decidedly  prudent,  but  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  in  those  early  days  of  the  war,  dash  was  frowned  down 
and  prudence  extolled.  The  Bull  Eun  disaster  had  ended  in  exag- 
gerating the  caution  natural  to  all  beginners,  and  every  one 
seemed  to  be  afraid  to  do  anything  dashing,  for  fear  of  an  ambush 
or  a  masked  battery. 


THIRD   BOOK.—  THE   CAPTAIN. 

CHAPTER   I. 
FEOM  RICHMOND  TO  MALVEKN  HILL. 


new  won  rank  was  not  yet  fairly  settled, 
when  the  prestige  of  McClellan  received  a  sudden  check. 
After  lying  behind  the  Chickahominy  for  nearly  a  week,  he 
had  pushed  out  his  left  wing  far  in  advance  of  the  rest,  Casey's 
division  being  at  Fairoaks  Station,  on  the  railroad,  while  the 
rest  of  the  army  was  nearly  four  miles  away.  Casey  was  in 
full  view  of  Richmond,  and  his  troops  were  the  nearest  of  any 
force  of  infantry  that  reached  there,  for  three  long  years  after. 

More  than  half  of  McClellan's  army  remained  on  the  other 
bank  of  the  Chickahominy,  and  Johnston  saw  that  he  had  a 
good  chance  to  annihilate  that  part  which  was  so  imprudently 
advanced.  By  this  time  he  had  accumulated  76,000  men,  and 
felt  able  to  move.  He  made  his  plans  to  strike  Casey  on  the. 
31st  June,  and  was  much  assisted  by  the  fact  that  a  heavy  rain 
on  the  30th  had  so  swelled  the  Chickahominy  that  it  became 
for  the  moment  unfordable. 

On  the  31st  Johnston  struck  Casey,  nearly  surrounded  him, 
and  drove  him  in  confusion,  beat  back  Kearny,  who  came  to 
his  support,  and  completely  defeated  that  wing  of  the  Federal 
Army.  It  was  only  saved  from  ruin  by  the  coming  of  S  limner's 
corps  over  the  trestle  bridges  that  had  been  placed  on  the  Chicka- 
hominy ;  Sumner  partially  restored  the  fight,  but  McClellan's 
advance  was  checked. 

He  experienced,  however,  a  slight  benefit  of  fortune  in  spite 


120  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

of  the  defeat.  Johnston  was  so  severely  wounded  as  to  be 
taken  from  the  field,  and  this  circumstance  paralyzed  the  attack 
at  nightfall.  Next  day  G.  W.  Smith,  who  was  next  in  Confed- 
erate command,  proved  totally  unable  to  carry  on  the  battle, 
and  a  lull  ensued  for  some  weeks,  till  Lee  was  appointed  Gen- 
eral-in-chief.  The  lull  was  a  deceitful  one  for  McClellan.  It 
encouraged  him  in  the  belief  that  he  could  take  Richmond  by 
a  regular  siege,  and  he  progressed  slowly,  just  as  he  had  done 
at  Yorktown. 

At  last,  just  as  he  was  ready  to  begin  the  bombardment,  and 
had  telegraphed  the  President  to  that  effect,  Lee,  who  had 
gathered  together  from  all  quarters  an  army  of  about  110,000 
men,  attacked  him  in  flank  and  rear,  on  the  side  opposite  to 
that  which  marked  Johnston's  attack,  and  at  once  broke  his 
communications  with  West  Point.  Then  followed  the  terrible 
slaughter  of  the  "  Seven  Days  Fight."  The  Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac was  driven  from  the  railroad  and  the  north  side  of  the 
Peninsula,  and  compelled  to  take  refuge  on  the  south  side,  with 
a  new  base  at  Harrison's  Landing  on  the  James  River,  covered 
by  gunboats. 

In  all  these  battles,  Ouster  and  Bowen,  who  seem  to  have 
been  inseparable,  were  seen  together,  carrying  orders  from  one 
part  of  the  field  to  another,  cheerful  in  spite  of  the  disaster. 
One  of  the  most  remarkable  features  indeed  of  all  the  seven 
days'  fight  was  this  wonderful  constancy  of  the  whole  army 
under  misfortune.  The  first  day's  battle  at  Games'  Mills,  on 
the  north  bank  of  the  Chickahominy,  was  a  blow  that  would 
have  paralyzed  almost  any  army.  Thirty-five  thousand  men, 
separated  from  their  comrades  by  a  river,  were  attacked  by  Lee 
with  at  least  seventy  thousand,  surrounded,  crushed,  almost 
annihilated,  the  whole  army  found  itself  driven  from  its  base, 
out-generaled  and  fianked;  and  yet  fought  on  day  by  day,  in 
fractions,  covering  the  retreat  of  the  rest,  and  repulsing  every 
subsequent  assault  with  terrible  loss.  The  last  battle  at  Malvern 
Hill,  near  Harrison's  Landing,  was  the  fiercest  of  allj  and  ended 


FROM    RICHMOND    TO    MALVERN  HILL.  12  J 

in  the  complete  overthrow  of  Lee's  army,  which  was  mowed 
down  by  thousands  as  it  urged  its  desperate  assaults  against  a 
superior  force  of  artillery,  splendidly  posted.  A  Confederate 
officer  who  afterwards  wrote  an  account  of  the  battle  for  the 
Cologne  Gazette,  which  attracted  great  attention  all  over  Europe, 
notices  the  fact  that  in  the  last  battles,  the  Union  troops 
advanced  to  meet  them,  attacked  in  their  turn,  and  uttered  loud 
cries  of  "  On  to  Richmond." 

Most  of  the  corps  and  division  commanders  were  indeed 
eager,  after  Malvern  Hill,  to  advance  once  more  on  Richmond ; 
but  McClellan  refused  to  move.  He  was  too  thoroughly  con- 
vinced of  the  dangers  of  the  way,  and  resolved  to  await  rein- 
forcements, as  the  safest,  if  not  the  most  brilliant  method  of 
procedure. 

It  was  at  Malvern  Hill  that  Ouster  and  Bowen  once  more 
came  to  the  front,  in  one  of  their  gallant  dashes.  Always  in 
the  advance  and  reconnoitring,  the  pair  of  friends,  accompa- 
nied by  two  orderlies,  took  a  gallop  outside  of  the  lines,  that 
morning,  to  explore  a  certain  thicket  in  plain  view  of  the  army. 
Just  as  they  came  up  to  it,  out  dashed  six  or  seven  of  the  ene- 
my's cavalry,  and  charged  for  them  with  loud  yells  and  pistol 
shots.  For  a  few  moments,  the  two  officers  were  demoralized, 
and  fled  towards  their  own  army.  Then,  seeing  by  how  few 
they  were  followed,  for  their  pursuers  had  strung  out  consider- 
ably, Bowen  called  to  their  orderlies,  who  were  regulars,  turned, 
and  charged  the  over  impetuous  foe,  taking  each  man  almost 
alone,  and  actually  compelling  the  surrender  of  the  whole  party. 
The  advancing  enemy's  lines  were  however  so  near  that  they 
could  not  bring  back  their  prisoners,  but  they  compelled  them 
to  give  up  their  arms,  and  a  great  shout  of  laughter  greeted  the 
two  mad-caps,  as  they  returned,  each  carrying  an  armful  of  sa- 
bres, revolvers,  carbines  and  belts,  captured  in  fair  sight  of  both 
armies.  It  was  a  foretaste  of  the  future  career  of  one  of  them. 

Not  very  long  after  Malvern  Hill,  Ouster  alone  enjoyed 
another  dash  of  exceptional  brilliancy  into  the  enemy's  lines. 


122  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

In  those  days  as  a  young  officer  he  was  not  so  reticent  about 
himself  in  his  letters  home  as  he  afterward  became,  and  he  thus 
tells  the  story  of  his  adventure  in  a  letter  to  his  sister,  Mrs. 
Reed,  who  was  then  his  chief  confidant : 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC,  Aug.  8th,  1862. 
DEAR  BROTHER  AND  SISTER  : — I  received  your  letter  of  the 
30th  in  due  time,  and  found  it  quite  interesting.  I  received  it  in 
the  evening  about  dark,  and  would  have  answered  it  at  once,  but 
my  horse  was  saddled  and  standing  in  front  of  my  tent  ready  for 
me  to  mount.  I  had  returned  the  preceding  day  from  a  success- 
ful expedition  across  the  river,  and  was  about  to  start  upon 
another.  My  regiment  formed  a  part  of  the  troops  that  were  to 
go.  As  we  were  to  start  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  I  deemed  it 
best  to  join  the  regiment  in  the  evening,  and  be  ready  to  accom- 
pany them  in  the  morning.  Our  force  was  not  a  large  one,  con- 
sisting of  about  three  hundred  cavalry  and  four  guns  (horse 
artillery)  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Averill.  Our  object  was 
to  go  about  twenty  miles  to  "  White  Oak  Swamp  "  and  surprise  a 
regiment  of  cavalry  stationed  there.  We  arrived  in  sight  of  the 
enemy  about  eleven  o'clock.  I  was  the  first  to  discover  them.  Our 
cavalry  at  once  prepared  to  charge  them,  and  away  we  went, 
whooping  and  yelling  with  all  our  might.  The  rebels  broke  and 
scattered  in  all  directions,  we  following  as  fast  as  our  horses  could 
go.  As  soon  as  we  came  close  enough,  we  began  firing  at  them 
with  our  revolvers.  Quite  a  number  of  them  surrendered  when 
they  saw  that  their  escape  was  cut  off ;  others,  who  had  good 
horses,  Avere  not  of  this  way  of  thinking,  but  continued  the  nice. 
I  was  mounted  on  my  "  black  "  who  seemed  to  enjoy  the  sport  aa 
well  as  his  master.  During  the  chase  I  became  separated  from  all 
the  command  except  a  bugler  boy  of  my  company,  who  was  at  a 
short  distance  from  me,  but  concealed  from  my  view  by  bushes.  I 
heard  him  call  out  "Captain  !  Captain  !"  I  could  not  see  him  but 
called  to  him,  asking  what  was  the  matter.  He  replied,  "  here  are 
two  secesli  after  me."  I  put  spurs  to  my  horse  and  started  in  the 
direction  of  his  voice.  I  found  him  with  his  carbine  in  his  hand, 
trying  to  keep  off  two  secesh  cavalry  who  were  trying  to  capture 
or  kill  him.  I  drew  my  revolver  and  dashed  at  one  of  them,  tell- 
ing the  bugler  to  manage  the  other.  They  both  clapped  spurs  to 
their  horses  as  soon  as  they  saw  me.  I  followed  one,  the  bugler 
the  other,  an  1  away  we  went  down  the  hill.  My  horse  was  the 


FROM    RICHMOND    TO    MALVERN    HILL.  123 

fastest.  I  kept  gaining  on  him  until  I  was  within  ten  steps,  when 
I  culled  out  for  him  to  surrender.  He  paid  no  attention  to  me, 
so  I  fired  twice  at  him  with  my  revolver.  This  brought  him  to  a 
halt.  I  again  pointed  my  revolver  at  him,  and  told  him  if  he  did 
not  "  surrender  at  once,  I  would  kill  him."  He  had  a  short  rifle  in 
his  hand,  and  hesitated  a  moment  whether  to  surrender  or  fire  at 
me.  He  chose  the  former,  and  handed  me  his  gun.  I  then  made 
him  ride  in  front  of  me  until  I  placed  him  in  charge  of  a  guard. 
Lieutenant  Byrnes,  of  my  regiment,  myself  and  about  ten  men, 
then  started  out  again.  We  had  not  gone  far  until  we  saw  an  offi- 
cer and  fifteen  or  twenty  men  riding  toward  us  with  the  intention 
of  cutting  their  way  through  and  joining  their  main  body.  When 
they  saw  us  coming  Coward  them  however,  they  wheeled  sud- 
denly to  the  left,  and  attempted  to  gallop  around  us.  Byrnes 
called  out,  "  Ouster,  you  take  the  right  hand  and  I'll  take  the  left," 
which  we  did,  and  then  followed  the  most  exciting  sport  I 
ever  engaged  in.  My  pistol  was  fresh  loaded.  I  recognized  the 
rebel  officer  by  his  uniform.  He  rode  in  front  of  his  men,  and  was 
mounted  on  a  splendid  horse.  I  selected  him  as  my  game,  and 
gave  my  black  the  spur  and  rein.  If  I  had  been  compelled  to  follow 
behind  him  I  could  never  have  overtaken  him,  but  instead  of  doing 
so,  I  turned  off  with  the  intention  of  heading  him.  By  this  means 
I  came  very  close  to  him.  I  could  have  fired  at  him  then,  but  see- 
ing a  stout  rail  fence  in  front  of  him,  I  concluded  to  try  him  at 
it.  I  reasoned  that  he  might  attempt  to  leap  it  and  be  thrown, 
or  if  he  could  clear  it  so  could  I.  The  chase  was  now  exciting  in 
the  extreme.  I  saw  as  he  neared  the  fence  that  he  was  preparing 
for  a  leap,  and  what  was  more,  I  soon  saw  that  the  confidence  he 
had  in  his  horse  was  not  misplaced,  for  he  cleared  the  fence 
handsomely.  Now  came  my  turn.  I  saw  him  look  around  just  as 
I  reached  the  fence,  but  he  certainly  derived  no  satisfaction  by  so 
doing,  as  my  black  seemed  determined  not  to  be  outdone  by  a 
rebel,  and  cleared  the  fence  as  well  as  I  could  wish.  By  avoiding 
some  soft  ground  which  I  saw  was  retarding  him,  I  was  enabled 
to  get  close  upon  him  when  I  called  to  him  to  surrender,  or  I 
would  shoot  him.  He  paid  no  attention  and  I  fired,  taking  as 
good  aim  as  was  possible  on  horseback.  If  I  struck  him  he  gave  no 
indication  of  it,  but  pushed  on.  I  again  called  to  him  to  surrender, 
but  received  no  reply.  I  took  deliberate  aim  at  his  body  and  fired. 
He  sat  for  a  moment  in  his  saddle,  reeled  and  fell  to  the  ground, 
his  horse  ran  on  and  mine  also.  I  stopped  as  soon  as  possible, 
but  by  this  time  Byrnes  and  his  party  were  around  me  firing  right 


124  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

and  left.  I  joined  with  them  and  captured  another  rebel  who  had 
leaped  from  his  horse  and  endeavored  to  escape  in  the  woods.  We 
were  now  some  distance  from  the  main  body;  the  colonel  became 
alarmed  for  our  safety,  and  caused  the  bugler  to  sound  the  "  rally  " 
when  we  were  all  compelled  to  join  the  main  body.  Before  the 
"rally  "  was  sounded,  however,  I  saw  the  horse  of  the  officer  I  had 
shot,  but  a  short  distance  from  me.  I  recognized  him  by  a  red 
morocco  breast  strap  which  I  had  noticed  during  the  chase.  Four 
other  riderless  horses  were  with  him.  I  rode  up  to  them,  and 
selecting  him  from  the  rest,  led  him  off,  while  the  others  were  taken 
possession  of  by  others  of  the  party.  He  is  a  blooded  horse,  as  is 
evident  by  his  appearance.  I  have  him  yet  and  intend  to  keep  him. 
The  saddle,  which  I  also  retain,  is  a  splendid  one,  covered  with 
black  morocco  and  ornamented  with  silver  nails.  The  sword  of  the 
officer  was  fastened  to  the  saddle,  so  that  altogether  it  was  a 
splendid  trophy.  Owing  to  the  confusion  and  excitement  of  such 
an  occurrence,  I  was  not  able  to  see  the  officer  after  he  fell  from 
his  horse,  but  Lieutenant  Byrnes  told  me  that  he  saw  him  after 
he  fell,  and  that  he  rose  to  his  feet,  turned  around,  threw  up  his 
hands  and  fell  to  the  ground  with  a  stream  of  blood  gushing  from 
his  mouth.  I  had  either  shot  him  in  the  neck  or  body;  in  either 
case  the  wound  must  have  been  mortal.  It  was  his  own  fault;  I 
told  him  twice  to  surrender,  but  was  compelled  to  shoot  him. 
Our  party  then  started  to  return  home,  as  we  were  twenty  miles 
from  camp,  and  liable  to  be  attacked  at  any  moment.  We  did  not 
lose  a  man  of  the  party;  two  horses  were  killed  by  the  rebels;  we 
took  about  thirty  prisoners,  and  killed  and  wounded  quite  a  num- 
ber besides.  My  horse  is  a  perfect  beauty,  a  bright  bay,  and  as 
fleet  as  a  deer.  I  also  "captured  a  splendid  double  barreled  shot- 
gun, with  which  quite  a  number  of  the  rebels  are  armed.  I  intend 
to  send  the  shot-gun  home  to  Bos.*  You  may  expect  to  hear 
"something"  from  me  before,  long,  perhaps  we  will  move  our 
headquarters. 

Write  soon.  Your  affectionate  Brother, 

ARMSTRONG.  . 

*  His  brother,  Boston  Ouster,  then  a  young  boy,  afterwards  killed  along 
with  Ouster,  at  the  Big  Horn. 


CHAPTER    II. 

McCLELLAN'S   KEMOVAL. 

HE  disasters  of  the  Seven  Days  Fight  were  followed  by  a 
_l_  long  period  of  repose,  McClellan  lying  within  his  circle 
of  entrenchments  at  Harrison's  Landing,  and  Lee  refitting  his 
exhausted  army  for  fresh  work.  At  last  Mr.  Lincoln  thought 
lit  to  recall  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  Washington,  and  Lee 
started  oif  across  the  interior  of  Yirginia,  found  Banks  and 
Pope,  and  beat  them  one  after  the  other,  the  Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac getting  to  the  scene  of  action  just  in  time  to  share  in  the 
defeat  of  the  second  Manassas. 

Thence  Lee  pushed  off  toward  Harper's  Ferry,  took  it,  and 
raided  into  Maryland.  McClellan,  who  had  been  suspended 
from  command  pending  Pope's  battle,  was  reinstated  after  the 
latter's  defeat,  and  commenced  the  Maryland  campaign,  ending 
in  Antietam.  During  this  campaign,  as  during  the  Seven 
Days,  Captain  Custer  officiated  as  personal  aide  to  McClellan, 
accompanying  him  wherever  he  went,  and  being  dispatched  to 
the  front,  whenever  the  advance  struck  the  enemy. 

There  was  not  much  work  for  him  to  do.  It  seems  that  he 
had  an  especially  pleasant  time,  judging  from  what  he  wrote 
home  about  it.  The  letter  was,  as  usual  in  those  days,  written 
to  hie  old  confidant,  Mrs.  Reed,  and  we  quote  it  fully. 

GENERAL  MCCUELLAN'S  HEADQUARTERS, 
Sharpsburg,  Maryland,  Sunday,  Sept.  21st,  1862. 

MY  DARLING  SISTER, — You  are  perhaps,  in  doubt  whether  I 
am  still  among  the  living  or  numbered  with  the  dead.  These  few 


126  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

lines  will  show  you  that  I  belong  to  the  former.  I  am  well  aware 
that  I  deserve  severe  punishment  for  my  long  silence  and  neglect 
in  writing.  I  have  really  no  excuse,  although  I  have  been  unusu- 
ally busy  since  I  last  wrote  to  you,  yet  I  could  have  found  time  to 
drop  you  a  few  lines.  I  will  candidly  acknowledge  my  offence 
and  ask  your  pardon.  I  was  certainly  not  partial,  as  I  have  writ- 
ten to  no  one  since  I  left  Harrison's  Landing,  except  two  letters 
which  I  wrote  to  a  person  in  Washington,  since  the  first  of  the 
month.  I  have  so  many  things  to  write  about,  that  I  am  at  a 
loss  to  know  where  to  begin.  I  left  Harrison's  Landing  with 
General  McClellan  and  travelled  by  easy  marches  to  Williamsburg. 
The  General  remained  at  this  place  one  day  and  two  nights.  You 
remember  that  it  was  at  the  battle  of  Williamsburg  that  my 
classmate,  L.,  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner  by  our  forces.  I 
had  heard  that  he  had  been  allowed  to  go  from  Fortress  Monroe 
to  Williamsburg  to  visit  some  friends,  he  giving  his  parole  of 
honor  not  to  escape.  As  soon  as  we  reached  Williamsburg  on  our 
return,  I  began  making  inquiries  of  the  citizens  concerning  L. 
[  soon  learned  that  he  was  in  town  staying  at  the  house  of  a 
friend.  I  immediately  visited  him  and  was  rejoiced  to  find  him 
almost  recovered  from  the  effects  of  his  wound.  He  was  surprised 
and  glad  to  meet  me.  I  was  covered  with  dust  from  travelling, 
but  he  insisted  upon  my  entering  the  house  of  his  friend  and 
being  introduced  to  his  friends.  I  did  so  and  met  a  cordial  re- 
ception although  the  entire  family  were  strong  "  secesh."  After  a 
few  hours  pleasantly  spent  in  conversation,  I  left  them  to  return 
to  camp,  but  not  until  I  had  promised  to  return  and  spend  the 
night  at  their  house.  I  returned  to  camp,  received  permission 
from  the  General  to  be  absent,  changed  my  dress  and  again  visited 
L.  After  partaking  of  a  good  supper  we  withdrew  to  the  par- 
lor where  we  listened  to  some  very  fine  music  (secesh).  There 
were  two  beautiful  young  ladies  in  the  house  who  I  supposed  were 
sisters.  I  soon  learned  that  I  was  mistaken.  L.  called  me  to  one 
side  and  in  an  undertone  asked  me  what  I  thought  of  the  two 
young  ladies  who  were,  then,  sitting  upon  a  sofa  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  room.  I  remarked  that  they  were  very  beautiful  to 
say  the  least.  He  then  informed  me  that  he  was  engaged  to  the 
elder  of  the  two  and  that  they  were  to  be  married  the  coming 
week.  I  rcongatulated  him  on  the  wisdom  of  his  choice  and 
wished  him  every  imaginable  success.  He  was  anxious  that  I 
should  be  present  at  his  marriage  ;  I  replied  that  I  would  like  to 
do  so  but  feared  I  could  not  remain  so  long  ;  after  consulting  all 


McCLELLAN'S    REMOVAL.  127 

the  parties  concerned,  it  was  decided  that  the  ceremony  shonld 
be  performed  the  next  evening  in  order  that  I  might  be  present. 
No  strangers  were  to  be  there  but  myself.  The  other  young  lady, 
who  I  at  first  thought  was  a  sister,  but  who  proved  to  be  a  cousin 
from  Eichmond,  was  selected  as  bridesmaid,  and  I  was  to  have 
the  honor  of  "  standing  up  "  with  her.  I  passed  the  night  and 
most  of  the  next  day  with  L.,  going  to  camp  just  long  enough 
to  dress  for  the  wedding,  which  was  to  take  place  at  nine  o'clock 
in  the  evening.  I  was  at  the  residence  of  the  bride  long  before 
the  appointed  time. 

Both  were  dressed  in  pure  white,  with  a  simple  wreath  of  flow- 
ers upon  their  heads.  I  never  saw  two  prettier  girls.  L.  was 
dressed  in  a  bright  new  (rebel)  uniform,  which  he  had  had  made 
for  the  occasion.  It  was  made  of  fine  grey  cloth  trimmed  with 
gold  lace.  I  wore  my  full  uniform  of  blue.  It  was  a  strange  wed- 
ding. I  certainly  never  heard  of  one  like  it.  L.  and  I  had  met 
under  strange  circumstances  after  the  battle  of  Williamsburg,  he 
an  officer  in  one  army,  and  I  in  an  opposing  one.  We  had  been 
warm  friends  at  West  Point,  and  now  he  was  about  to  be  married 
and  I  was  to  be  present  at  the  ceremony.  We  were  both  struck  by 
the  strange  fortune  which  had  thrown  us  together  again,  and  under 
such  remarkable  circumstances.  His  marriage  from  beginning 
to  end  was  certainly  a  romantic  one.  He  was,  as  you  know,  badly 
wounded  at  the  battle  of  Williamsburg.  I  had  taken  all  the  care 
I  could  of  him  while  we  remained  near  that  place,  but  upon  leav- 
ing, he  and  hundreds  of  others  were  left  in  barns  and  other  out- 
houses. He  had  never  met  his  destined  wife  until  after  the  battle. 
She  with  her  mother  went  one  day  in  their  carriage  to  carry  nour- 
ishment to  the  wounded  of  both  armies.  In  visiting  the  different 
places  containing  the  wounded,  they  for  the  first  time  met  L.  She 
had  him  carried  to  her  home,  took  care  of  him,  etc.,  etc.,  and  he 
fell  in  love  with  her,  courted  and  married  her.  I  never  heard  nor 
even  read  of  a  wedding  so  romantic  throughout.  The  appointed 
hour  was  nearly  at  hand  ;  the  young  ladies  were  in  their  own  room, 
L.  and  I  were  in  the  parlor.  He  seemed  perfectly  happy  and 
resigned  to  his  fate.  The  minister  soon  arrived,  and  at  nine  pre- 
cisely we  took  our  places  upon  the  floor.  The  ceremony  was  per- 
formed according  to  the  Episcopal  "form.  L.  made  the  responses 
in  a  clear  and  distinct  tone.  The  bride  made  no  response  whatever 
except  to  the  first  question.  She  was  evidently  confused  and  ex- 
cited, though  she  afterward  said  (laughing)  that  she  neglected  to 
respond  purposely,  so  as  to  be  free  from  any  obligation.  As  soon 


128  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

as  the  ceremony  was  over  we  all  wished  them  happiness,  etc.  I  was 
the  first  person  to  address  the  bride  by  her  new  title  of  Mrs.  L. 
Every  one  seemed  happy  except  the  young  lady  who  had  been  my 
partner  on  the  floor.  She  kissed  the  bride  and  sat  down  crying.  L. 
observed  this  and  said  :  "  Why,  Cousin  Maggie,  what  are  you  crying 
for  ;  there  is  nothing  to  cry  about.  Oh  I  know.  You  are  crying 
;  because  you  are  not  married ;  well,  here  is  the  minister  and  here 
is  Captain  Custer,  who  I  know  would  be  glad  to  carry  off  such  a 
pretty  bride  from  the  Southern  Confederacy."  She  managed  to 
reply,  "Captain  L.  you  are  just  as  mean  as  you  can  be."  After 
congratulations  had  all  ceased  supper  was  announced.  Mrs.  L.  took 
her  husband's  arm,  while  I  had  the  pleasure  of  escorting  "  Cousin 
Maggie."  I  told  her  that  I  could  not  see  how  so  strong  a  seces- 
sionist as  she  could  consent  to  take  the  arm  of  a  Union  officer." 
She  replied  "you  ought  to  be  in  our  army."  I  asked  her  what 
she  would  give  me  if  I  would  resign  in  the  Northern  army  and 
join  the  Southern.  She  said,  "You  are  not  in  earnest,  are  you  ?  " 
The  supper  was  excellent  and  passed  off  very  pleasantly.  The  next 
morning  I  returned  to  camp,  but  found  that  the  general  had 
started  for  Yorktown.  I  afterwards  sent  a  telegram  to  him,  and 
obtained  permission  to  remain  in  Williamsburg  as  long  as  I  chose. 
I  remained  with  L.  or  rather  at  his  father-in-law's  house  for  nearly 
two  weeks.  I  would  have  staid  even  longer  but  the  near  approach 
of  the  rebels  to  Williamsburg  and  the  departure  of  our  own 
army  rendered  a  longer  stay  dangerous  (in  more  senses  than  one). 
I  never  had  so  pleasant  a  visit  among  strangers.  L.'s  friends  did 
all  in  their  power  to  render  my  visit  pleasant.  "  Cousin  Maggie  " 
would  regale  me  by  singing  and  playing  on  the  piano,  "  My  Mary- 
land" "Dixie"  (Southern)  "For  Southern  rights  hurrah,"  or 
"  Bonnie  Blue  Flag,"  etc.,  etc.  Every  evening  was  spent  in  the 
parlor.  We  were  all  fond  of  cards  and  took  great  interest  in  play- 
ing. "Muggins"  and  "Independence"  were  the  usual  games, 
sometimes  euchre.  We  would  play  for  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
When  doing  so  L.  and  I  were  the  only  players,  while  the  ladies 
were  spectators.  He  won  every  time  when  playing  for  the  Confed- 
eracy, he  representing  the  South,  I  the  North. 

L.  has  been  exchanged,  and  is  now  in  the  rebel  army,  fight- 
ing for  what  he  supposes  is  his  right.  I  left  Williamsburg  for 
Yorktowu  at  dark,  and  arrived  at  the  latter  place  about  one  o'clock 
P.  M.  General  McClellan  was  then  at  Alexandria.  I  took  a  boat 
from  Yorktown  for  Fortress  Monroe,  at  which  place  I  spent  one 
day.  I  then  took  a  boat  for  Baltimore,  having  with  me  "  Rose,"  (his 


McCLELLAN'S    REMOVAL.  129 

dog.  En.)  my  two  horses  and  servant.  From  Baltimore  I  went  to 
Washington  hy  railroad.  Here  I  learned  that  General  McClellan 
would  establish  his  headquarters  in  Washington  in  three  or  four 
days,  and  concluded  to  await  his  arrival  rather  than  to  meet  him 
at  Alexandria.  After  staying  in  Washington  about  two  weeks  we 
set  out  upon  the  present  campaign,  which  has  lasted  about  fifteen 
days,  during  which  time  more  has  been  accomplished  than  during 
any  previous  period  of  the  same  length.  We  have  fought  three 
battles,  one  of  which  was  the  greatest  battle  ever  fought  on  this 
continent,  and  in  all  were  victorious.  General  McClellan,  after 
quietly  submitting  to  the  cowardly  attacks  of  his  enemies,  has  by 
his  last  campaign  in  Maryland,  placed  it  beyond  the  power  of  his 
lying  enemies  to  injure  him,  but  what  is  remarkable,  his  enemies 
are  all  to  be  found  among  those  who  from  lack  of  patriotism,  or 
from  cowardice,  and  in  some  cases  from  both  causes  combined, 
have  remained  at  home  instead  of  coming  forward  and  fight- 
ing for  their  country.  The  New  York  is  among  the  most 

prominent  of  the  vile  sheets  that  have  assailed  General  McClellan. 
His  enemies  dwindle  down  in  importance  until  they  reach  such 
insignificant  and  lying  personages  as  the  editor  of  the  Monroe 

.*     I  do  not  at  present  remember  his  name,  but  I  think 

he  could  devote  the  columns  of  his  paper  to  a  more  worthy  pur- 
pose than  by  defaming  and  basely  slandering  those  of  his  fellow 
countrymen  who  have  gone  forth  to  battle  in  defence  of  a  common 
country,  while  he,  like  a  mean,  cowardly  liar,  as  he  is,  remains  at 
home.  If  I  could  meet  him  I  would  horsewhip  him. 

Your  Affectionate  Brother, 

ARMSTRONG. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Ouster  mentions  no  more  fighting 
adventures  in  this  campaign,  for  which  indeed  there  was  little 
opportunity.  Pope's  misfortune  had  proved  McOlellan's  bene- 
fit, enabling  him  to  have  his  own  way  at  last  and  giving  him 
command  of  an  enormous  army  by  the  junction  of  his  own  to  the 
forces  of  Pope,  Banks  and  McDowell.  The  numerical  superiority 

*  We  could  not  resist  inserting  this  letter  entire,  not  to  hurt  the  feelings 
of  the  brethren  of  the  pastepot  and  scissors,  but  because  it  shows  the  gener- 
ous, hot-headed  boy  so  perfectly,  as  he  wrote  in  a  white  heat  of  indignation, 
in  defence  of  his  beloved  general.  Both  editors  mentioned  have  gone  to  their 
long  home,  years  ago. 
9 


130  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

of  the  Federals  was  indeed  so  great  as  to  render  the  campaign 
really  the  most  brilliant  and  successful  that  Lee  ever  fought,  es- 
caping annihilation  as  he  did. 

After  the  battle  of  Antietam,  when  McClellan  had  allowed 
his  enemy  to  cross  the  river  and  get  away  safely,  a  long  period 
of  inaction  followed,  which  was  varied  by  Stuart's  daring  raid 
on  Chambersburg,  the  Confederate  cavalier  marching  all  round 
his  cautious  foe,  and  getting  off  safely.  The  small  Union  cav- 
alry force,  under  Pleasonton,  started  after  Stuart  just  an  hour 
too  late,  and  had  the  pleasure  of  coming  to  the  Potomac  at  the 
end  of  the  chase,  just  the  same  time  behind  him. 

At  last,  under  the  pressure  of  positive  orders,  the  Union 
General  started  from  Harper's  Ferry,  and  taking  the  route  east 
of  the  Blue  Ridge,  marched  across  country  for  Richmond  once 
more,  this  time  via  Warrenton.  On  his  way  there,  while  at 
Warrenton,  he  was  suddenly  dismissed  from  his  command,  and 
General  Burnside  placed  in  his  stead,  November  7th,  1862. 

Very  few  measures  during  the  war  provoked  such  strong 
controversy  at  the  time,  both  at  home  and  in  the  army,  as  the 
removal  of  McClellan.  No  commander  who  ever  subsequently 
handled  it,  was  able  to  acquire  to  so  great  a  degree  its  love  and 
affection,  and  the  amount  of  ill-feeling  and  luke-warmness  pro- 
duced among  the  higher  officers  of  the  army  by  the  removal 
of  their  beloved  chief,  afterward  produced  many  disasters. 
Under  McClellan  the  corps  commanders  always  worked  cheer- 
fully, and  generally  did  more  than  they  were  ordered.  The 
only  malcontents  were  the  restless  and  ambitious  ones,  who 
thought  their  chief  too  slow.  After  McClellan's  removal,  all 
this  was  changed.  Corps  commanders  not  only  did  not  exceed 
their  orders,  but  got  into  the  habit  of  disputing  them,  and  from 
highest  to  lowest,  the  army  was  full  of  grumblers.  The  evil 
effects  did  not  wear  away  till  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  after 
which  more  harmony  was  perceptible,  but  even  then  the  habit 
of  criticising  orders  continued,  till  the  accession  of  the  iron- 
willed  Grant  and  Sheridan  to  the  reins  of  practical  power. 


MCCLELLAN 'S    REMOVAL.  131 

Without  entering  into  the  question  of  the  rights  and  wrongs  of 
the  McClellan  matter,  there  is  no  question  that  the  moral  effect 
of  the  removal,  at  the  time  it  was  made,  was  perfectly  disastrous 
to  the  Array  of  the  Potomac,  and  very  nearly  excited  a  mutiny. 
Nothing  but  the  real  and  sober  patriotism  of  the  great  mass  of 
rank  and  tile,  who  in  their  hearts  acknowledged  that  the  law 
must  be  obeyed,  right  or  wrong,  saved  the  country  at  that 
moment  from  such  a  violent  military  revolution  as  used  to  take 
place  in  the  later  days  of  the  Roman  republic,  when  the  con- 
quering generals  dictated  to  the  senate,  and  finally  created  out 
of  the  simple  name  "  Imperator,"  *  a  title  that  has  been  since 
held  to  be  superior  to  that  of  king. 

The  tumult  at  army  headquarters  was  especially  great,  for 
of  course  the  first  to  hear  the  news  were  the  officers  of  McClel- 
lan's  staff.  They  were  almost,  without  exception,  furiously 
excited.  Had  McClellan  been  removed  at  Harrison's  Landing, 
while  the  army  was  in  the  first  despondency  of  defeat,  it  is 
probable  that  little  would  have  been  said  against  the  change. 
An  unfortunate  general  seldom  has  friends.  But  since  that 
time,  Pope  had  suffered  an  equally  crushing  disaster,  one 
accompanied  by  more  humiliations,  and  the  government  had 
been  compelled  to  place  McClellan  in  command.  Under  his 
orders,  which  were  cheerfully  obeyed,  everything  had  gone  on 
smoothly,  up  to  the  battle  of  Antietam,  and  at  that  battle  the 
Federal  forces  had  fought  well.  While  actually  a  drawn  bat- 
tle, ^Lee's  subsequent  retreat  had  given  it  the  prestige  of  a 
Union  victory,  and  no  serious  disaster  had  since  taken  place. 
During  the  long  period  of  idleness  that  elapsed  after  Antietam, 
the  contest  between  McClellan  and  the  government  as  to  fur- 
ther movements  had  endeared  the  General  to  his  army.  Re- 
vealed in  all  the  newspapers,  he  appeared  in  the  light  of  a  wise, 
humane  chief,  standing  up  for  the  interests  of  his  men,  who 
needed  clothes  and  shoes,  against  a  clique  of  ignorant  civilians, 
who  wished  him  to  march  on,  regardless  of  the  sufferings  of 

*  General  or  Commander. 


132  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

his  army.  Everything  had  tended  to  make  him  the  soldier's 
idol,  and — more  than  anything — their  own  real  inexperience. 
In  the  Peninsula,  up  to  the  Seven  Days,  the  Federals  had  only 
seen  the  soft  side  of  war,  such  as  prevailed  in  the  days  of  Louis 
the  Fourteen tli  of  France,  a  system  of  slow  movements,  bril- 
liant little  picket  fights,  enormous  armaments,  imposing  prepa- 
rations, plenty  of  food  and  forage,  and  little  danger.  The 
brief  fury  of  the  Seven  Days  was  now  forgotten,  or  lingered 
only  as  a  memory  of  tremendous  and  glorious  fights,  in  which 
the  army  had  finally  beaten  off  its  foes.  The  Marj^land  cam- 
paign had  been  pleasantly  exciting,  with  the  same  characteristics 
of  scientific  warfare  which  distinguished  the  Peninsular  opera- 
tions. After  a  month's  pleasant  picnic  life  around  Harper's 
Ferry,  in  glorious  fall  weather,  when  military  life  wore  its 
brightest  aspect,  the  march  to  the  Rappahannock  had  com- 
menced by  easy  stages ;  and  now,  in  the  midst  of  this  move- 
ment, when  every  one  was  hoping  for  a  triumph,  McClellan 
was  suddenly  removed. 

It  was  no  wonder  that  the  army  was  excited,  and  still  less 
that  the  officers  of  McClellan's  staff  were  furious.  They  espe- 
cially idolized  their  chief  for  his  kindness  of  heart,  and  verily 
believed  that  all  the  military  knowledge  of  the  army  was  gath- 
ered in  his  head.  Under  his  command,  a  future  full  of  glory 
was  opened  to  their  delighted  imaginations,  and  now  they 
found  themselves  suddenly  discrowned,  and  sent  back  to  rust 
in  peace.  No  wonder  they  were  excited.  Especially  was 
this  the  case  with  the  personal  and  volunteer  aids,  of  whom 
McClellan  possessed  such  a  number,  amongst  them  young 
Ouster. 

An  eye-witness  who  was  present  at  headquarters  on  that 
night  of  sorrow,  describes  the  excitement  as  intense.  Some  of 
the  officers  raved,  and  wanted  McClellan  to  march  to  Washing- 
ton, dispossess  the  government,  proclaim  himself  dictator,  and 
then  return  and  beat  the  enemy.  There  was  plenty  of  wild 
talk  going  on ;  and  Custer,  young  and  rash  as  he  was,  only  a 


McCLELLAN'S    REMOVAL.  133 

boy  of  twenty-two,  adoring  the  commander  who  had  given  him 
such  early  distinction,  joined  in  with  the  rest.  Boy-like,  he 
was  wild  with  indignation.  The  presence  of  whiskey  in  large 
quantities  accounted  for  much  of  the  excitement  of  those  around 
him,  but  in  his  case  it  was  nothing  but  the  natural,  generous 
impetuosity  of  his  character  that  put  him  off  his  balance,  for  he 
never  smoked  or  drank.  In  the  midst  of  all  the  turmoil,  the 
deposed  general  walked  out  of  his  tent,  and  a  hush  fell  on 
the  scene. 

There  was  the  group  of  young  officers,  inflamed  with  pas- 
sion and  bad  whiskey,  grouped  around  Ouster,  whose  fair  curls 
were  tossed  back,  his  eyes  bright  with  anger  at  the  injustice 
his  chief  had  suffered.  McClellan's  appearance  produced  im- 
mediate silence,  and  the  narrator  proceeds  to  describe  how  the 
fallen  general  began  to  speak  to  his  unruly  staff. 

In  a  low  and  sad  tone  he  commenced.  He  told  them  how 
surprised  and  grieved  he  was  to  hear  snch  sentiments  from 
men  who  had  served  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  He 
reminded  them  that  he  and  they  were  soldiers,  alike  with  the 
private  in  the  ranks,  and  bound  to  obey  the  nation  they  served, 
whatever  its  orders  might  be.  He  pointed  out  in  a  few  words 
what  would  be  the  terrible  consequence  of  such  a  course  as 
they  counselled,  in  the  midst  of  a  rebellion  which  threatened 
the  nation's  life ;  how  it  would  result  in  certain  anarchy  ;  how 
every  army  and  state  would  feel  at  liberty  to  repeat  the  opera- 
tion; and  how  then  indeed  secession  must  triumph.  He  spoke 
to  them,  as  described  by  this  eye-witness,  as  a  sensible  and 
patriotic  man  should,  and  silenced  them  all.  It  is  the  last 
glimpse  that  we  have  during  the  war  of  the  quiet  figure  of  the 
unfortunate  McClellan,  and  it  is  in  keeping  with  his  whole 
career. 

Excellent  and  competent  for  almost  any  subordinate  position, 
he  had  failed  in  the  highest  of  all  commands,  partly  from  the 
lack  of  experience,  and  partly  from  the  want  of  energy,  induced 
in  a  naturally  cautious  nature  by  the  slow  methods  of  his  early 


134  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

training  and  his  long  practice  as  an  engineer.  A  safe  and 
cautious  commander  generally,  his  only  serious  mistake  was 
made  in  the  exposure  of  his  right  flank  at  Richmond,  which 
cost  him  the  Seven  Days  Fight.  He  departed  into  private 
life  amid  the  regrets  of  his  whole  army ;  and  with  him  went 
Ouster.  It  seemed  perhaps  to  the  boy  captain,  as  if  his  work 
was  done,  and  he  permanently  laid  on  the  shelf  beside  his  com- 
mander. The  personal  staff  of  McClellan,  by  which  is  under- 
stood only  his  aide-de-camps,  departed  with  their  general.  Their 
appointments  were  not  commissions,  and  only  lasted  during 
"  the  pleasure  of  the  President."  McClellan  was  put  on  "  wait- 
ing orders  ; "  and  as  the  status  of  his  aides  depended  on  him, 
they  also  went  home  on  "  waiting  orders."  In  the  case  of 
Custer,  his  commander's  recommendation  had  procured  him 
a  more  substantial  benefit  than  the  mere  temporary  appoint- 
ment, in  the  shape  of  a  promotion  to  First  Lieutenant  in  the  Fifth 
U.  S.  Cavalry.  At  the  time  of  his  commission,  all  the  cavalry 
regiments  were  raised  to  twelve  companies,  and  Custer  was 
assigned  to  an  original  vacancy  in  Company  M.  of  the  Fifth. 
This  was  a  substantial  commission,  and  reached  him  one  month 
later  than  his  appointment  as  an  aide,  namely,  in  July,  1862. 
Until  the  staff  appointment  was  revoked,  however,  Custer  had 
no  work  to  do.  He  might  go  home,  or  stay  with  his  general, 
who  was  ordered  to  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  his  own  home. 
McClellan  told  him  to  go  to  Monroe  and  see  his  people,  and 
accordingly,  to  Monroe  went  Custer.  It  was  to  him  a  sad 
return,  and  he  felt  very  much  embittered.  The  fact  of  his 
father  being  a  staunch  old  democrat,  and  he  himself  the  same, 
by  imitation,  prejudice  and  affection,  added  to  the  measure  of  his 
bitterness  against  the  President,  who  belonged  to  the  opposite 
party,  who  had  humiliated  his  beloved  general,  and  thrown  him, 
Custer,  to  all  appearance,  out  of  the  path  of  success.  He  was, 
as  far  as  his  military  career  went,  thoroughly  miserable  that 
winter.  He  felt  like  a  fish  out  of  water,  and  longed  to  be  back 

*  '  O 

sharing  the  dangers  of  his  comrades  in  the  army. 


McCLELLAN'S    REMOVAL.  135 

A  certain  gloomy  satisfaction  of  the  "  I  told  yon  so  "  kind 
assailed  him,  as  it  did  all  the  strong  "  McClellan  men,"  at  the 
successive  disasters  of  Burnside.  In  those  days  they  did  not  wait 
to  examine  how  much  of  those  disasters  were  attributable  to 
grumbling  and  mutinous  corps  commanders,  but  all  joined 
in  the  chorus  of  the  popular  song,  "  Give  us  back  our  old  com- 
mander,"— none  so  earnestly  as  Ouster. 

While  his  military  life  was  so  bitter  during  this  winter,  he 
yet  enjoyed  plenty  of  opportunity  for  fun  in  a  civil  capacity. 
Partly  to  drive  away  care,  and  partly  from  the  natural  physical 
buoyancy  of  youth,  that  would  not  be  denied,  he  plunged  into 
all  the  mild  little  dissipations  of  Monroe  society  with  great  zest 
that  winter,  sleighriding,  flirting,  dancing,  enjoying  all  the 
pleasures  of  a  holiday,  during  November  and  December,  1862, 
and  part  of  January,  1863. 

One  more  step  in  social  life  had  been  granted  him,  with 
many  misgivings  and  much  grudging,  by  the  "  upper  ten  "  of 
Monroe.  Cadet  Ouster  had  been  a  step  above  young  "  Arm 
strong;"  Lieutenant  Ouster  "of  the  Regulars"  had  been  a 
little  higher  still ;  but  that  last  unfortunate  spree,  so  small  really, 
had  been  magnified  by  scandal  into  habitual  orgies  of  alarming 
frequency,  and  Mrs.  Grundy  held  up  her  hands  in  holy  horror 
over  the  "  dissipations  of  that  young  man,  my  dear."  But 
Oaptain  Ouster  "of  General  McClellan's  staff,"  was  a  very 
different  personage — the  habitual  associate  on  duty  of  two  real 
live  French  princes,  who  were  on  the  same  staff.  Mrs.  Grundy 
smoothed  the  ruffled  plumes  of  indignant  virtue,  and  welcomed 
the  rising  sun,  especially  with  a  view  to  hearing  something 
definite  about  "  those  princes." 

Really,  Monroe  was  beginning  to  think  there  wras  "  some- 
thing in  that  young  Ouster,  after  all,  although  we  must  allow, 
my  dear,  that  his  antecedents  are  not  quite  the  thing,  you  know." 

The  said  "  antecedents  "  were  that  he  had  worked  for  hia 
education,  that  his  father  before  him  had  worked  for  his,  that 
he  had  been  compelled  to  climb  the  ladder  from  the  bottom 


136  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

step,  alone  and  unassisted.  The  world  has  always  found  the 
union  of  honesty  arid  labor  very  hard  to  tolerate,  but  nothing 
succeeds  with  it  like  two  or  three  successes.  Monroe  was  be- 
ginning to  forgive  "  Captain  "  Ouster  for  not  being  born  with  a 
silver  spoon  in  his  mouth. 

This  winter  witnessed  the  throwing  of  a  single  bridge,  nar- 
row and  insecure,  but  still  a  tangible  bridge,  over  a  very  wide 
gulf,  which  had  hitherto  parted  Ouster  from  one  great  object  of 
his  life.  The  little  maid  of  his  vision,  she  with  the  arch  dark 
eyes  and  merry  smile,  had  shot  up  into  a  full  fledged  young 
lady  of  seventeen,  ready  to  "  graduate,"  full  of  all  sorts  of 
knowledge,  beginning  to  go  into  "  society,"  and — he  met  her  at 
last,  that  winter. 

Yes,  it  was  actually  so,  he  was  introduced  to  her,  formally 
and  fully,  at  last,  by  her  most  particular  friend,  a  young  lady 
who  afterwards  became  the  close  confidant  of  the  pair  of  lovers, 
during  the  whole  of  a  long  and  romantic  courtship.  It  was  in 
this  courtship  that  Ouster  first  plainly  showed  the  possession  of 
that  quality  of  invincible  determination  which  was  the  real  cause 
of  all  the  success  of  his  after  life.  Hitherto  this  had  not  shone 
out  so  conspicuously  as  it  afterwards  did.  He  had  worked  hard 
and  faithfully,  but  had  not  beeu  compelled  so  far  to  face  active  and 
obstinate  opposition.  Here,  for  the  first  time,  he  found  it,  found 
it  in  the  most  dangerous  quarter,  the  young  lady  herself.  She  was 
not  disposed  to  like  him  ;  his  war  record  went  for  nothing  with 
her.  Brought  up  in  seclusion,  she  did  not  know  the  difference 
between  a  captain  and  a  corporal.  She  only  knew  that  she  had 
heard  of  him  as  a  dissipated  young  man,  a  desperate  flirt,  and 
that  she  had  herself  seen  him,  on  one  occasion,  intoxicated. 
That  was  enough  for  her,  bred  up  in  the  strictest  kind  of  Pres- 
byterian education.  It  had  been  more  than  enough  for  her 
father,  to  whom  no  young  man  seemed  good  enough  for  his 
darling.  In  short,  the  young  lady  received  him  with  cold  re- 
serve, and  tried  to  freeze  the  audacious  youth.  But  Ouster  was 
not  the  man  to  yield  to  repulses  in  love  or  in  war. 


McCLELLAN'S    REMOVAL.  137 

He  totally  routed  the  young  lady's  dignity  before  they  had 
been  five  minutes  together,  by  asserting  that  he  had  met  her 
before,  and  that  she  had  spoken  to  him  first.  A  freezing  sug- 
gestion that  he  "  must  be  mistaken  "  was  met  by  the  bold  re- 
sponse, "Oh  no,  I'm  not.  It  was — let  me  see — seven — eight 
— nine  years  ago — you  were  swinging  on  a  gate  and  you  said  to 
me,  '  hello,  you  Ouster  boy.'  " 

What  could  an  innocent  young  lady,  fresh  from  boarding- 
school,  do,  but  blush  like  £re  at  this  brusque  accusation,  declare  it 
was  not  possible,  feel  a  guilty  memory  that  it  might  have  been 
so,  feel  half  angry,  half  amused,  half  ashamed  and  \vholly  sub- 
dued by  the  audacity  of  this  strange,  abrupt,  singular  young 
man  with  the  bright  curls,  the  bold  handsome  face,  and  flashing 
blue  eyes  so  full  of  fun!  Ouster  had  evidently,  even  in  those 
early  days,  laid  to  heart  the  advice  of  the  experienced  Byron, 
that  master  of  affairs  of  the  heart.  To  overcome  a  lady's  in- 
difference, says  Byron,  "  first  pique,  then  soothe,  soon  pleasure 
crowns  thy  hopes."  Ouster  had  already  attracted  attention.  The 
lady  did  him  the  honor  to  think  him  "  a  very  impudent  young 
man,"  for  he  had  been  in  the  habit  of  sending  her  messages 
through  one  of  her  friends,  for  some  months  before  he  was  in- 
troduced to  her.  Somehow  or  other,  though,  the  Judge  never 
heard  of  these  messages,  which,  to  veterans  in  these  affairs,  is 
symptomatic.  At  all  events  that  meeting  proved  the  beginning 
of  a  certain  amount  of  interest  felt  in  the  strange  young  man, 
and,  as  the  winter  wore  on,  he  laid  such  fierce  and  audacious 
siege  to  the  heart  of  the  little  Puritan  maiden  that  no  woman 
could  resist  him,  nor  did  she. 

Obstacle  the  first  was  soon  safely  surmounted,  but  the  second 
proved  more  formidable.  It  was — the  Judge.  Now  while  the 
Judge  was  perfectly  willing  to  take  Captain  Ouster  by  the  hand 
in  public,  and  recognize  him  in  his  military  capacity  to  the 
fullest  extent,  this  was  a  very  different  matter  to  receiving  him 
as  a  son-in-law,  as  the  husband  of  an  only  daughter.  The  Judge 
was  a  man  of  the  most  rigid  principles,  and  apt  to  believe  that 


138  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

it  was  impossible  for  the  wicked  to  reform  permanently.  At 
all  events,  he  did  not  believe  in  the  thoroughness  of  Ouster's 
change,  and  especially  distrusted  his  firmness  and  stability  of 
character. 

Under  these  circumstances,  he  positively  forbade  any  engage- 
ment being  entered  into,  and  intimated  that  he  should  prefer 
the  discontinuance  of  Captain  Ouster's  visits. 

It  is  under  these  circumstances  that  the  real  nobility  of 
Ouster's  character  first  shines  fully  out.  "We  have  seen  hitherto 
the  virtues  of  courage,  gratitude,  fidelity,  resolution  to  put 
down  temptation ;  to  these  was  now  to  be  added  that  of  the 
purest,  most  knightly  and  sensitive  honor,  exhibited  undermost 
trying  circumstances.  Nothing  would  have  been  easier  than 
for  the  handsome,  dashing,  determined  fellow  to  overcome  the 
scruples  of  a  tender,  fond,  trusting  girl,  arid  to  have  induced  her 
to  fly  with  him,  or  to  marry  him  openly  in  defiance  of  her  parents. 
Nine  men  out  of  ten,  men  in  good  repute  in  the  world, 
would  have  done  so,  treating  the  father's  scruples  as  mere  trifles, 
not  to  be  regarded  in  the  settlement  of  the  question.  Not  so 
Ouster,  not  so  did  he  treat  his  future  wife. 

Without  a  complaint,  without  a  murmur,  the  lovers,  now 
devoted  lovers  really,  acquiesced  in  the  fiat  of  the  Judge  that  the 
intimacy  should  be  discontinued.  So  scrupulous  were  they  on 
this  point,  that  they  did  not  even  correspond,  although  that  had 
not  been  in  terms  forbidden.  For  the  rest  of  the  period  during 
which  Ouster  remained  in  Monroe  (several  weeks  yet,  for  his 
wooing  had  been  as  short,  sharp  and  decisive  as  his  charges  of 
cavalry),  the  lovers  never  conversed,  in  public  or  in  private 
though  frequently  meeting  at  parties.  Ouster  apparently 
devoted  himself  with  great  ardor  to  flirting  with  other  young 
ladies,  and  the  Judge  was  fully  convinced  that  the  danger  was 
over,  and  much  relieved  thereby. 

But  with  all  of  his  scrupulous  honesty  of  obedience,  Ouster 
had  by  no  means  given  up  the  idea  of  his  marriage.  He  was 
only  biding  his  time,  trusting  to  tHt  and  his  own  exertions 


McCLELLAN'S    REMOVAL.  139 

to  overcome  the  opposition  of  the  Judge.  There  is  something, 
to  me,  particularly  touching  and  noble  in  the  spectacle  of  this 
fiery,  impatient,  young  man,  used  to  swift  success,  and  hitherto 
always  chafing  under  the  least  delay,  now  submitting  himself 
to  the  requirements  of  a  long  and  weary  probation,  ready  to 
Berve  for  his  Rachel  as  long  and  patiently  as  Jacob  of  old. 
When  we  consider  the  ordinary  morals  of  American  society  in 
the  matter  of  filial  obedience,  and  the  ease  with  which  mar- 
riage can  be  contracted  by  a  pair  of  lovers  desirous  of  evading 
parental  injunctions,  the  contrast  between  the  conduct  of  Ouster 
and  most  young  men  is  very  marked.  He  was  faithful  to 
his  love,  and  determined  irrevocably  that  he  would  only 
receive  his  wife  with  the  full  approval  of  her  father,  if  he  had 
to  wait  ten  years  to  gain  that  approval.  He  was  too  scrupulous 
to  attempt  in  the  faintest  degree  to  shake  the  obedience  of 
the  Judge's  daughter.  He  had  learned  from  his  own  family 
experience  the  value  of  unhesitating  filial  obedience,  of  the 
overmastering  claims  of  duty  and  honor,  and  now,  in  the  first 
serious  trial  of  his  life,  his  character  stood  the  test. 

Fortunately  for  his  own  happiness,  he  was  saved  from  the 
prolonged  torture  which  must  have  attended  his  residence 
in  Monroe  in  this  state  of  affairs.  In  the  middle  of  January 
he  was  summoned  by  letter  to  New  Jersey  to  meet  McClellan, 
and  the  rest  of  his  period  of  absence  from  the  army  was  passed 
in  hard  work  with  his  chief,  in  the  preparation  of  his  volumin- 
ous report  on  the  movements  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
under  his  command. 

The  preparation  of  McClellan's  report  occupied  a  Jong  time, 
during  which  Ouster,  very  luckily  for  his  peace  of  mind,  was 
kept  hard  at  work.  All  the  work  however  could  not  blunt  his 
feelings,  nor  dim  the  fervor  of  his  love  and  his  determination 
that  the  Judge's  daughter  and  no  one  else  should  at  last  be  his 
wife.  He  could  not  honorably  write  to  her,  but  he  kept  up 
during  the  whole  of  that  year  a  close  correspondence  with 
a  mutual  friend,  which  served  to  mitigate  the  severity  of  his 


140 


GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 


banishment,  as  he  heard  in  reply  of  the  movements  of  the  one 
woman  he  cared  to  hear  about. 

It  was  not  till  April  that  the  report  was  finished,  and  at 
its  close  Ouster  was  ordered  to  Washington,  and  finally  to 
rejoin  his  company,  then  at  the  headquarters  of  Hooker's  army 
near  Falmouth,  Ya.,  opposite  Fredericksburg.  The  order  was 
one  which  put  him  back  a  step  in  rank.  His  staff  position 
as  captain  lapsed  and  he  became  once  more  plain  Lieutenant 
Ouster.  In  that  capacity  he  rejoined  the  army. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  CAVALRY  CORPS. 

THE  winter  of  1862-3  was  a  period  of  great  gloom  for  the 
whole  of  the  United  States,  and  perhaps  for  none  more 
than  young  Captain  Ouster,  "awaiting  orders"  that  did  not 
come,  and  kept,  like  his  chief,  in  forced  retirement.  At  no 
period  of  the  war  were  the  national  spirits  so  low,  for  the  year 
had  closed  on  the  crowning  disaster  of  Fredericksburg,  where 
thousands  of  brave  soldiers  had  been  uselessly  slaughtered.  At 
that  time  too,  the  opposition  party,  in  and  out  of  Congress,  was 
exceedingly  strong,  and  this  party  at  once  took  up  McClellan 
as  their  representative,  and  exulted  over  every  new  disaster  to 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  as  an  evidence  that  no  one  but  its 
first  leader  could  ever  conduct  it  to  victory. 

Every  city  of  the  north  was  full  of  deserters,  who  at  that 
time  numbered  over  a  hundred  thousand,  and  a  very  large  pro- 
portion of  these  were  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Num- 
bers of  officers  who  belonged  to  the  McClellan  faction  resigned 
their  commissions  in  disgust,  and  went  home  to  spread  dissatis- 
faction, so  that,  when  Hooker  was  finally  appointed  third  com- 
mander of  the  much  abused  army,  he  found  it  a  jarring  mass 
of  discontented  bodies,  instead  of  the  homogeneous  whole  it 
had  once  been,  under  McClellan. 

It  was,  however,  to  the  hard  work  and  enthusiasm  of  this, 
its  third  commander,  that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  yet  to 
owe  the  first  victory  of  a  series  that  was  never  afterwards 
broken  by  positive  disaster.  Hooker  reorganized  it  effectively. 
A  very  different  army  it  was  from  that  which  triumphed  at 


142  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

Antietam,  and  even  the  severe  repulse  at  Chancellorsville  failed 
to  shake  its  spirit,  for  the  reason  that  the  meanest  soldier  could 
see  that  the  battle  was  a  perfectly  barren  victory  for  Lee,  in 
which  he  lost  more  than  he  gained. 

But  the  greatest  change  effected  bj  Hooker  was  one  which 
affected  Ouster  himself.  It  was  the  reorganization  of  the  caval- 
ry. Under  McClellan  and  Burnside,  the  Union  cavalry  had  been 
scattered  about  at  different  headquarters,  assigned  to  the  com 
mand  of  infantry  generals,  used  in  small  forces  for  outpost  duty 
and  scouting,  and  seldom  or  never  employed  on  the  field  of 
battle.  The  few  exceptions  to  the  rule  had  been  signally  disas- 
trous. At  Gaines'  Mills  a  single  regiment  of  cavalry,  the  Sixth 
Pennsylvania,  then  acting  as  McClellan's  body  guard,  had  been 
sent  to  charge  a  whole  hostile  army,  and  had  of  course  effected 
nothing.  One  or  two  mounted  charges,  with  equally  poor 
results,  had  taken  place  in  Pope's  campaign,  but  as  a  rule  the 
Federal  cavalry  was  too  green  to  be  usefully  employed.  The 
only  portion  kept  in  mass  was  a  brigade  under  Pleasonton,  and 
this  small  force  had  been  worked  to  death.  Hooker  gathered 
together  all  the  regiments,  organized  them  into  three  divisions 
under  Pleasonton,  Gregg  and  Averill,  and  kept  them  together, 
where  they  remained  ever  after  as  the  Cavalry  Corps,  Army 
of  the  Potomac. 

After  a  long  winter's  rest  in  huts  before  Fredericksburg,  the 
whole  army  commenced  its  move  across  the  river  at  the  end  of 
April.  The  design  of  the  campaign  was  generally  good,  but 
marred  by  one  fault.  The  army  was  cut  up  into  three  parts. 
It  was  nearly  twice  as  numerous  as  Lee's  forces,  but  the  division 
gave  him  the  opportunity  to  strike  and  defeat  each  fraction  in 
detail,  which  he  subsequently  did,  with  much  success.  The 
only  part  that  escaped  serious  damage  was  the  cavalry  corps, 
to  which  Ouster  had  lately  been  attached,  as  an  aide  on  the  staff 
of  General  Pleasonton. 

Hooker  retained  with  the  main  army,  with  which  he  fought 
the  battle  of  Chancellorsville,  only  a  single  brigade  of  cavalry, 


THE    CAVALRY    CORPS.  143 

that  of  Colonel  Thomas  C.  Devin.  "With  this  brigade  General 
Pleasonton  himself  was  present,  and,  small  as  it  was,  it  contrib- 
uted materially  to  the  repulse  of  Jackson's  column  at  an  early 
period  of  the  fight,  when  the  Eleventh  Corps  had  given  way, 
and  a  general  Bull  Run  panic  seemed  impending.  The  rest  of 
the  division  was  off  under  Buford,  with  the  rest  of  the  cavalry 
on  Stoneman's  raid. 

It  is  not  our  intention  here  to  dwell  on  the  battle  of  Chan- 
cellorsville,  and  the  events  of  Stoneman's  raid  were  so  unim- 
portant, compared  to  the  means  used,  that  they  deserve  no 
more  than  a  brief  account.  The  combination  of  circumstan- 
ces uuder  which  the  raid  was  made,  was  peculiarly  favorable 
to  success,  owing  to  the  foresight  of  Hooker.  He  had  ascer- 
tained that  most  of  Stuart's  cavalry  was  absent  in  the  back 
country,  recruiting  and  procuring  remounts.  Only  the  brigade 
of  Fitzhngh  Lee  was  with  the  army,  and  that  of  "W.  H.  F.  Lee 
was  at  Brandy  Station,  some  fifteen  miles  off.  On  the  29th  of 
April,  Stoneman  crossed  the  Rappahannock  on  the  right  of 
Hooker's  army,  at  Kelly's  Ford,  with  the  divisions  of  Buford, 
Gregg  and  Averill,  eight  brigades  in  all.  On  the  30th  they 
marched  from  the  Rappahannock  to  the  Rapidan,  taking  matters 
very  coolly.  The  force  was  there  weeded  of  all  poor  horses 
and  pack  animals,  and  only  the  pick  of  it  went  forward. 
Next  day,  May  1st,  they  crossed  the  Rapidan  with  no  more 
difficulty  than  the  Rappahannock,  driving  off  the  few  Confed- 
erate skirmishers,  Averill  pushing  on  to  Brandy  Station,  in  the 
direction  of  Culpepper,  Bnford  turning  towards  Fredericksburg, 
Gregg  moving  on  in  the  middle,  straight  for  Columbia,  on  the 
James  River.  The  only  column  that  met  with  resistance  was 
that  of  Averill,  which  found  "W.  H.  F.  Lee's  brigade  at  Brandy 
Station,  fought  him  awhile,  and  then  retired.  The  rest  of  the 
force  continued  on  to  Louisa  Court  House,  northwest  of  Rich- 
mond, and  half  way  between  the  Rapidan  and  James.  There  it 
was  divided  into  a  number  of  small  columns,  and  roamed  all 
over  the  country,  burning  bridges,  cutting  the  banks  of  the 


U4:  GENEEAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

James  River  Canal,  and  destroying  railroads,  with  perfect  safety 
to  itself  and  much  discomfort  to  the  enemy.  The  only  force 
left  in  the  whole  country  to  oppose  it  was  W.  H.  F.  Lee's 
brigade  of  two  regiments,  which  was  utterly  inadequate  to 
resist  effectively.  The  raid  lasted  till  May  9th,  the  division  of 
forces  taking  place  May  3d.  Kilpatrick,  then  a  colonel,  took 
his  regiment  to  the  very  border  of  Richmond,  found  part  of  the 
Twelfth  Illinois  there,  found  also  that  he  had  roused  the  Home 
Guards,  and  that  they  were  flocking  out  to  catch  him,  and 
finally  marched  down  the  Peninsula,  crossed  the  Pamunkey, 
and  came  out  at  Gloucester  Point,  opposite  Yorktown,  whence 
he  was  taken  off  by  the  Union  gunboats,  returning  by  way  of 
Washington.  The  rest  of  the  cavalry  returned  as  they  carne, 
and  recrossed  the  Rappahannock  and  Rapidan  high  up  the 
river,  finding  Hooker's  army  after  the  defeat  of  Chancellors- 
ville,  back  in  its  old  quarters  at  Falmouth,  watching  Fred- 
ericksburg. 

The  results  of  the  raid  were  thus  stated  at  the  time  by  an 
enthusiastic  newspaper  correspondent. 

General  Stoneman  moved  about  at  will  for  nine  days  within 
the  enemy's  lines;  cut  every  railroad  and  canal;  stopped  traffic 
on  the  highways;  kept  ten  counties  in  a  turmoil ;  destroyed 
twenty-two  bridges,  seven  culverts,  five  ferries,  seven  railroads 
(in  spots),  seven  supply  trains,  one  hundred  and  twenty-two 
wagons,  two  hundred  horses  (carried  off),  one  hundred  and 
four  mules  (same),  three  canals  (in  spots),  five  canal  boats,  three 
trains  of  cars,  two  storehouses,  four  telegraph  stations,  five  tel- 
egraph lines  (cut),  three  depots,  (burned.)  The  cavalry  visited 
twenty-five  towns,  and  liberated  one  hundred  and  fifty  slaves, 
who  followed  the  column. 

All  this  was  very  nice,  but  amounted  to  nothing,  for  the 
railroads  were  soon  after  repaired.  The  real  weakness  of  the 
whole  raid  was  that  it  only  exasperated,  without  terrifying  the 
enemy,  and  gave  color  to  the  accusations  that  the  Federal  cav- 
alry were  merely  mounted  robbers.  Had  Stoneman  destroyed 


THE    CAVALKY    CORPS. 

"W.  H.  F.  Lee's  brigade,  which  he  might  well  have  done,  it 
would  have  been  of  far  more  value  to  the  cause  he  represented 
than  all  the  plunder  and  destruction  that  attended  his  path. 
As  it  was,  it  entirely  failed  to  retrieve  the  disgrace  of  Chancel- 
lorsville,  in  public  estimation,  at  the  time,  and  the  fact  that 
Stoneman  never  attacked  Richmond,  which  he  might  easily 
have  done,  as  it  was  almost  undefended,  added  to  the  unfavora- 
ble impression  produced  by  his  conduct  of  the  raid. 

He  was  shortly  after  relieved  by  Pleasonton,  the  First 
Division  falling  to  General  Buford,  the  senior  brigadier ;  and 
on  the  staff  of  the  former,  Captain  Ouster  found  himself,  in 
June,  1863,  with  the  prospect  of  a  career  once  more  open  to 
him.  The  success  of  the  Stoneman  raid,  such  as  it  was,  had 
still  a  good  effect  on  the  cavalry  of  the  army.  It  was  the  first 
success  that  had  fallen  on  its  banners  since  Antietam,  and  had 
fallen  to  the  lot  of  the  despised  cavalry,  which  needed  it. 

At  that  time,  and  ever  since  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
a  great  jealousy  existed  between  the  horse  and  foot  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  the  former  had  been  so  badly 
handled  that  it  had  fallen  into  contempt  with  the  infantry. 
Cut  up  into  small  detachments  and  placed  under  control  of 
infantry  generals,  who  disliked  it,  the  few  unfortunate  charges 
it  had  made  confirmed  the  general  impression  that  was  trum- 
peted through  the  press,  that  "  the  days  of  cavalry  were  over  " 
as  a  fighting  body,  and  that  it  was  only  to  be  used  thereafter 
for  picket  and  scouting  duty,  in  other  words  to  look  at  the 
enemy  and  run  away.  Hooker  himself,  while  in  command  of 
the  army,  was  currently  reported  to  have  heaped  contempt  on 
his  cavalry,  by  starting  the  ironical  question  as  to  "  who  ever 
saw  a  dead  cavalryman?"  The  plodding  infantry  soldier, 
weary  with  his  long  march,  naturally  feels  jealous  of  the  horse- 
man riding  by  him,  and  if  he  is  taught  to  despise  him  as  a 
fighter,  is  only  too  glad  so  to  do.  Under  these  remarks,  the 
cavalry  officers,  high  and  low,  had  long  chafed,  and  longed  for 
an  opportunity  to  prove  that  they  could  fight,  as  well  as  the 
10 


14:6  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

"dough-boys"  and  "mud-mashers"  whom  they  could  not 
retort  upon  as  yet.  The  time  was  however  coming  for  these 
sneers  to  be  silenced,  and  the  young  staff  captain  who  now  fol- 
lowed Pleasonton  was  destined  to  be  a  mighty  instrument  to 
change  public  opinion.  Chancellorsville  had  hurt  the  infantry 
badly,  while  the  small  cavalry  brigade  that  had  shared  in  that 
fight  had  stood  firm  in  the  midst  of  a  cloud  of  demoralized  foot 

O 

soldiers,  whom  they  were  detailed  to  drive  back  with  their 
sabres  in  some  instances.  For  the  next  two  months,  the 
infantry  hardly  fired  an  angry  shot,  while  the  cavalry  under 
Pleasonton,  covered  itself  with  glory,  beat  back  Stuart  again 
and  again,  and  finally  won  itself  the  fair  right  to  be  called  the 
sword  and  shield  of  the  Federal  army. 

The  close  of  Stoneman's  raid  was  followed  by  perfect  inac- 
tivity in  Hooker's  army  for  a  mouth.  In  the  meantime,  Lee 
wTas  preparing  for  an  offensive  movement,  behind  Fredericks- 
burg.  He  had  fought  Chancellorsville  with  less  than  sixty 
thousand  men  to  Hooker's  one  hundred  thousand  ;  but  by  the 
end  of  June  conditions  were  changed.  Many  of  Hooker's 
regiments  were  broken,  their  time  being  out,  and  Lee  had 
received  reinforcements  from  all  quarters.  Stuart's  cavalry 
remounted  and  recruited,  was  now  at  least  ten  thousand  strong, 
and  the  Confederate  infantry  was  increased  till  his  army 
equalled  if  it  did  not  exceed,  Hooker's. 

Screened  behind  the  curtain  of  woods  in  the  Wilderness, 
Lee  prepared  to  start  off  up  the  valley,  to  repeat  his  Maryland 
campaign,  and  if  possible  raid  into  Pennsylvania.  Hooker, 
deprived  of  all  certain  news,  was  still  very  uneasy,  and  at  last 
did  what  he  should  have  done  earlier.  He  sent  out  his  cavalry 
to  the  extreme  right  of  the  army,  to  cross  the  Rappahannock 
high  up.  They  started  under  the  lead  of  Pleasouton,  and 
crossed  at  several  points,  Buford  and  Averill  at  Beverly  Ford, 
Gregg  several  miles  up,  at  Rappahannock  Bridge. 

Both  columns  met  the  enemy  in  heavy  force,  and  drove 
him  back  past  Brandy  Station  towards  Culpepper.  There 


THE    CAVALRY    CORPS.  147 

reinforcements  arrived,  and  the  fight  remained  stationary 
during  most  of  the  morning.  Several  charges  and  counter- 
charges took  place,  and  the  enemy's  force  was  found  to  consist 
of  Stuart's  cavalry,  while  country  people  reported  that  infantry 
had  passed  that  way  in  heavy  force  towards  Madison  Court 
House,  a  day  or  two  before. 

In  the  evening,  Pleasonton  returned  across  the  Rappahan- 
nock,  followed  at  a  distance  by  the  enemy,  but  without  suffer, 
ing  loss.  The  cavalry 'had  shown  in  their  first  general  fight, 
that  they  were  capable  of  holding  their  own  against  the  much 
dreaded  "  Stuart's  Cavalry,"  that  caused  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  so  much  alarm,  from  the  Peninsula  to  Maryland. 

They  had  met  and  parted  fairly,  "  broken  a  lance "  as  it 
were,  found  that  all  they  needed  was  to  put  a  bold  face  on 
matters;  and  so  learned  their  first  lesson  under  Pleasonton's 
command.  In  this  fight,  Custer  was  in  attendance  on  his 
general  most  of  the  day,  a  great  favorite  of  the  latter.  The 
time  was  coming  and  very  near  at  hand,  though  he  knew  it 
not,  for  him  to  win  his  star,  and  emerge  from  the  inconspicu- 
ous position  of  a  staff  officer  to  one  in  which  he  could  com- 
mand public  attention.  The  personal  history  of  Custer  during 
the  time  that  intervened  between  joining  the  army  and  winning 
his  star  comes  out  so  well  in  his  animated  and  picturesque  cor- 
respondence that  we  are  sure  our  readers  will  be  glad-  to  see 
some  of  his  letters.  He  still  kept  up  his  communications  with 
his  sister,  but  the  letters  to  her  are  filled  out  and  completed  by 
some  to  another  person,  to  whom  he  commenced  to  write  early 
in  April.  From  these  letters  it  appears  that  after  the  comple- 
tion of  the  report  he  paid  a  short  visit  to  Monroe,  thence  to 
New  York  city,  where  he  met  orders  sending  him  to  Washing- 
ton. Here  he  was  put  on  nominal  staff  duty,  which  was  really 
genteel  idleness,  and  filled  up  his  time  by  going  to  the  theatres, 
and  trying  to  forget  his  discontent.  He  was  evidently,  at  the 
time,  sore,  dissatisfied,  unsettled,  but  imbued  with  a  strong  no- 


148  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

tion  that  "  Destiny  "  had  something  in  store  for  him,  which  no 
power  of  his  would  be  able  to  avert.  In  his  letters  to  this  sec- 
ond person  he  speaks  very  earnestly  on  this  subject,  and  also  of 
the  earnest  and  enduring  nature  of  his  feelings  towards  "  one 
of  the  parties  most  interested"  to  whom  he  never  refers  by 
name.  It  seems  that  this  "  party"  had  predicted  that  absence 
and  time  would  change  his  feelings,  but  he  earnestly  assures 
his  correspondent  that  this  can  never  be,  and  warns  her  that 
time  will  only  strengthen  and  deepen  them. 

On  his  first  arrival  in  camp,  General  Pleasonton  requested 
him  to  join  his  staff,  but  Ouster  expresses  himself  as  doubtful 
whether  he  will  go  or  not.  He  seems  to  have  regarded  it  as  a 
sort  of  possible  slur  on  his  former  general,  whom  he  speaks  of 
in  his  first  letter  as  "  ike  only  man  I  ever  loved"  the  words 
underscored.  "Writing  after  Chancellorsville,  he  is  very  bitter 
on  Hooker,  and  says  vindictively,  "  The  whole  army  are  speak- 
ing against  him  and  asking  for  McClellan.'5  This  letter  is  dated 
May  6th,  but  a  week  later  he  writes  in  better  spirits  from  Gen- 
eral Pleasonton's  headquarters,  that  he  has  accepted  the  position 
offered  him  and  finds  it  very  comfortable.  The  passion  for 
dogs  is  already  strong,  "  I  have  got  another  dog,  a  hound  pup 
about  two  months  old.  One  of  my  men  got  it  from  an  old  ne- 
gro woman.  I  have  named  the  handsomest  of  my  two  horses 
— the  black — '  Harry  '  after  Aut."  (His  nephew  Henry  Arm- 
strong Reed,  born  while  he  was  a  cadet.)  He  has  picked  up  a 
little  deserted  waif  of  a  boy  called  Johnny,  who  acts  as  his  ser- 
vant, and  who  always  takes  the  pup  to  bed  with  him.  Johnny 
was  devoted  to  him.  "  I  think  he  would  rather  starve  than  see 
me  go  hungry.  I  have  dressed  him  in  soldiers'  clothes  ...  he 
rides  one  of  my  horses  on  the  march."  Eeturning  from  a  ride 
one  day,  "  I  found  Johnny  with  his  sleeves  rolled  up.  He  had 
washed  all  my  dirty  clothes  and  hung  them  on  the  bushes  to 
dry.  He  did  them  very  well." 

Later  comes  a  letter  to  the  other  correspondent,  describing 


THE    CAVALRY    CORPS.  149 

a  secret  expedition  full  of  romance,  but  unattended  with  fight- 
ing.    This  is  too  good  to  be  lost. 

HEADQUARTERS  CAVALRY  CORPS,  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC, 

Tuesday,  May  26th,  1863. 

DEAR  FRIEXD. — In  accordance  with  my  promise  and  my  in- 
clinations I  now  propose  to  hold  a  short  and  uninterrupted  con- 
versation with  you.  I  will  agree  to  do  all  the  talking  to-night.  I 
was  extremely  glad  to  receive  your  letter  and  through  you  to  hear 
of  "  one  of  the  parties,  etc."  I  will  tell  you  about  my  expedition 
into  Dixie.  "With  my  little  party  of  seventy-five  men  (cavalry)  I 
embarked  at  Aquia  Creek  on  board  the  steamers  Caleca  and  Man- 
hattan, on  the  evening  of  the  21st,  taking  our  departure  down  the 
Potomac  as  soon  as  it  was  dark.  At  11  o'clock  next  day  we  arrived 
at  our  landing  on  the  banks  of  the  Yocomico  river  about  five 
miles  from  its  mouth.  Mounting  our  horses  we  made  a  rapid 
march  of  forty  miles,  in  but  little  over  five  hours,  arriving  in  sight 
of  the  Eappahannock  river  near  Urbana.  To  avoid  discovery, 
our  party  remained  concealed  in  the  woods  till  next  morning. 
Taking  nine  men  and  another  officer  in  a  small  canoe,  the  only 
boat  we  could  find,  I  started  in  pursuit  of  a  small  sailing  vessel 
which  was  coming  from  the  direction  of  Urbana.  After  a  chase 
of  ten  miles  down  the  river  we  compelled  our  game  to  run  their 
boat  aground  on  the  south  bank.  The  crew  jumped  overboard 
and  reached  the  shore.  We  captured  the  boat  and  passengers. 
The  latter  proved  to  be  a  portion  of  the  party  which  we  desired  to 
capture.  They  had  only  left  Richmond  the  previous  morning, 
and  had  quite  a  large  sum  of  Confederate  money  in  their  posses- 
sion. Six  of  the  party  composed  a  Jewish  family.  Do  you 
remember  what  I  said  in  case  I  captured  a  stage-coach  full  of 
young  ladies.  There  were  two  young  ladies  in  the  party,  Jewesses, 
who  with  the  rest  of  the  party  I  was  compelled  to  make  prisoners 
of.  With  four  of  my  men  I  made  my  way  on  shore,  leaving  the 
remainder  of  the  party  to  guard  the  prisoners  and  boats.  The 
river  at  that  point  is  over  four  miles  wide,  and  so  shallow  near  the 
land  as  to  render  it  impossible  for  us  to  approach  within  three 
hundred  yards  of  the  shore  in  our  boats,  so  that  no  course  was 
left  but  to  wade.  After  landing  with  the  four  men  we  went  to 
the  nearest  house,  which  proved  to  be  a  fine  country  mansion. 
While  at  some  distance  from  it  I  observed  some  one  on  the  piazza 
lying  down  with  a  book  in  his  hands  ;  his  back  was  toward  us 


150  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

so  that  we  were  not  seen.  As  we  neared  the  house  I  saw  that 
whoever  it  was  he  wore  the  Confederate  uniform.  At  first  I 
thought  we  were  in  a  trap,  that  others  might  be  near,  perhaps  in 
the  house,  and  with  my  little  party  of  four  men  I  could  not  hope 
to  contend  against  a  very  large  force. 

Cautiously  approaching,  I  was  within  four  feet  of  the  Confede- 
rate before  he  noticed  us,  it  was  then  too  late  for  him  to  escape 
or  resist.  I  told  him  that  he  was  my  prisoner  and  must  come 
with  us.  He  replied  very  coolly,  "  I  suppose  so."  On  interroga- 
ting him,  he  informed  me  there  were  no  other  rebel  soldiers  within 
six  miles  of  us.  He  was  at  home  on  a  short  visit.  The  volume  he 
was  so  intently  reading  was  a  copy  of  Shakespeare,  and  he  had  just 
read  the  first  few  lines  of  that  well-known  soliloquy  "  To  be  or 
not  to  be."  On  our  march  back  he  and  I  had  many  a  hearty 
laugh  over  his  literary  habits.  His  sisters  were  in  the  house,  but 
heard  nothing  of  what  occurred  until  I  entered  and  informed 
them  that  it  was  my  painful  but  imperative  duty  to  take  their 
brother  away  with  me.  They  were  very  sorry,  of  course,  but  tried 
to  assume  a  very  independent  air  at  first.  I  could  not  but  feel 
sorry  that  they  were  to  be  made  unhappy  through  any  act  of  mine. 
I  imagined  myself  in  their  brother's  stead,  and  thought  how  sorry 
my  own  dear  sister  would  be  if  I  were  taken  away  under  similar 
circumstances.  Eeturning  to  our  boats  we  took  our  prisoners  to 
the  north  bank,  leaving  them  in  charge  of  the  main  party.  Then 
with  twenty  men  in  three  small  boats,  I  rowed  over  to  Urbana, 
on  the  opposite  bank,  where  we  burned  two  schooners  and  a  bridge 
over  Urbana  bay,  after  which  we  drove  the  rebel  pickets  out  of 
the  town.  We  then  returned  to  the  north  bank,  where,  after  captur- 
ing twelve  prisoners,  thirty  horses,  two  large  boxes  of  Confederate 
boots  and  shoes,  and  two  barrels  of  whiskey  which  we  destroyed, 
our  party  remounted  our  horses,  and  with  our  captures  set  out 
on  our  return  to  the  Yocomico,  where  the  steamers  were  in  wait- 
ing for  us.  To  carry  our  lady  prisoners,  I  pressed  into  the  service 
a  family  carriage,  horses  and  driver.  We  marched  till  two  o'clock 
that  night  to  avoid  pursuit  and  capture,  then  camped  till  morning; 
resumed  the  march,  reached  our  boats  about  noon  on  Saturday, 
and  arrived  here  safely  Sunday  morning  without  having  lost  a 
man.  Yesterday  General  Hooker  sent  for  me  and  complimented 
me  very  highly  on  the  success  of  my  expedition,  and  the  manner 
in  which  I  had  executed  his  orders.  Now,  I  suppose  I  have 
wearied  you  with  this  long  (interesting  to  me,  but  perhaps  not  to 
others)  story.  I  will  not  apologize  for  it,  however,  as  that  would 


THE    CAVALRY    CORPS.  151 

be  breaking  a  rule  which  I  have  always  laid  down — never  to  regret 
anything  after  it  is  done.  Yesterday  I  spent  in  visiting  a  number 
of  my  friends  throughout  the  army.  I  saw  the  4th  Michigan 
and  the  Monroe  members  of  the  regiment.  I  took  dinner  with 
Lieutenant  Yates,  who  you  remember  was  in  Monroe  last  winter. 
By  the  way,  I  have  induced  General  Pleasonton  to  appoint  Lieu- 
tenant Yates  on  his  staff,  so  that  I  will  have  him  with  me  here- 
after. He  was  at  our  headquarters  this  evening,  and  will  join  us 
permanently  in  a  few  days. 

AKMSTRONG. 

A  little  later,  in  a  letter  to  his  sister  under  the  date  of  June 
6th,  he  writes  that  they  are  going  to  cross  the  river  to  Culpep- 
per,  but  there  is  no  account  of  Beverly  Ford  fight.  The  last 
letter  accessible  at  this  period  of  his  life  is  dated  June  25th, 
four  days  before  his  elevation  to  the  dignity  of  a  brigade  com- 
mander, and  the  place  for  that  will  be  more  proper  in  the  next 
chapter.  Events  were  now  beginning  to  crowd  so  fast,  and  the 
campaign  was  opening  so  actively,  that  home  correspondence 
was  practically  impossible.  Love  and  the  softer  side  of  his 
life  was  to  be  hidden  for  a  while  behind  the  murky  clouds  of 
war,  and  not  till  after  Gettysburg  was  there  a  lull  in  the 
incessant  activity. 

Ouster  was  still,  as  appears  from  these  letters,  nothing  more 
immediately  ambitious  in  feeling  than  a  staff  officer.  There  are 
no  idle  aspirations  after  high  command  in  his  wishes,  and  he 
seems,  as  always  before  and  after,  intensely  practical  in  his  no- 
tions of  life.  He  is  satisfied  to  do  his  duty  in  whatever  posi- 
tion he  is  placed,  only  taking  care  to  perform  that  duty  thor- 
oughly and  completely,  and  better  than  any  one  else.  The 
letter  we  have  quoted,  reveals  the  perfect  officer  of  the  staff, 
active  and  daring,  on  the  watch  for  every  little  scrap  of  infor- 
mation, perfectly  ready  to  hide  and  play  the  fox  when  the  role 
of  the  lion  is  out  of  place,  with  that  peculiar  combination  of 
qualities,  very  rarely  found,  which  makes  the  model  officer  of 
eclaireurs. 

These  qualities  are  very  rare,  and  no  school  can  teach  them. 


152  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

Even  experience  totally  fails  if  natural  genius  is  not  found  in 
the  man.  The  most  pre-eminent  attribute  of  the  perfect 
eclaireur  is  tact,  and  this  Ouster  developed  in  a  remarkable  de- 
gree. The  sudden  and  rapid  decision,  the  intuitive  sense  of  the 
exact  thing  to  do  at  the  moment,  and  the  energy  that  seizes 
the  fleeting  moment,  are  all  present,  and  it  is  no  wonder  that 
Pleasonton  treated  him  as  the  most  useful  officer  of  his  staif. 
Ouster  could  do  what  no  one  else  could  do.  Nine  men  out  of 
ten  would  have  made  a  blunder  of  the  secret  expedition  into 
the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country,  but  Ouster  treats  it  almost  as 
a  joke  and  never  falters  a  moment.  What  a  wonderful  contrast 
betwreen  this  expedition  and  the  one  he  so  naively  describes  as 
occurring  when  he  was  on  Kearny's  staff,  only  eighteen  months 
before.  Truly  Ouster  had  graduated  in  the  school  of  war.  He 
was  no  longer  a  pupil,  but  a  master  in  the  duties  of  a  staff 
officer.  Even  Hooker,  far  from  being  well  disposed  to  any 
member  of  McClellan's  staff,  could  not  help  complimenting 
Ouster,  and  truly  he  deserved  every  word  of  praise  he  received. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

WINNING     HIS     STAR. 

spirited  little  fight  at  Beverly  Ford,  June  9,  1863, 
JL  developed  the  intentions  of  -the  enemy.  It  showed  that 
his  cavalry  was  concentrated  near  Culpepper,  and  subsequent 
reports  from  signal  officers  and  others  showed  that  the  concen- 
tration was  only  preparatory  to  a  general  movement  of  the 
Confederates  round  the  Union  right,  by  way  of  the  valley,  up 
towards  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania.  Hooker's  army  being 
then  in  front  of  Fredericksburg,  two  courses  were  open  to  it. 
One  was  to  strike  straight  for  Richmond,  disregarding  Lee,  the 
other  to  fall  back  towards  Washington,  interposing  before  the 
enemy  could  do  much  damage.  The  first  course  was  the  boldest, 
and  would  undoubtedly  have  ended  in  the  recall  of  Lee,  and 
the  fighting  of  a  desperate  battle  to  the  northwest  of  Richmond, 
but  it  would  have  been  in  the  nature  of  a  gambler's  last  throw. 
The  Union  communications  must  have  been  left  completely 
exposed  by  the  line  of  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad, 
and  would  have  certainly  been  cut  unless  changed  to  the  sea- 
coast  bases,  in  later  times  occupied  by  Grant. 

On  the  other  hand,  falling  back  to  ward  Washington,  Hooker 
would  retain  the  advantage  of  interior  lines,  and  his  communi- 
cations were  secure.  The  second  course  was  the  safest,  if  not 
the  most  brilliant.  At  all  events  it  was  determined  on,  and 
the  Union  infantry  started  on  the  march  which  was  to  culmi- 
.  nate  in  Gettysburg.  For  the  next  few  weeks,  the  legs  of  the 
infantry  of  both  armies  were  to  do  all  the  work,  for  they  did 
not  come  in  serious  contact  till  they  met  at  Gettysburg. 


154:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

Beverly  Ford  fight  checked  Stuart  in  his  first  purpose, 
which  was  to  cross  the  Rappahannock  east  of  the  mountains, 
followed  by  Lee,  repeating  the  movements  of  1862,  and  bring- 
ing on  a  third  battle  of  Manassas.  On  the  6th  of  June  he  held 
his  review  at  Culpepper,  preparatory  to  his  advance.  Three 
days  after,  he  concluded  to  go  west  of  the  mountains,  take  a 
longer  trip,  and  trust  to  his  heels  to  get  to  Pennsylvania  first. 

The  first  week  of  the  three  that  intervened  between  Beverly 
Ford  and  Gettysburg  was  passed  by  Hooker  in  feeling  for  the 
enemy  with  his  cavalry,  which  scoured  the  country  as  far  as  the 
Blue  Ridge.  In  the  meantime  Lee's  columns  were  pushing  on 
up  the  valley,  Swell's  corps  capturing  Winchester  on  the  13th 
June.  Lee's  intentions  being  then  fully  developed,  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  started  to  catch  him,  and  on  the  14th  was  at 
Bull  Run.  On  the  16th,  Governor  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania, 
issued  his  proclamation,  announcing  the  invasion  of  his  State, 
and  from  thenceforward  all  was  bustle  and  activity. 

On  the  same  day  that  Governor  Curtin  issued  his  proclama- 
tion, was  fought  the  battle  of  Aldie  in  Virginia,  in  which  bat- 
tle Ouster  gained  his  star,  and  as  it  was  the  first  cavalry  action 
in  which  the  Union  forces  met  the  enemy  fairly  and  defeated 
him  fairly,  it  is  worthy  of  some  special  notice. 

At  the  time,  both  armies  were  scattered  over  a  considerable 
range  of  country.  The  head  of  Lee's  column,  preceded  by 
Ewell  and  a  small  force  of  cavalry  and  mounted  infantry,  was 
in  Pennsylvania,  the  rear  still  in  Virginia.  Stuart's  cavalry 
was  scattered  along  the  flanks,  and  on  the  16th  a  portion  of  it 
came  through  Snicker's  Gap,  hoping  to  take  a  short  cut  into 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania.  They  were  met  by  part  of 
Gregg's  division,  consisting  of  Kilpatrick's  brigade,  and  the 
First  Maine  Cavalry.  With  them  was  a  young  staff  officer  of 
Pleasonton,  Captain  George  A.  Ouster.  The  rest  of  the  Union 
cavalry  was  scattered  through  the  country,  the  afterwards  re- 
nowned Michigan  brigade  was  not  yet  fully  organized,  but  some 
of  its  component  parts  were  in  Maryland,  fighting  Jenkins' 


WINNING    HIS    STAR.  155 

raiders.  Everything  was  in  more  or  less  confusion,  especially 
on  Hooker's  side,  for  Lee  had  undoubtedly  stolen  a  march  on 
him,  and  got  ahead. 

On  the  16th,  General  Gregg's  advance  reached  Aldie,  and 
found  a  Confederate  brigade,  with  which  General  Stuart  was 
present.  It  seems  that  Gregg  must  have  struck  the  extreme  ad- 
vance of  the  Confederate  cavalry.  Colonel  Kilpatrick's  brigade 
composed  the  Second  and  Fourth  New  York,  First  Massachu- 
setts, and  Sixth  Ohio.  •  The  Second  New  York  had  the  advance. 
They  ran  into  the  enemy's  picket  outside  Aldie,  drove  them 
through  the  town,  and  found  the  Confederate  line  in  position 
near  Middleburg,  in  front  of  the  middle  of  Ashby's  Gap.  It 
seems  that  Stuart  was  advancing  through  Ashby's  Gap,  and 
this  unexpected  encounter  checked  him.  When  the  exact  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy  was  found  by  their  fire,  Kilpatrick  deployed 
his  regiments  and  put  them  in  the  fight  in  the  order  following: 
First  Maine,  Sixth  Ohio,  Second  New  York,  Fourth  New 
York,  First  Massachusetts. 

The  enemy  had  four  guns  on  a  hill,  in  the  centre  of  their 
line.  Their  dismounted  skirmishers  held  fences  and  ditches 
enfilading  the  Middleburg  road,  on  which  the  advance  must 
be  made,  and  the  position  was  strong.  In  front  of  the  line  of 
battle  were  half-a-dozen  haystacks,  which  concealed  the  ditch 
and  fence. 

The  Second  New  York  was  ordered  to  charge  down  the  road 
and  take  the  haystacks.  One  squadron  made  the  charge,  and 
passed  the  stacks,  only  to  find  themselves  heavily  punished  by  the 
enemy  in  rear.  The  rest  of  the  regiment  galloped  in  on  the  left, 
followed  soon  after  by  the  Sixth  Ohio,  and  the  result  was  that 
the  Confederate  line  was  broken,  fences  thrown  down,  and  the 
enemy  were  driven  in  confusion  up  the  hill  on  their  guns. 
They  made  a  short  stand  at  a  rail  fence,  halfway  up,  when  a 
squadron  of  the  Fourth  New  York,  that  had  been  supporting 
Kilpatrick's  battery,  dashed  in  and  drove  them  over  the  hill, 
Stuart's  guns  going  to  the  rear  full  gallop. 


156  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

The  First  Maine  was  then  called  in  from  the  left,  and 
placed  beside  the  First  Massachusetts,  in  support  of  the  troops 
already  engaged,  and  the  line  advanced  again.  This  time 
Stnart  was  resolved  on  vengeance.  His  guns  were  in  position 
further  to  the  rear,  and  he  now  charged  down  the  road,  driving 
before  him  the  remains  of  the  Second  New  York,  disordered 
and  blown  by  previous  charges.  In  a  moment  it  seemed  as  if 
the  tide  were  turned.  Cavalry  is  always  liable  to  sudden 
reverses  of  this  sort,  and  Stuart's  fresh  reserves  came  yelling 
on,  driving  everything  before  them.  Kilpatrick  ordered  in  at 
once  the  Maine  and  Massachusetts  regiments,  as  yet  fresh,  and 
that  part  of  the  Fourth  New  York  which  had  not  already 
charged. 

Coming  into  action  as  a  reserve  to  check  the  tide  of  defeat, 
is  always  the  hardest  task  for  young  soldiers,  and  it  must  be 
remembered  that  this  was  the  first  serious  action  in  which  many 
of  the  Union  regiments  had  been  engaged.  At  all  events,  the 
reserves  wavered  and  halted,  confusion  began  to  spread,  horses 
were  plunging  and  fighting,  men  turning  pale,  and  shrinking 
back  from  the  moral  effect  of  the  yelling  line  of  Confederate 
cavalry  coming  on,  wrapped  in  clouds  of  dust,  and  preceded  by 
the  scattered  fugitives  of  the  Second  New  York.  Add  to  this, 
the  shrieking  of  the  enemy's  shells,  and  the  sharp  crash  of  their 
explosions,  the  dead  and  wounded  horses  and  men  lying  about, 
and  the  tremendous  moral  force  at  that  day  of  the  name  of 
"  Stuart's  Cavalry,"  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  green 
Northern  men  wavered,  nor  that  their  officers  were  yelling 
confusedly,  instead  of  commanding  coolly. 

For  a  moment  a  rout  seemed  inevitable,  when  out  of  the 
press  dashed  Kilpatrick  and  Colonel  Douty  of  the  First  Maine, 
the  first  shrieking  out  curses  and  wildly  waving  his  sabre,  the 
second  beckoning  his  men  to  follow.  So  great  was  the  turmoil 
that  neither  could  be  heard,  when  forth  from  the  crowd  rode  a 
third  figure,  a  young  captain,  wearing  a  broad  plantation  straw 
hat,  from  under  which  long  bright  curls  flowed  over  his  shoul- 


WINNING    HIS    STAR  157 

ders.  His  uniform  was  careless  and  shabby,  but  his  bright  curia 
attracted  attention  wherever  he  went.  Out  he  rode  beside  Kil- 
patrick  and  Douty,  waved  his  long  blade  in  the  air,  and  pointed 
to  the  enemy,  then  turned  his  horse  and  galloped  alone  towards 
them.  An  electric  shock  seemed  to  silence  the  line.  He  looked 
oack  and  beckoned  with  his  sword. 

u  Come  on,  boys,"  he  shouted. 

The  next  moment  Kilpatrick  and  Douty  were  abreast  of 
him,  waving  their  swords  and  shouting  "  Come  on."  An  in- 
voluntary yell  burst  from  the  men,  and  away  they  went.  All 
fear  and  hesitation  had  vanished,  and  the  long  line,  broken  by 
its  own  impetuosity  into  little  clumps  of  horsemen,  went  racing 
down  to  charge  the  enemy. 

They  were  met  by  a  tremendous  tire.  As  usual,  the  Con- 
federate cavalry  shrank  from  the  sabre  and  relied  on  tire-arms 
to  repel  the  assault,  and  as  usual  they  were  worsted.  The  sabre 
was  freely  used  for  the  first  time  during  the  war,  and  the  enemy 
was  driven  in  utter  confusion,  the  Maine  and  Massachusetts  men 
cutting  and  slashing  right  and  left,  the  enemy  fleeing  in  the 
direction  of  Ashby's  Gap.  In  the  foremost  of  the  triumphant 
group  was  the  young  captain  with  the  bright  curls,  and  in  all 
the  confusion  the  men  followed  him  as  a  guiding  star.  Kilpat- 
rick went  down,  his  horse  shot  under  him,  Douty  was  stricken 
dead,  but  the  young  captain  with  the  floating  curls  seemed  to 
bear  a  charmed  life. 

Away,  with  a  thunder  of  cheers,  a  rapid  rattling  fusillade 
of  shots,  a  cloud  of  dust,  the  clatter  of  innumerable  horse  shoes, 
the  jingle  of  arms,  bright  flashes  gleaming  redly  through  the 
thin  blue  pall  of  smoke  that  hung  over  the  field.,  the  fierce  hot 
smell  of  powder  in  the  air,  titillating  the  nostrils  with  a  mad 
sense  of  intoxication,  away  went  Custer  and  his  men  in  that 
wild  charge  and  pursuit !  The  faint  hearts  of  a  moment  ago 
were  turned  to  steel,  and  a  frenzy  of  eager  ferocity  seized  the 
mildest. 

Were  you  ever  in  a  charge,  you  who  read  this  now,  by  the 


158  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

winter  fireside,  long  after  the  bones  of  the  slain  have  turned  to 
dust,  when  peace  covers  the  land  ?  If  not,  you  have  never 
known  the  fiercest  pleasure  of  life.  The  chase  is  nothing  to  it, 
the  most  headlong  hunt  is  tame  in  comparison.  In  the  chase, 
the  game  flees  and  you  shoot :  here  the  game  shoots  back,  and 
every  leap  of  the  charging  steed  is  a  peril  escaped  or  dashed 
aside.  The  sense  of  power  and  audacity  that  possesses  the  cav- 
alier, the  unity  with  his  steed,  both  are  perfect.  The  horse  is 
as  wild  as  the  man  :  with  glaring  eye-balls  and  red  nostrils  he 
rushes  frantically  forward  at  the  very  top  of  his  speed,  with 
huge  bounds,  as  different  from  the  rhythmic  precision  of  the 
gallop  as  the  sweep  of  the  hurricane  is  from  the  rustle  of  the 
breeze.  Horse  and  rider  are  drunk  with  excitement,  feeling  and 
seeing  nothing  but  the  cloud  of  dust,  the  scattered  flying  figures, 
conscious  of  only  one  mad  desire,  to  reach  them,  to  smite, 
smite,  smite ! 

Far  ahead  of  the  Northern  riders  was  the  young  captain  with 
the  floating  curls.  He  rode  his  favorite  black  "  Harry,"  named 
after  the  innocent  child  at  home.  In  his  hand  gleamed  the  long 
straight  blade  he  had  captured  from  the  Confederate,  one  year 
before,  when  he  shot  him  and  took  his  horse,  down  in  front  of 
Richmond.  Ouster  wore  that  sword  all  through  the  war,  a  long 
straight  Toledo  blade,  with  the  Spanish  inscription,  "  No  mi 
tires  sin  razon,  No  mi  envaines  sin  honra  "  "  Draw  me  not 
without  cause,  sheathe  me  not  without  honor."  Years  after, 
men  said  that  hardly  an  arm  in  the  service  could  be  found 
strong  enough  to  wield  that  blade,  save  Ouster's  alone. 

Far  ahead  of  all  his  men  he  rode,  outstripping  the  swiftest 
and  a  moment  later  was  in  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  and  close  to  the 
left  rear  of  one  of  their  horsemen.  The  man  heard  him  coming, 
turned  in  his  saddle  and  fired  his  revolver  at  Ouster,  missing  him. 
A  moment  later,  the  long  Toledo  flashed  in  the  air,  and  his 
enemy  fell  from  his  horse,  his  left  arm  nearly  cut  ofF.  A  second 
man  wheeled  his  horse  and  dashed  at  the  daring  officer,  riding  up 
alongside  on  the  left,  taking  Ouster  at  the  same  disadvantage  he 


WINNING    HIS    STAR.  159 

had  taken  the  other  man,  and  this  fellow  had  a  sabre.  Then 
the  two  raced  away  in  the  midst  of  the  flying  cloud  of  dust,  one 
cutting  away  at  his  foeman,  the  other  parrying  the  blows,  but 
unable  to  return  them.  The  wild  race  lasted  for  several  sec- 
onds, both  horses  at  full  speed,  when  they  found  themselves 
beyond  all  the  fight,  and  in  the  quiet  rear,  out  of  the  dust. 
Then  Ouster  suddenly  checked  "  Harry,"  and  his  enemy  shot 
past  him.  Before  his  antagonist  could  stop,  Ouster  was  al- 
most up  to  him,  and  as  he  wheeled  round  they  met  fairly,  on 
the  right  front.  The  fight  was  short.  Two  or  three  mighty 
blows  of  the  long  sword,  and  the  Confederate  cavalier's  guard 
was  beaten  down  and  himself  knocked  off  his  horse  with  a 
cloven  skull. 

Then  Ouster  turned,  and  found  himself  all  alone  in  the  midst 
of  the  enemy,  probably  a  good  mile  from  the  Union  lines.  He 
mentions  this  in  a  letter  to  his  sister. 

I  was  surrounded  by  rebels,  and  cut  off  from  my  own  men, 
but  I  made  my  way  out  safely,  and  all  owing  to  my  hat,  which  is 
a  large  broad  brim,  exactly  like  that  worn  by  the  rebels.  Every 
one  tells  me  that  I  look  like  a  rebel  more  than  our  own  men.  The 
rebels  at  first  thought  I  was  one  of  their  own  men,  and  did  not 
attack  me,  except  one,  who  rushed  at  me  with  his  sabre,  but  I 
struck  him  across  the  face  with  my  sabre,  knocking  him  off  his 
horse.  I  then  put  spurs  to  "  Harry  "  and  made  my  escape. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Mr.  A.  R.  Waud  of  Harper's 
Weekly  made  a  sketch  of  Ouster,  which  is  still  in  the  posses- 
sion of  his  sister,  Mrs.  Reed.  It  represents  such  a  wild,  careless, 
slouchy-looking  figure,  as  the  same  artist  has  put  in  the  illus- 
tration to  the  battle  in  the  present  book,  "only  a  little  more 
so."  There  are  the  long  unkempt  locks,  the  broad  straw  hat, 
a  soldier's  blouse  and  trousers,  and  a  pair  of  captured  boots. 
This  picture  accompanied  the  letter  from  which  we  quote,  dated 
June  25th,  1863.  We  quote  it  especially  for  one  reason.  Only 
four  days  later,  Ouster  was  made  a  brigadier,  and  this  letter 
would  naturally  be  expected  to  show  some  inkling  of  knowledge 


1GO  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

on  his  part,  of  his  coming  promotion.  So  far  from  this,  it  ia 
evident  that  he  is  quite  unconscious  of  his  coming  honors.  In 
one  place  he  says,  "  General  Pleasonton  has  been  promoted  to 
be  a  major-general.  This  will  make  me  a  captain  again."  The 
fact  of  his  staff  rank  being  relative  to  the  rank  of  his  com- 
mander, explains  this  passage,  and  shows  that  he  had  no  higher 
aspirations  at  the  time. 

Thus  ended  Ouster's  connection  with  the  battle  of  Aldie. 
After  he  cut  down  the  last  rider  who  tried  to  stop  him,  he  got 
off  in  safety,  and  on  his  way  back  captured  the  first  man  whom 
he  had  cut.  The  poor  fellow  was  glad  to  surrender  and  be 
taken  in. 

It  turned  out  afterwards  that  the  force  with  which  Gregg's 
advance  was  thus  engaged,  was  the  extreme  advance  of  Stuart's 
cavalry,  pushing  away  from  the  rear  of  Lee's  army  to  cross 
the  Blue  Ridge.  Stuart's  column  was  spread  out  and  scattered 
over  a  large  expanse  of  country,  as  also  was  Pleasonton's,  and  it 
took  both  of  them  four  days  more  to  concentrate  their  forces  for 
the  second  and  more  decisive  fight  in  the  same  vicinity,  which 
took  place  at  Upperville,  some  five  miles  from  Aldie.  At  the 
time  of  the  battle  of  Aldie,  Colonel  Duffie,  a  French  officer  on 
a  two  years'  leave,  who  then  commanded  the  First  Rhode  Island 
Cavalry,  threw  himself,  with  his  regiment,  two  hundred  and 
eighty  strong,  into  the  little  town  of  Upperville,  attacking  the 
rear  of  the  same  brigade  defeated  by  Kilpatrick,  and  putting 
more  confusion  into  it.  Unluckily,  he  found  himself  in  the 
midst  of  all  Stuart's  advancing  forces,  and  yet  determined  to 
hold  on  to  the  town,  trusting  to  Pleasonton's  advance  to  relieve 
him.  He  was  ultimately  completely  surrounded,  and  cut  his 
way  out  with  only  twenty-seven  men,  thus  terminating  that 
haphazard  scrambling  fight  termed  the  battle  of  Aldie. 

For  his  part  in  determining  the  principal  success  of  the  day, 
as  well  as  for  his  past  services,  General  Pleasonton  sent  in  the 
name  of  Captain  Custer,  along  with  those  of  Colonel  Kilpatrick, 
Captain  Farnsworth,  and  Captain  Merritt,  to  the  President,  for 


WINNING    HIS    STAR.  161 

promotion  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier  General.  Colonel  Dnffie 
was  promoted  at  the  same  time. 

The  force  with  which  Kilpatrick  was  engaged,  consisted  of 
the  First,  Third,  Fourth  and  Fifth  Virginia  Cavalry,  with  four 
guns.  A  hundred  prisoners  were  taken  and  one  flag.  Custer's 
promotion  sent  him  to  Maryland,  where  he  joined  the  Michigan 
Brigade  he  was  soon  to  render  so  famous,  at  Hanover,  Md. 
From  henceforth  the  young  staff  officer,  so  suddenly  trans- 
formed into  a  general,  instead  of  carrying  others'  orders,  was  to 
issue  his  own,  and  to  fight  more  or  less  independently,  in  that 
confused  series  of  cavalry  actions  that  preceded  and  followed 
the  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Here  begins  that  public  career  of 
Custer,  which  was  so  soon  to  eclipse  that  of  all  the  other  cavalry 
leaders  of  the  army,  and  which,  by  a  combination  of  audacity, 
ability,  and  good  luck,  was  to  carry  him  to  Appomattox  Court 
House. 

"We  have  previously  said  that  Custer's  promotion  was  en- 
tirely unexpected  by  himself :  the  way  in  which  he  received  it, 
illustrates  this.  That  he  felt,  from  the  very  beginning  of  his 
career,  a  conviction  that  he  should  win  distinction  in  the  war, 
and  become  a  general  officer,  is  undoubted.  His  hopes  and 
aspirations  on  this  point  were  so  well  defined,  that  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  speak  of  it  to  his  brother  officers,  in  the  course  of 
their  many  firelight  talks.  As  was  inevitable  in  those  early 
days,  he  encountered  a  great  deal  of  sarcasm  and  merciless  ridi- 
cule on  this  point  from  his  comrades,  far  more  so  than  would 
have  occurred  later  in  the  war,  when  every  man  who  staid  at 
the  front  was  in  grim  earnest.  In  the  enormous  staffs  fashion- 
able at  that  period,  there  were  always  to  be  found  a  few  officers 
who  did  all  the  work,  and  a  large  residue  of  genteel  idlers, 
whose  highest  ambition  seemed  to  be  to  make  the  time  pass 
pleasantly,  and  to  do  as  little  for  their  pay  as  they  could.  The 
same  class  of  men,  a  few  grades  farther  down,  goes  by  the  name 
of  "  malingerers  "  and  "  coffee-coolers,"  and  indulges,  when  in 
camp,  in  the  same  general  line  of  sarcasm  towards  those  com- 
11 


162  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

rades  who  do  duty  cheerfully  and  aspire  to  win  promotion  by 
good  conduct.  At  that  early  period  of  the  war,  the  regular 
routine  of  promotion  had  not  become  so  rapid  and  certain  as  it 
afterwards  became,  and  many  advances  were  still  due  to  favor. 

At  all  events,  the  incautious  admission  of  Ouster  to  some  of 
his  comrades,  that  he  was  "  determined  to  be  a  general  before 
the  war  was  over,"  was  received  by  many  with  ill-natured 
sneers,  and  was  frequently  made  the  occasion  of  severely  sarcas- 
tic bantering. 

One  evening,  eleven  days  after  Aldie,  when  Ouster  returned 
to  headquarters,  after  a  long  ride,  in  which  he  had  been  post- 
ing the  pickets  of  the  entire  corps  for  the  night,  he  was  greeted 
in  the  large  tent,  where  the  staff  was  wont  to  gather  at  night, 
by  the  salutations,  "  Hallo,  general."  "  How  are  you,  general  ? " 
"  Gentlemen,  General  Ouster."  "  Why,  general,  I  congratu- 
late you."  "You're  looking  well,  general."  The  greetings 
came  from  all  quarters  of  the  tent,  where  staff  officers  were 
lounging,  smoking,  chatting,  laughing,  telling  stories.  They 
impressed  Ouster  as  being  merely  a  continuation  of  the  usual 
ill-natured  banter  on  the  subject  of  his  aspirations,  and,  further, 
as  being  carried  a  little  too  far.  However,  he  had  always  been 
noted  for  his  remarkable  control  over  a  hot  and  hasty  temper, 
and  he  was  not  going  to  allow  his  comrades  to  laugh  him  out 
of  it  on  this  occasion.  Still,  it  was  with  some  bitterness  that 
he  answered, 

"  You  may  laugh,  boys.  Laugh  as  long  as  you  please,  but 
I  will  be  a  general  yet,  for  all  your  chaff.  You  see  if  I  don't, 
that's  all." 

He  was  greeted  by  a  universal  shout  of  laughter  in  answer, 
it  seemed  as  if  his  tormentors  were  determined  to  irritate  him 
into  an  explosion ;  and  they  nearly  succeeded ;  for  his  blue 
eyes  began  to  flash,  and  he  looked  round  as  if  seeking  some  one 
on  whom  to  fix  a  quarrel.  His  old  friend  Yates,*  whom  he 

*  Afterwards  brevet  lieutenant  colonel,  and  captain  in  the  Seventh  U.  S. 
Cavalry,  and  one  of  the  little  band  of  heroes  who  fell  with  Custer.    Yates 


WINNING    HIS    STAR.  163 

had  been  himself  the  means  of  putting  on  Pleasonton's  staff, 
came  to  his  relief  with  a  few  words. 

"  Look  on  the  table,  old  fellow.  They're  not  chaffing."  He 
pointed  to  the  table  in  the  tent,  and  there,  in  the  midst,  lay  a 
large  official  envelope,  and  on  it  was  written,  "  BRIGADIER  GEN- 
ERAL GEORGE  A.  OUSTER,  U.  S.  YOLS." 

The  reaction  was  instantaneous,  and  the  young  fellow  was 
completely  overcome.  A  moment  later,  and  all  his  old  com- 
rades were  gathered  round  him  in  real  earnest,  congratulating 
and  shaking  hands,  while  Ouster,  too  much  overpowered  to 
speak,  could  only  smile  faintly,  turn  very  pale,  find  his  eyes 
full  of  tears,  and  sink  down  in  a  chair,  feeling  very  much  as  if 
he  was  going  to  make  a  fool  of  himself  and  cry.  However,  he 
regained  his  self-control  in  a  few  moments,  and  was  able  to 
thank  his  comrades,  who  were  really  in  earnest  this  time,  and 
after  a  while  was  permitted  to  read  the  orders  which  accompa- 
nied his  commission,  and  which  directed  him  to  report  to 
General  Pleasonton  for  instructions. 

Of  the  inter  view  between  Pleasonton  and  himself  it  is  unne- 
cessary to  speak.  It  was  marked  on  the  one  side  by  great  kind- 
ness and  good  sense.  A  few  months  later,  Ouster  writes  home 
about  Pleasonton,  "  he  has  been  more  like  a  father  to  me  than 
a  general,"  and  this  was  indeed  the  truth.  There  must,  how- 
ever, have  been  something  peculiarly  magnetic  about  Ouster  to 
have  attracted  to  himself,  as  he  did,  the  enthusiastic  affection 
of  three  men  of  such  very  different  characters  as  his  three 
successive  commanders.  McClellan,  the  polished  scientific  sol- 
dier, kind-hearted  to  a  fault,  slow,  methodical  and  cautious ; 
Pleasonton,  acrid,  sarcastic,  exacting,  an  excellent  cavalry  chief, 
but  generally  failing  to  attract  any  affection  from  his  subordi- 
nates, a  martinet  in  his  discipline ;  Sheridan,  fiery,  impetuous, 
untiring,  remorseless  in  the  amount  of  work  he  exacted  from 
his  troops ;  all  these  three  men  loved,  admired,  and  trusted 

was  an  old  Monroe  friend  of  Custer,  and  it  was  at  Ouster's  request  that  Pleas- 
onton appointed  Yates  on  the  staff,  where  he  proved  a  valuable  officer. 


164:  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

Caster  entirely ;  and  it  was  nothing  but  the  transcendent  ability 
of  his  character  that  forced  them  to  do  so.  Had  McClellan  re- 
mained in  command  and  promoted  Ouster,  it  might  have  been 
said  that  favoritism  and  luck  presided  over  his  elevation.  That 
a  man  like  Pleasontou,  who  was  notoriously  hard  to  please, 
should  have  evinced  so  much  trust  in  the  abilities  of  a  simple 
lieutenant,  as  to  take  the  responsibility  of  urging  his  promotion 
to  the  command  of  a  brigade,  without  even  the  intermediate 
experience  of  a  colonelcy,  was  the  proudest  of  tributes  to  Ous- 
ter's real  merit,  for  it  must  be  remembered  that  he  had  not  a 
single  friend  at  court,  and  that  his  previous  connection  with 
McOlellan's  staff  was  at  that  time  a  positive  disadvantage  to 
him.  It  was  the  greatest  misfortune  of  General  McClellan  that 
after  his  removal  he  was  taken  up,  petted,  and  made  a  martyr 
of,  for  political  purposes,  by  the  party  which  at  that  time  was, 
actively  and  passively,  in  sympathy  with  the  rebellion,  and  in 
the  minority  besides.  This  fact  rendered  all  his  friends  objects 
of  political  and  partisan  dislike — of  all  dislikes  the  most  bitter 
and  unreasoning — to  the  members  of  the  party  in  power.  The 
very  strength  of  the  McClellan  party  made  it  the  object  of  the 
more  bitter  animosity,  the  instincts  of  self-preservation  being 
enlisted  against  it  in  the  minds  of  all  ardent  Republicans.  It 
became  impossible  to  secure  fair  play  for  a  known  "  McClellan 
man,"  however  brave  and  capable.  The  bad  example  of  some 
of  the  less  capable  of  McClellan's  partisans  in  high  places  had 
rendered  the  government  suspicious  of  them,  down  to  their 
humblest  ranks,  and  not  without  much  reason. 

Custer  himself  had  experienced  the  evil  effects  of  this  feel- 
ing during  the  previous  winter,  when  at  Monroe,  awaiting 
orders.  During  that  period,  backed  by  the  earnest  help  of 
Judge  Christiancy,  now  United  States  Senator  from  Michigan, 
and  then  a  very  influential  member  of  the  Union  party,  Custer 
applied  to  Governor  Blair  for  the  command  of  one  of  the  cav- 
alry regiments  then  being  fitted  out  by  the  State  of  Michigan 
for  the  war.  The  last  of  these  regiments,  the  Seventh  Cavalry, 


WINNING    HIS    STAR.  165 

was  then  only  partly  organized,  two  battalions  leaving  Grand 
Rapids,  Michigan,  in  February,  the  rest  in  May.  It  was  for  this 
special  regiment  that  Ouster  applied,  without  success,  despite 
the  influence  of  Judge  Christiancy.  The  excuse  made  by  Gov- 
ernor BJair  was  very  plausible,  and  apparently  convincing.  It 
was  that  the  commissions  in  the  new  regiments  could  only  be 
given  to  those  officers  who  were  instrumental  in  raising  them, 
and  that  it  was  not  possible  to  depart  from  the  rule,  save  in 
very  exceptional  cases.  'The  governor  promised,  however,  to 
remember  Captain  Ouster's  application,  "  the  first  vacancy  that 
occurred,"  and  with  this  promise  Ouster  was  obliged  to  be  con- 
tent, well  aware  that,  like  all  politicians'  promises,  it  was  a  mere 
delusion,  and  that  the  real  obstacle  behind  all,  was  the  fact  of 
his  being  a  "  McClellan  man." 

This  experience  was  one  of  those  which  occasioned  the  great 
bitterness  of  tone  which  marks  his  private  letters  about  the 
time  he  first  rejoined  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  The  man 
felt  that  he  was  unjustly  treated,  and  that  the  holiest  feelings 
of  his  nature,  love  and  gratitude,  had  been  made  instrumental 
to  his  damage  ;  and  he  felt  outraged.  Only  the  advance  of  the 
season  of  hard  work,  and  the  activity  which  he  enjoyed  under 
Pleasonton,  caused  these  feelings  to  fade  away.  It  is  probable 
too,  that  the  creditable  fight  at  Beverly  Ford  and  the  sharply 
fought  action  at  Aldie,  the  latter  culminating  in  victory,  had 
aided  to  persuade  him  that  there  were  as  good  generals  left  as 
McClellan,  even  if  he  would  not  admit  it  in  public. 

Now,  his  sudden  elevation  contributed  to  eradicate  the  last 
remains  of  bitterness  from  his  mind,  and  Pleasonton  put  the 
final  touch  to  the  picture  of  happiness,  when  he  announced  that 
he  had  assigned  the  young  general  to  the  command  of  a  brigade 
of  troops  from  his  adopted  state,  Michigan,  comprising — 
mirabUe  dictu — the  very  regiment  for  the  command  of  which 
Captain  Ouster  had  applied  in  vain,  three  months  before,  to 
Governor  Blair.  There  let  us  leave  him  to  join  his  command, 
all  inexperienced  and  untried  as  he  was. 


166  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

It  is  rather  curious  in  connection  with  what  we  have  said 
before,  that  from  the  time  of  McClellan's  fall  to  the  end  of  his 
career,  Ouster  always  found  himself  directly  opposed  in  politics 
to  the  party  in  power,  he  being  a  strong  democrat.  He  was 
even  opposed  to  Pleasonton,  who,  then  and  since,  has  always 
been  identified  with  the  republicans,  and  it  was  solely  on  his 
military  record,  then  and  after,  that  he  gained  all  his  many 
honors.  He  never  received  favors,  only  work.  When  any 
work  was  to  do  which  no  one  else  could  do,  Pleasonton  first, 
and  Sheridan  afterwards,  always  set  Ouster  to  do  it.  Months 
after  he  gained  the  star,  when  he  had  won  many  battles  and 
had  had  four  or  five  horses  shot  under  him  in  action,  it  be- 
came a  question  whether  his  commission  should  be  confirmed  in 
the  Senate  on  account  of  his  being  a  "  McClellan  man."  PJeas- 
onton  got  him  his  promotion  with  the  rest,  because  he  wanted 
some  one  to  do  the  work,  and  no  one  could  do  it  so  well  as 
these  young  energetic  officers.  So  it  was  all  through  the  war 
and  after.  It  seemed  to  be  fated  that  he  should  always  be  an 
anti-administration  man,  getting  all  the  hard  knocks  and  little 
reward.  Wkat  reward  he  had,  he  earned.  The  rest  of  his  life 
will  show  how  he  earned  it. 


FOURTH  BOOK.— THE   MICHIGAN   BRIGADE. 

CHAPTER    I. 
THE  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN. 

r  I  1HE  first  fight  at  Aldie  ou  the  16th  June  was  succeeded  by 
JL  four  days  of  skirmishing  and  scouting,  during  which 
Pleasonton  united  his  two  divisions  under  Gregg  and  Buford, 
and  Stuart  brought  up  such  of  his  forces  as  he  could  get  together. 
On  the  19th,  the  brigade  of  Colonel  Gregg,  a  brother  of 
General  Gregg,  and  that  of  Kilpatrick,  had  a  second  fight  near 
Aldie,  in  which  they  again  drove  the  enemy,  this  time  into 
Middleburg ;  and  on  the  21st,  Pleasonton  arriving,  drove  the 
enemy  about  eight  miles  further  and  took  from  them  three 
guns  and  a  lot  of  prisoners.  So  far  as  can  be  found,  the  Con- 
federate forces  in  this  last  battle  were  inferior  in  number  to 
the  National  forces,  but  the  results  were  none  the  less  inspirit- 
ing to  the  cavalry.  Three  victories  under  any  circumstances 
were  comforting,  still  more  so  to  men  who  were  depressed 
in  spirit  from  the  long  succession  of  disasters  that  had  followed 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  In  the  meantime,  the  greater  part 
of  Stuart's  forces  were  already  over  the  border,  and  it  became 
necessary  to  follow  them.  The  battles  at  the  gap  had  prevented 
Lee  from  crossing  his  army  at  Poolesville,  below  Harper's 
Ferry,  and  he  was  compelled  to  cross  above  the  latter  place, 
at  Hagerstown.  The  Union  army  followed  by  way  of  Pooles- 
ville, and  when  it  arrived  at  Frederick,  Md.,  Hooker  was  replaced 
by  Meade,  and  the  two  armies  concentrated  at  Gettysburg. 


168  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

The  cavalry  crossed  the  Potomac  on  the  25th  June,  and 
arrived  at  Frederick  City  next  day.  Here  it  was  reorganized 
into  the  form  in  which  it  was  afterwards  to  win  such  enduring 
fame,  as  the  Cavalry  Corps,  Army  of  the  Potomac.  All  the 
loose  regiments  were  gathered  up  into  brigades,  forming  the 
famous  three  divisions,  which  remained  unaltered  to  the  follow- 
ing spring.  The  First  was  commanded  by  John  Buford,  the 
Second  by  Gregg,  while  the  Third,  composed  of  the  loose 
ends,  was  given  to  the  just  promoted  hero  of  Aldie,  General 
Kilpatrick.  In  his  division  appeared  the  Michigan  brigade, 
assigned  to  Custer,  who  joined  it  on  the  29th  June  at  Hanover, 
Pennsylvania,  as  it  went  into  camp. 

The  next  day  the  Gettysburg  campaign  commenced  in 
earnest,  and  the  country  was  full  of  roaming  bodies  of  Union 
and  Confederate  cavalry  hunting  for  each  other.  On  this  day 
Kilpatrick  himself,  with  Farnsworth's  brigade,  was  attacked  by 
Stuart,  with  Wade  Hampton's  division,  in  right  and  rear,  and 
for  some  time  was  pretty  roughly  handled.  Caster's  brigade 
had  marched  to  Abbottsville,  but,  hearing  the  firing,  returned 
and  aided  in  repelling  the  enemy,  who  lost  fifty  men  and  a 
flag.  Here  Custer  made  his  first  appearance  on  a  battle-field 
as  a  general  officer,  and  surprised  and  captivated  every  one  by 
his  peculiar  and  picturesque  appearance,  thereafter  to  be  indeli- 
bly associated  with  his  name. 

When  we  remember  the  condition  of  the  United  States 
Army  at  that  date  with  regard  to  uniform,  it  seems  almost 
impossible  to  make  out  of  such  a  dress  anything  handsome  and 
showy.  The  fatigue  uniform  allowed  was  slouchy  and  untidy, 
the  full  regulation  uniform  the  most  hideous  imaginable.  The 
whole  dress  was  the  invention  of  John  B.  Floyd,  a  rebel  general 
who,  before  the  war,  had  been  United  States  Secretary  of  War. 
Yet,  keeping  within  the  regulations,  Custer  managed  to  pro- 
duce one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  showy  dresses  out  of  this 
hideous  uniform,  and  to  fashion  it  so  that  no  one  could  mistake 
his  rank. 


THE    GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN.  169 

The  regulation  hat  was  a  soft  felt  abomination,  redolent  of 
reminiscences  of  Praise-God  Barebones  and  the  Rump  Parlia- 
ment. The  crown  cut  down,  the  brim  widened,  it  became,  on 
Ouster's  head,  the  veritable  headgear  of  Prince  Rupert,  a  regu- 
lar cavalier  hat,  exactly  suited  to  the  long  fair  curls  of  the 
wearer.  The  custom  of  the  service  allowed  a  cavalry  officer  to 
wear  a  tight  jacket,  instead  of  a  coat.  Ouster  wore  a  loose  one. 
Velveteen  was  growing  not  uncommon  for  trousers,  on  account 
of  its  strength.  Ouster  had  both  jacket  and  trousers  made  of  it, 
to  give  richness  of  effect.  Officers  were  permitted  to  wear  on 
the  sleeves  of  their  overcoats,  certain  stripes  of  black  braid  to 
indicate  their  rank,  when  epaulettes  and  shoulder-straps  were 
hidden.  Ouster  put  the  braids  in  gold  lace  on  his  jacket  sleeves, 
till  they  covered  him  nearly  to  the  shoulder.  A  blue  shirt  with 
a  broad  falling  collar,  bore  on  its  corner  the  silver  star  of  a 
brigadier,  and  high  boots,  into  which  the  loose  trousers  were 
thrust,  completed  the  costume.  He  looked  as  if  he  had  just 
stepped  out  of  one  of  Yandyke's  pictures,  the  image  of  the 
seventeenth  century. 

Such  an  appearance  was  exactly  calculated  to  attract  atten- 
tion and  wonder,  comment  and  sneer,  or  else  the  most  enthu- 
siastic admiration.  The  boy  general  looked  so  pretty  and 
effeminate,  so  unlike  the  stern  realities  of  war,  that  he  was  cer- 
tain to  be  quizzed  and  ridiculed  unmercifully,  unless  he  could 
compel  the  whole  army  to  respect  him.  There  was  envy 
enough  about  his  sudden  elevation,  as  it  was.  There  were  men 
in  the  cavalry  corps  who  had  been  colonels  when  he  was  only  a 
second  lieutenant,  and  who  had  commanded  brigades  when  he 
was  only  a  staff  captain.  Jumped  o.ver  the  heads  of  all  these 
men  as  he  was,  they  cordially  disliked  him,  and  none  would 
have  been  sorry  to  see  him  come  to  grief  with  his  fine  feathers. 
The  very  assumption  of  his  peculiar  and  fantastic  uniform, 
was  a  challenge  to  all  the  world  to  notice  him.  He  must  do 
something  brilliant,  to  justify  the  freak.  Imitating  as  he 
did  the  splendor  of  appearance  of  Murat,  he  must  equal 


170  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

him  in  deeds,  if  he  did  not  wish  to  be  set  down  for  a  carpet 
knight.  Long  after,  in  private  life  Ouster  used  to  describe  his 
novel  sensations,  and  those  apparently  controlling  his  regi- 
mental commanders,  when  he  first  took  command  of  the 
Michigan  brigade.  He  had  not  had  time  to  go  to  Washington 
and  procure  the  brilliant  dress  which  he  so  soon  assumed 
and  rendered  famous.  He  came  to  the  brigade  headquarters 
almost  alone,  and  the  first  thing  he  had  to  do  was  to  assume 
command  and  announce  his  staff.  All  he  took  with  him  was 
his  personal  baggage,  his  boy  Johnny,  and  two  buglers  from 
his  old  regiment,  the  Fifth  U.  S.  Cavalry.  He  looked  so  young 
and  boyish  when  he  came  in,  that  it  is  no  wonder  if  he  felt 
awkward.  He  concealed  all  this  feeling,  however,  as  effectu- 
ally as  did  Napoleon,  sixty-two  years  before,  when  taking 
command  of  the  Army  of  Italy,  almost  as  boyish  and  untried. 
He  assumed  an  abrupt  and  distant  manner  at  first,  was  curt 
and  decided  in  his  orders,  and  made  himself  felt  as  master 
from  the  first  hour.  But  he  was  distinctly  conscious  all  the 
time,  that  his  subordinates  disliked,  suspected,  and  distrusted 
him.  Grey-headed  colonels  came  in  to  salute  him  with  out- 
ward respect,  but  the  stiff  dignity  of  their  manners  convinced 
him  that  they  were  inwardly  boiling  over  with  disgust  and 
anger  at  having  this  "boy,"  this  "popinjay,"  this  "  affected 
dandy,"  with  his  "  girl's  hair,"  his  "  swagger,"  and  "  West 
Point  conceit"  put  "over  men,  sir,  men  who  had  left  their 
farms  and  business,  men  who  could  make  their  own  living,  sir, 
and  asked  no  government  a  penny  for  their  support,  men  old 
enough  to  be  his  father,  and  who  knew  as  much  about  real 
fighting,  sir,  as  any  epauletted  government  pensioner  and  West 
Point  popinjay  who  was  ever  seen — too  lazy  to  work  for  their 
living,  and  depending  on  government  for  support ! — hired 
mercenaries,  by  heavens,  good  for  nothing  along  side  of  the 
nobl.e  volunteers." 

A  good  deal  of  this  sort  of  thing  was  indulged  in,  that 
night,  round  the  camp  fires,  and  groups  of  irate  officers  poured 


THE  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN.  171 

forth  their  indignation  in  no  measured  terms.  They  were  not 
aware  that  Pleasonton's  recommendation  of  the  three  or  four 
"  boys  "  for  high  command  was  based  on  the  fact  that  he  found 
himself  unable  to  get  any  sharp  and  effective  work  out  of  the 
elderly  and  over  cautious  colonels  and  generals  in  command  of 
his  divisions  and  brigades,  in  whom  experience  was  the  only 
military  merit  apparent  to  the  eye,  and  who  were  so  cautious 
and  safe  that  there  was  no  getting  a  hard  fight  out  of  them. 
In  recommending  Ouster,  Merritt,  and  Farnsworth  for  high 
station,  Pleasonton  imperiled  his  own  future.  All  these  three 
were  young  and  untried  officers,  only  known  to  himself.  Kil- 
patrick  and  Duffie  were  different,  both  .having  commanded 
regiments  and  brigades.  Strange  to  say,  however,  they  were 
the  very  men  who  least  justified  their  promotion  in  after  days, 
both  being  excessively  rash.  Kilpatrick  soon  gained  the  unen 
viable  sobriquet  of  "  Kill  cavalry,"  in  spite  of  his  really  brilliant 
talents  for  getting  out  of  scrapes  as  well  as  into  them  ;  and 
Duffie  worked  his  division  so  hard  and  neglected  its  horses 
to  such  an  extent,  that  Sheridan  was  obliged  to  break  it  up 
and  dismount  the  men,  the  next  year.  Caster,  Merritt,  and 
Farnsworth  did  nobly.  The  career  of  the  last  named  was  cut 
short  within  a  week  by  death,  but  he  left  behind  him  the 
memory  of  a  gallant  and  perfect  cavalry  general.  What 
Ouster  did  we  shall  soon  hear. 

The  first  day,  or  rather  night,  (for  he  joined  the  brigade  in 
the  evening,)  was  passed  in  detailing  a  staff,  which  Ouster  did 
from  the  brigade  itself,  not  going  outside  for  a  man.  He  selected 
his  old  Monroe  acquaintances,  where  he  could  find  them,  and  at 
once  set  them  to  work.  He  was  compelled  to  be  cold  and  dis- 
tant in  his  manner  to  the  colonels  at  first,  as  Napoleon  was,  and 
for  the  same  reason,  otherwise  "  I  should  soon  have  had  them 
clapping  me  on  the  back  and  giving  me  advice."  He  could  see 
that  they  envied  him,  and  felt  disposed  to  hate  him,  but  he 
trusted  confidently  to  the  opportunity  of  the  first  battle  to 
change  all  their  opinions.  That  opportunity  came  very  soon. 


172  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

One  thing  that  made  the  Michiganders  dislike  their  boy 
general  on  his  very  first  night,  was  the  excessive  severity  of 
discipline,  as  they  thought  it,  which  he  at  once  inaugurated. 
They  came  from  the  loosest  of  schools,  that  of  volunteer  regi- 
mentSy  scattered  over  a  peaceful  country,  officers  without  any  of 
those  traditions  of  the  service  that  are  second  nature  to  a  regu- 
lar. All  those  little  vexatious  rules,  apparently  so  trifling, 
which  are  enforced  in  a  regular  cavalry  regiment,  as  matters  of 
habit,  were  unknown  to  them,  and  Ouster  enforced  every  one 
from  the  first.  It  was  made  a  rigid  rule  from  his  first  entrance 
that  not  a  stable  call  should  pass  in  a  single  company  in  the 
brigade,  without  the  attendance  of  a  commissioned  officer  to 
superintend  the  cleaning  of  the  horses,  and  there  is  nothing  the 
average  cavalry  officer  abominates  so  utterly  as  stable  duty. 
The  sergeants  were  no  longer  left  alone  in  their  glory  at  reveille 
roll-call,  but  the  officers  had  to  turn  out.  The  baggage  of  regi- 
ments was  curtailed,  officers  were  brought  up  with  a  round  turn 
for  the  slightest  neglect  of  regulations,  the  salute  was  rigidly 
enforced,  the  new  general  went  riding  along  from  camp  to 
camp,  finding  fault  in  his  sharp  quick  way,  and  adding  every 
moment  to  his  unpopularity.  All  this  on  the  very  day  after  he 
assumed  command,  and  when  the  brigade  was  still  lying  in 
camp.  How  the  angry  officers  and  men  cursed  these  "  new- 
fangled West  Point  notions,"  and  made  up  their  minds  to  hate 
their  boy  general,  when  they  received  orders  to  start  next  morn- 
ing toward  Gettysburg.  That  day,  however,  witnessed  a  change 
in  their  relations. 

It  was  the  first  of  July,  1863.  The  infantry  was  already 
Lard  at  work  at  Gettysburg,  fighting  Lee.  The  Third  Cavalry 
division,  Kilpatrick's,  was  moving  from  Hanover  toward  Gettys- 
burg, Ouster's  brigade  in  the  advance.  Ouster  had  already 
been  an  hour  on  the  road,  when  Wade  Hampton's  rebel  cavalry 
attacked  Kilpatrick  in  the  rear,  just  as  Farnsworth's  brigade 
was  moving  out,  and  charged  him  ferociously.  For  some  time 
the  fate  of  the  battle  was  very  doubtful,  till  Ouster,  hearing  the 
firing,  halted  his  column,  faced  it  about  and  trotted  up,  put- 


THE    GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN.  173 

ting  in  his  own  men  with  such  judgment  that  the  Michigan- 
ders  were  compelled  to  own  that  the  boy  understood  his  busi- 
ness. There  was,  however,  no  severe  fighting  that  day  after 
they  arrived,  and  the  grumblers  were  not  yet  silenced. 

The  next  day,  July  2d,  Kilpatrick  moved  on  a  place  called 
Ilunterstown,  near  Gettysburg,  on  the  prolongation  of  Meade'8 
position.  The  battle  of  Gettysburg  was  now  in  full  progress, 
and  the  cavalry  on  each  side  was  feeling  its  way  toward  the 
flanks  of  its  own  army.  The  division  arrived  at  Hnnterstown 
at  four  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  very  fiercest  battle  was  in 
progress  a  few  miles  off,  between  Sickles  and  Longstreet. 
Kilpatrick  ordered  in  Ouster's  and  Farnswort.h's  brigades,  the 
first  on  the  left,  the  second  on  the  right  of  the  road  leading  to 
Gettysburg,  to  attack  Stuart's  cavalry,  (again  Wade  Hampton's 
division)  which  barred  the  way. 

Now  was  Ouster's  time.  He  ordered  out  Co.  A.  Sixth  Michi- 
gan for  a  mounted  charge,  and  deployed  two  more  companiea 
of  the  same  regiment  on  foot  in  a  wheat  field  at  the  side  of  the 
road,  so  as  to  rake  it  with  their  fire.  At  the  end  of  the  road 
could  be  seen  a  party  of  the  enemy,  apparently  a  squadron. 
Capt.  Thompson  commanded  Co.  A.  All  was  ready,  an<\ 
Thompson  was  preparing  to  charge,  when  to  every  one's  sur 
prise,  the  boy  general  flashed  out  his  long  Toledo  blade,  ma 
tioned  his  staff  to  keep  back,  and  dashed  out  in  front  of  Co.  A. 
with  the  careless  laughing  remark, 

"  I'll  lead  you  this  time,  boys.     Come  on  !  " 

Then  away  he  went  down  the  road  at  a  gallop,  his  broad 
white  hat  on  the  back  of  his  head,  while  the  men  raised  a  short 
yell  of  delight  and  followed  him.  Down  the  road  in  a  perfect 
cloud  of  blinding  dust  went  the  boy  general  in  front  of  that 
single  company  and  the  next  moment  they  were  into  the  midst 
of  the  enemy,  only  to  find  they  had  struck  a  very  superior  force. 
They  were  received  with  a  rattling  fire  of  carbines,  more  effica- 
cious than  common,  and  the  next  moment  down  went  the  gen- 
eral, horse  and  all,  in  the  road,  the  animal  shot  stone  dead. 

The  enemy  raised  a  yell,  and  came  rushing  on.     Thompson 


174  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

was  shot  down,  mortally  wounded,  and  a  man  rode  at  Ouster,  who 
was  struggling  up  from  his  dead  horse.  The  Michiganders 
were  demoralized  and  turned,  all  but  one  boy  named  Churchill, 
who  was  near  the  general.  He  shot  down  Ouster's  assailant,  took 
up  the  general  on  his  horse,  and  started  back  with  him.  They 
had  not  far  to  go,  for  the  dismounted  men  were  already  nearly 
up  to  them,  running  and  firing  with  the  dash  and  vim  peculiar 
to  dismounted  cavalry.  Penriington's  and  Elder's  batteries  in 
the  rear  were  both  beginning  to  pitch  shells  into  the  rebels,  and 
the  end  of  the  affair  was  that  the  exulting  enemy  was  repulsed. 

But  the  Michiganders  had  learned  one  lesson,  that  their 
"  popinjay,"  their  "  boy  general,"  was  not  afraid  to  fight  like 
a  private  soldier,  and  they  began  to  feel  a  little  more  in  the 
hurnor  to  follow  him,  which  they  did  that  very  night  to  join 
the  main  army  at  Two  Taverns,  on  the  right  of  Meade's  posi- 
tion at  Gettysburg. 

At  Two  Taverns,  Ouster  arrived  with  Kilpatrick,  on  the 
morning  of  July  3d  ;  and  from  henceforth  he  shall  tell  his  own 
story,  as  embodied  in  his  report,  made  subsequent  to  the  battle. 
Omitting  the  preamble,  we  come  at  once  to  the  narrative,  writ- 
ten in  the  same  graphic  and  picturesque  style  which  marks  all 
his  reports  and  orders,  and  which  makes  them  such  interesting 
reading.  As,  with  his  usual  personal  modesty,  he  omits  men- 
tion of  his  own  exploits,  we  shall  supplement  the  report  with 
the  account  of  an  eye-witness  present  at  the  time. 

In  his  report  of  the  battle  General  Ouster  says  :  At  an  early 
hour  on  the  morning  of  the  3d,  I  received  an  order,  through 
a  staff-officer  of  the  Brigadier-General  commanding  the  division, 
to  move  at  once  my  command,  and  follow  the  First  brigade  on 
the  road  leading  from  Two  Taverns  to  Gettysburg.  Agreea- 
bly to  the  above  instructions,  my  column  was  formed  and  moved 
out  on  the  road  designated,  when  a  staff  officer  of  Brigadier- 
General  Gregg,  commanding  Second  division,  ordered  me  to 
take  my  command  and  place  it  in  position  on  the  pike  leading 
from  York  to  Gettysburg,  which  position  formed  the  extreme 
right  of  our  battle  on  that  day.  Upon  arriving  at  the  point 


THE    GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN.  175 

designated,  I  immediately  placed  my  command  in  position, 
facing  toward  Gettysburg.  At  the  same  time  I  caused  recon- 
uoissances  to  be  made  on  my  front,  right,  and  rear,  but  failed 
to  discover  any  considerable  force  of  the  enemy.  Everything 
remained  quiet  till  10  A.  M.,  when  the  enemy  appeared  on  my 
<Sght  flank  and  opened  upon  me  with  a  battery  of  six  guns. 
Leaving  two  guns  and  a  regiment  to  hold  my  first  position  and 
cover  the  road  leading, to  Gettysburg,  I  shifted  the  remaining 
portion  of  my  command,  forming  a  new  line  of  battle  at  right 
angles  to  my  former  line.  The  enemy  had  obtained  correct 
range  of  my  new  position,  and  were  pouring  solid  shot  and  shell 
into  my  command  with  great  accuracy.  Placing  two  sections 
of  Battery  M,  Second  (regular)  Artillery,  in  position,  I  ordered 
them  to  silence  the  enemy's  battery,  which  order,  notwithstand- 
ing the  superiority  of  the  enemy's  position,  was  successfully 
accomplished  in  a  very  short  space  of  time.  My  line,  as  it  then 
existed,  was  shaped  like  the  letter  L,  the  shorter  branch  formed 
of  the  section  of  Battery  M,  supported  by  four  squadrons  of  the 
Sixth  Michigan  cavalry,  faced  toward  Gettysburg,  covering 
Gettysburg  pike;  the  long  branch  composed  of  the  remaining 
two  sections  of  Battery  IS",  Second  Artillery,  supported  by  a  por- 
tion of  the  Sixth  Michigan  cavalry  on  the  right,  while  the 
Seventh  Michigan  cavalry,  still  further  to  the  right  and  in  ad- 
vance, was  held  in  readiness  to  repel  any  attack  the  enemy 
might  make,  coming,  on  the  Oxford  road.  The  Fifth  Michigan 
cavalry  was  dismounted,  and  ordered  to  take  position  in  front 
of  my  centre  and  left.  The  First  Michigan  cavalry  was  held  in 
column  of  squadrons  to  observe  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 
I  ordered  fifty  men  to  be  sent  one  mile  and  a  half  on  the  Oxford 
road,  while  a  detachment  of  equal  size  was  sent  one  mile  and  a 
half  on  the  road  leading  from  Gettysburg  to  York,  both  de- 
tachments being  under  the  command  of  the  gallant  Major 
Webber,  who  from  time  to  time  kept  me  so  well  informed  of 
the  movements  of  the  enemy  that  I  was  enabled  to  make  my 
dispositions  with  complete  success.  At  12  o'clock  an  order 


176  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER 

was  transmitted  to  me  from  the  Brigadier-General  commanding 
the  division,  by  one  of  his  aids,  directing  me,  upon  being 
relieved  by  a  brigade  from  the  Second  Division,  to  move  with 
my  command  and  form  a  junction  with  the  First  brigade  on 
the  extreme  left.  On  the  arrival  of  the  brigade  of  the  Second 
Division,  commanded  by  Colonel  Mclntosh,  I  prepared  to  exe- 
cute the  order.  Before  I  had  left  my  position,  Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Gregg,  commanding  the  Second  Division,  arrived  with  his 
entire  command.  Learning  the  true  condition  of  affairs  on  my 
front,  and  rightly  conjecturing  that  the  enemy  was  making  his 
dispositions  for  attacking  our  position,  Brigadier-General  Gregg 
ordered  me  to  remain  in  the  position  I  then  occupied. 

The  enemy  was  soon  after  reported  to  be  advancing  on  my 
front.  The  detachment  of  fifty  men  sent  on  the  Oxford  road 
were  driven  in,  and  at  the  same  time  the  enemy's  line  of  skir- 
mishers, consisting  of  dismounted  cavalry,  appeared  on  the  crest 
of  the  ridge  of  hills  on  my  front.  The  line  extended  beyond 
my  left.  To  repel  their  advance,  I  ordered  the  Fifth  cavalry 
to  a  more  advanced  position,  with  instructions  to  maintain  their 
ground  at  all  hazards.  Colonel  Alger,  commanding  the  Fifth, 
assisted  by  Majors  Trowbridge  and  Ferry,  of  the  same  regi- 
ment, made  such  admirable  disposition  of  their  men  behind 
fences  and  other  defences,  as  enabled  them  to  successfully  repel 
the  repeated  advances  of  a  greatly  superior  force.  I  attributed 
their  success  in  a  great  measure  to  the  fact  that  this  regiment 
is  armed  with  the  Spencer  repeating  rifle,  which,  in  the  hands 
of  brave,  determined  men,  like  those  composing  the  Fifth 
Michigan  cavalry,  is  in  my  estimation,  the  most  effective  fire- 
arm that  our  cavalry  can  adopt.  Colonel  Alger  held  his  ground 
until  his  men  had  exhausted  their  ammunition,  when  he  was 
compelled  to  fall  back  on  the  main  body.  The  beginning  of 
this  movement  was  the  signal  for  the  enemy  to  charge,  which 
they  did  with  two  regiments,  mounted  and  dismounted.  I  at 
once  ordered  the  Seventh  Michigan  cavalry,  Colonel  Mann,  to 
charge  the  advancing  column  of  the  enemy.  The  ground  over 


THE    GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN.  177 

which  we  had  to  pass  was  very  unfavorable  for  the  manceuver- 
ing  of  cavalry,  bnt  despite  all  obstacles  this  regiment  advanced 
boldly  to  the  assault,  which  was  executed  in  splendid  style,  the 
enemy  being  driven  from  field  to  field,  until  our  advance 
reached  a  high  and  unbroken  fence,  behind  which  the  enemy 
were  strongly  posted.  Nothing  daunted,  Colonel  Mann,  fol- 
lowed by  the  main  body  of  his  regiment,  bravely  rode  up  to  the 
fence,  and  discharged  their  revolvers  in  the  very  face  of  the  foe. 
No  troops  could  have  maintained  this  position ;  the  Seventh 
was,  therefore,  compelled  to  retire,  followed  by  twice  the  num- 
ber of  the  enemy. 

By  this  time  Colonel  Alger  of  the  Fifth  Michigan  cavalry 
had  succeeded  in  mounting  a  considerable  portion  of  his  regiment, 
and  gallantly  advanced  to  the  assistance  of  the  Seventh,  whose 
further  pursuit  by  the  enemy  he  checked.  At  the  same  time 
an  entire  brigade  of  the  enemy's  cavalry,  consisting  of  four 
regiments,  appeared  just  over  the  crest  in  our  front.  They 
were  formed  in  columns  of  regiments.  To  meet  this  over- 
whelming force  I  had  but  one  available  regiment,  the  First 
Michigan  cavalry,  and  the  fire  of  Battery  M.  Second  Regular 
Artillery.  I  at  once  ordered  the  First  to  charge,  but  learned  at 
the  same  moment  that  similar  orders  had  been  given  by  Briga- 
dier-General Gregg.  As  before  stated,  the  First  was  formed  in 
column  of  battalions.  Upon  receiving  the  order  to  charge,  Colo- 
nel Town,  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  his  command,  ordered 
the  "  trot"  and  sabres  to  be  drawn.  In  this  manner  this  gal- 
lant body  of  men  advanced  to  the  attack  of  a  force  outnumber- 
ing them  five  to  one.  In  addition  to  this  numerical  superiority 
the  enemy  had  the  advantage  of  position,  and  were  exultant 
over  the  repulse  of  the  Seventh  Michigan  cavalry.  All  these 
facts  considered  would  seem  to  render  success  on  the  part  of  the 
First  impossible.  Not  so,  however.  Arriving  within  a  few 
yards  of  the  enemy's  column,  the  charge  was  ordered,  and  with 
a  yell  that  spread  terror  before  them,  the  First  Michigan  cavalry, 
led  by  Colonel  Town,  rode  upon  the  front  rank  of  the  enemy, 
12 


178  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

sabring  all  who  came  within  reach.  For  a  moment,  but  only  a 
moment,  that  long,  heavy  column  stood  its  ground  ;  then,  un- 
able to  withstand  the  impetuosity  of  our  attack,  it  gave  way 
in  a  disorderly  rout,  leaving  vast  numbers  of  dead  and  wounded 
in  our  possession,  while  the  First,  being  masters  of  the  field, 
had  the  proud  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  much-vaunted  chiv- 
alry, led  by  their  favorite  commander,  seek  safety  in  headlong 
flight.  I  cannot  find  language  to  express  my  high  appreciation 
of  the  gallantry  and  daring  displayed  by  the  officers  and  men  of 
the  First  Michigan  cavalry.  They  advanced  to  the  charge  of  a 
vastly  superior  force  with  as  much  order  and  precision  as  if 
going  upon  parade ;  and  I  challenge  the  annals  of  warfare  to 
produce  a  more  brilliant  or  successful  charge  of  cavalry  than  the 
one  just  recounted.  Nor  must  I  forget  to  acknowledge  the  inval- 
uable assistance  rendered  by  Battery  M,  Second  Regiment  of 
Artillery,  in  this  charge.  Our  success  in  driving  the  enemy 
from  the  field,  is  due,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the  highly  efficient 
manner  in  which  the  battery  was  handled  by  Lieutenant  A.  0. 
M.  Pennington,  assisted  by  Lieutenants  Clark,  Woodruff,  and 
Hamilton.  The  enemy  made  but  slight  demonstrations  against 
us  during  the  remainder  of  the  day,  except  in  one  instance  he 
attempted  to  turn  my  left  flank,  which  attempt  was  most  gal- 
lantly met  and  successfully  frustrated  by  Second  Lieutenant  J. 
H.  Kellogg,  with  company  H.  Sixth  Michigan  cavalry.  We 
held  possession  of  the  field  until  dark,  during  which  time  we 
collected  our  dead  and  wounded.  At  dark  I  returned  with  my 
command  to  Two  Taverns,  where  I  encamped  for  the  night. 

In  this  engagement  my  command  lost  in  killed,  wounded 
and  missing,  a  total  of  five  hundred  and  forty-two.  Among  the 
killed  I  regret  to  record  the  name  of  Major  N.  H.  Ferry  of  the 
Fifth  Michigan  cavalry,  who  fell  while  heroically  cheering  on 
his  men.  It  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  particularize  those 
instances  deserving  especial  mention ;  all,  both  men  and  officers, 
did  their  duty.  There  were  many  cases  of  personal  heroism, 
but  a  list  of  their  names  would  make  my  report  too  extended. 


THE    GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN  179 

To  Colonel  Town,  commanding  the  First  Michigan  cavalry,  and 
to  the  officers  and  men  of  his  regiment,  for  the  gallant  manner 
in  which  they  drove  the  enemy  from  the  field,  great  praise  is  due. 
Colonel  Mann  of  the  Seventh  Michigan  cavalry,  and  Colonel 
Alger,  of  the  Fifth  Michigan  cavalry,  as  well  as  the  officers  of 
their  commands,  are  entitled  to  mnch  credit  for  their  united 
efforts  in  repelling  the  advance  of  the  enemy.  .The  Sixth 
Michigan  cavalry  rendered  good  service  by  guarding  both  my 
right  and  left  flank ;  also  by  supporting  Battery  M,  under  a 
very  hot  fire  from  the  enemy's  battery.  Colonel  Gray,  com- 
manding the  regiment,  was  constantly  seen  wherever  his  pres- 
ence was  most  needed,  and  is  deserving  of  special  mention.  I 
desire  to  commend  to  your  favorable  notice  Lieutenants  Pen- 
nington,  Clark,  Woodruff,  and  Hamilton  of  Battery  M,  Sec- 
ond Artillery,  for  the  zeal  and  ability  displayed  by  each  on 
this  occasion.  My  thanks  are  personally  due  to  the  following 
named  members  of  my  staff,  who  on  many  occasions  exhibited 
remarkable  gallantry  in  transmitting  and  executing  my  orders 
on  the  field :  Captain  G.  A.  Drew,  Sixth  Michigan  cavalry, 
Assistant  Inspector  General,  First  Lieutenant  R.  Bay  Us,  Fifth 
Michigan  cavalry,  Acting  Assistant  Adjutant-General,  First 
Lieutenant  William  H.  Wheeler,  First  Michigan  cavalry,  A.  D. 
C.  First  Lieutenant  William  Colerick,  First  Michigan  cavalry, 
A.  D.  C.  I  desire  also  to  mention  two  of  my  buglers,  Joseph 
Fought,  company  D,  Fifth  U.  S.  Cavalry,  and  Peter  Boehn, 
company  B,  Fifth  U.  S.  cavalry  ;  also  Orderlies  Norval  Church- 
ill, company  L.  First  Michigan  cavalry,  George  L.  Foster, 
company  C,  First  Michigan  cavalry,  and  Benjamin  H.  Butler, 
company  M,  First  Michigan  cavalry. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

G.  A.  CUSTER, 

Brigadier-General  Commanding  Second  Brigade." 
Jacob  L.  Greene, 

Assistant  Adjutant-General. 


180  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

The  charge  of  the  First  Michigan  at  Gettysburg  is  described 
by  an  eye-witness  as  something  magnificent,  and  yet  the  one 
thing  that  gave  it  weight  is  not  mentioned  in  Ouster's  report. 
"We  have  seen  how,  the  previous  day,  the  general  had  charged 
at  the  head  of  a  single  company,  solely  for  the  purpose  of  en- 
couraging his  men  and  to  win  their  respect  and  affection.  At 
Gettysburg  he  completed  his  victory  over  the  brigade  by  the 
manner  in  which  he  led  the  second  charge  in  which  he  partici- 
pated with  his  men.  When  that  single  regiment,  in  column  of 
squadrons,  moved  forward  to  the  attack,  every  man  knew  that  it 
was  the  last  reserve  and  had  started  on  an  almost  hopeless  task. 
Nothing  but  the  sight  of  the  young  general  at  their  head 
sharing  their  dangers  could  have  inspired  them  to  such  aD  ef- 
fort, and  it  was  the  magnificent  spectacle  of  his  gallant  and 
knightly  figure,  far  in  the  van,  that  nerved  every  arm  in  that 
column.  Hating  him  at  Hanover,  they  began  to  respect  him 
at  Hunterstown  ;  after  Gettysburg  they  adored  him. 

The  result  of  this  attack  was  that  Hampton's  cavalry  was 
driven  back,  the  infantry  ordered  up  to  support  it,  the  whole 
ammunition  train  of  Lee  threatened,  and  much  of  the  vigor  of 
the  assault  on  the  Union  right  paralyzed.  Meanwhile  Buford, 
on  the  other  flank  of  the  army,  had  prevented  an  equally  dan- 
gerous turning  movement  in  that  direction,  and  the  battle  ot 
Gettysburg  had  been  won. 


CHAPTER   II. 
AFTER  GETTYSBURG. 

IN  giving  an  account  of  the  cavalry  movements  which  fol- 
lowed the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  we  are  indebted  largely  to 
the  spirited  narrative  of  Mr.  E.  A.  Paul,  then  correspondent  of 
the  New  York  Times,  who  accompanied  Kilpatrick's  division 
throughout  the  expedition.  Those  portions  which  relate  to 
Ouster  are  especially  interesting.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
the  young  general  was  then  entirely  unknown  to  the  public, 
but  these  letters  opened  people's  eyes.  At  the  same  time  they 
marked  the  brilliant  commencement  of  that  career  which  hence- 
forth never  knew  a  serious  disaster.  At  Gettysburg  he  began 
by  charging  whenever  he  had  a  ghost  of  a  chance,  and  he  con- 
tinued in  the  same  way. 

Saturday  morning,  July  4th,  according  to  Mr.  Paul,  it 
became  known  that  the  enemy  was  in  full  retreat,  and  General 
Kilpatrick  moved  on  to  destroy  his  train  and  harass  his  column. 
A  heavy  rain  fell  all  day,  and  the  travelling  was  anything  but 
agreeable.  The  division  arrived  at  Emmetsburg  about  mid- 
day, during  a  severe  storm.  After  a  short  halt,  the  column 
moved  forward  again,  and  at  Fountaindale,  just  at  dark,  com- 
menced ascending  the  mountain.  Imagine  a  long  column  of 
cavalry  winding  its  way  up  a  mountain,  on  a  road  dug  out  of 
the  mountain  side,  which  sloped  at  an  angle  of  thirty  degrees — 
just  wide  enough  for  four  horses  to  walk  abreast.  On  one  side 
a  deep  abyss,  and  on  the  other  an  impassable  barrier,  in  the 
shape  of  a  steep  embankment ;  the  hour  10  o'clock  at  night,  a 
drizzling  rain  falling,  the  sky  overcast,  and  so  dark  as  literally 


182  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    OUSTER. 

not  to  be  aule  to  see  one's  own  hand  if  placed  within  a  foot  of 
the  organs  of  vision.  The  whole  command,  both  men  and 
animals,  were  worn  out  with  fatigne  and  loss  of  sleep.  Then 
imagine  that,  just  as  the  head  of  this  tired,  hungry  and  sleepy 
column  nears  the  crest  of  the  mountain,  a  piece  of  cannon 
belches  forth  tire  and  smoke  and  destructive  missiles  directly  in 
front.  Imagine  all  this,  and  a  little  more,  and  the  reader  can 
then  form  some  idea  of  what  occurred  to  General  Kilpatriek's 
command  on  Saturday  night,  July  4th,  1863,  as  it  ascended 
the  mountain  to  the  Monterey  Gap,  and  so  across  to  Waterloo 
on  the  western  slope.  The  column  commenced  to  ascend  at 
about  dark,  and  arrived  at  the  Monterey  House,  at  the  top, 
between  nine  and  ten  o'clock.  The  enemy  had  planted  a  piece 
of  artillery  near  this  spot,  so  as  to  command  the  road,  and  also 
had  sharp-shooters  on  the  flanks.  It  was  intended  to  make  a 
strong  defence  here,  as  one  half-mile  beyond,  Lee's  train  was 
crossing  the  mountain  on  the  Gettysburg  and  Hagerstown  pike 
The  Fifth  Michigan  Cavalry  was  in  advance,  and  although  on 
the  lookout  for  just  such  an  occurrence,  it  startled  the  whole 
column.  A  volley  of  musketry  was  fired  by  a  concealed  force 
at  the  same  time  at  the  head  of  the  column  ;  the  first  squadron 
of  the  Fifth  broke,  fell  back  upon  the  second  and  broke  that, 
but  there  was  no  such  thing  as  running  back  a  great  way  on 
that  road.  It  was  jammed  with  men  and  horses. 

The  broken  squadron  immediately  rallied,  skirmishers  were 
posted  on  the  most  available  points,  the  First  Virginia,  Major 
Copeland,  was  ordered  to  the  front,  and  upon  arriving  there 
was  ordered  to  charge.  Charge  they  did,  at  a  rapid  gait,  down 
the  mountain  side  into  the  inky  darkness  before  them,  accom- 
panied by  a  detachment  of  the  First  Ohio,  Captain  Jones. 
As  anticipated,  the  train  was  struck,  in  rear  of  the  centre,  at 
the  crossing,  just  one  half  mile  west  of  the  Monterey  House. 
A  volley  was  fired  just  as  the  train  was  reached.  "  Do  you 
surrender  ? "  "  Yes,"  was  the  response,  and  on  the  First  Yir- 
ginia  dashed  to  Ringgold,  ordering  the  cowed  and  frightened 


AFTER    GETTYSBURG.  183 

train-guard  to  surrender,  as  they  swept  along  for  eight  miles, 
when  the  head  of  the  train  was  reached.  Here  the  two  hun- 
dred men  who  started  on  the  charge  had  been  reduced  to  twenty- 
five,  and  seizing  upon  a  good  position,  the  rebels  made  a  stand. 
As  the  force  in  front  could  not  be  seen,  Major  Copeland  decided 
not  to  proceed  further,  but  to  await  daylight  and  reinforcements. 
Both  came,  and  the  enemy  fled.  Arriving  at  Gettysburg  pike, 
the  Eighteenth  Pennsylvania  was  placed  here  as  a  guard,  and 
a  barricade  was  hastily  thrown  up.  No  sooner  was  this  done, 
than  cavalry  was  heard  charging  down  the  road.  "  Who  comes 
there ! "  calls  the  officer  in  charge  at  the  barricade.  "  Tenth 

Virginia  Cavalry."  was  the  reply.     To  with  your  Tenth 

Virginia  Cavalry,  and  the  squadron  fire  a  volley  into  the 
darkness.  That  was  the  last  heard  of  the  Tenth  Virginia 
cavalry  that  night,  until  numbers  of  the  regiment  came  strag- 
gling in  and  gave  themselves  tip,  prisoners  of  war.  Other 
rebel  cavalry  moved  up  and  down  the  road  upon  which  the 
train  was  standing,  and  some  most  amusing  scenes  occurred. 
The  train  belonged  to  Ewell's  division,  and  had  in  it  also 
a  large  number  of  private  carriages  and  teams,  containing 
officers'  baggage.  Four  regiments  were  doing  guard  duty, 
but  as  they  judged  of  the  future  by  the  past,  they  supposed 
our  army  would  rest  two  or  three  months  after  winning  a 
battle,  magnanimously  permitting  the  defeated  enemy  to  get 
away  his  stores  and  ordnance  and  have  a  little  time  to  recruit. 
Therefore  the  attack  was  a  complete  surprise.  A  thunder- 
storm was  prevailing  at  the  time,  and  the  attack  was  so  entirely 
unexpected  that  there  was  a  general  panic  among  both  guard 
and  teamsters.  The  howling  of  the  storm,  the  rushing  of  water 
down  the  mountain-side,  and  the  roaring  of  wind,  altogether 
were  certainly  enough  in  that  wild  spot,  to  test  the  nerves  of 
the  strongest.  But  when  is  added  to  this  a  volley  of  pistol 
and  carbine  shots  occasionally,  a  slap  on  the  back  with  the  flat 
of  a  sword,  and  a  hoarse  voice  giving  the  unfortunate  wight 
the  choice  of  surrendering  or  being  shot,  then  add  to  this  the 


184  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

fearful  yells  and  imprecations  of  the  men,  wild  with  excitement, 
all  made  up  a  scene  certainly  never  excelled  before  in  the 
regions  of  fancy.  Two  rebel  captains,  two  hours  after  the 
train  had  been  captured,  came  up  to  one  of  the  reserve  com- 
mands and  wanted  to  know  "what  regiment  that  was" — sup- 
posing it  belonged  to  their  own  column.  They  discovered 
their  mistake  when  Lieutenant  Whittaker,  of  General  Kilpat- 
rick's  staff,  presented  a  pistol  and  advised  them  to  give  up  their 
arms.  Several  other  officers,  who  might  easily  have  escaped, 
came  in  voluntarily  and  gave  themselves  up. 

Under  so  good  subjection  were  the  enemy,  that  there  was 
no  necessity  of  making  any  change  in  teamsters  or  drivers, 
they  voluntarily  continuing  right  on  in  Uncle  Sam's  service, 
as  they  had  been  in  the  Confederate  service,  until  it  was  con- 
venient to  relieve  them.  At  first,  the  prisoners  were  corralled 
near  the  Monterey  House.  When  the  number  had  got  to  be 
large,  they  were  driven  down  the  mountain  toward  Waterloo. 
A  gang  started  off  in  this  direction  about  midnight.  It  was 
not  prudent  to  wait  until  morning,  for  daylight  might  bring 
with  it  a  retreating  column  of  the  enemy,  and  then  all  the 
prisoners  would  have  been  recaptured ;  finally,  when  near  the 
Gettysburg  road  crossing,  a  band  of  straggling  rebels  happened 
to  fire  into  the  head  of  the  party  from  a  spur  of  the  mountain 
overlooking  the  road.  Here  was  another  panic,  which  alike 
affected  guards  and  prisoners.  The  rain  was  falling  in  torrents, 
and  the  whole  party,  neither  one  knowing  who  this  or  the 
other  was,  rushed  under  the  friendly  shelter  of  a  clump  of  trees. 
All  of  those  prisoners  might  have,  at  that  time,  escaped.  Hun- 
dreds did  escape  before  daylight  dawned. 

The  head  of  the  column  reached  Ringgold  at  about  day- 
light— the  whole  command,  horses  as  well  as  men,  tired,  hun- 
gry, sleepy,  wet,  and  covered  with  mud.  Men  and  animals 
yielded  to  the  demands  of  exhausted  nature,  and  the  column 
had  not  been  halted  many  minutes  before  all  fell  asleep  where 
they  stood.  Under  the  friendly  protection  of  the  dripping 


AFTER    GETTYSBURG.  185 

eaves  of  a  chapel,  a  gay  and  gallant  brigadier  could  have  been 
seen,  enjoying  in  the  mud  one  of  those  sound  sleeps  onlj> 
obtained  through  fatigue,  his  long  golden  locks  matted  with 
the  soil  of  Pennsylvania.  Near  him  in  the  mud,  lay  a  dandy- 
ish adjutant,  equally  oblivious  of  the  toilet,  upon  which  he 
generally  bestowed  so  much  attention.  Under  a  fence  near  at 
hand  is  reclining  a  well-got-up  major,  whose  stylish  appearance 
and  regular  features  haye  turned  the  heads  of  many  fair  dam- 
sels on  Chestnut  street ;  here  a  chaplain,  there  a  trooper,  a 
Commanding  General,  aids,  orderlies,  and  servants,  for  the 
nonce,  meet  on  a  level.  The  faithful  trooper  lies  by  his  horse, 
between  whom  and  himself  there  seems  to  exist  an  indescribable 
community  of  feeling.  Two  hours  are  thus  passed  in  sleep — 
the  provost-guard  only  on  duty — when  word  is  passed  that 
"  the  column  has  all  closed  up,"  which  is  the  signal  to  move 
on  again.  The  indefatigable  Estes  shakes  himself,  and  proceeds 
to  shake  the  Commanding  General,  to  let  him  know  that  the 
object  for  which  the  halt  was  made  had  been  accomplished  ; 
that  it  is  time  to  move.  Five  minutes  more,  all  are  in  the  sad- 
dle again,  and  marching  for  Smithsburg.  A  body  of  armed 
men,  mailed  in  mud !  What  a  picture.  Smithsburg  was 
reached  by  9  o'clock  A.  M.  The  reception  met  with  there  made 
all  forget  the  trials  of  the  night — made  them  forget  even 
their  fatigue.  It  was  Sunday.  The  sun  shone  forth  brightly, 
young  girls  lined  the  street-sides,  singing  patriotic  songs ;  the 
General  was  showered  with  flowers,  and  the  General  and  troops 
were  cheered  until  reechoed  by  the  mountain  side;  young  ladies 
and  matrons  assailed  the  column  with  words  of  welcome  and 
large  plates  heaped  up  with  pyramids  of  white  bread,  spread 
with  jelly  and  butter,  inviting  all  to  partake.  While  the 
young  sang,  the  old  shed  tears  and  wrung  the  hands  of  those 
nearest  to  them.  The  little  town  was  overflowing  with  patriot- 
ism and  thankfulness  at  the  arrival  of  their  preservers.  While 
these  things  were  detaining  the  column,  the  band  struck  up 
"Hail  Columbia,"  followed  by  the  "Star-Spangled  Banner." 


186  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

Many  eyes,  unused  to  tears,  were  wet  then.  The  kind  recep- 
tion met  with  here  did  the  command  more  good  than  a  week's 
rest.  Even  the  horses,  faithful  animals,  seemed  to  be  revived 
by  the  patriotic  demonstration.  No  one  who  participated  in 
the  raid  of  Saturday  night,  July  4th,  1863,  can  ever  forget 
the  reception  met  with  in  Smithsburg.  It  was  like  an  oasis 
in  the  desert — a  green  spot  in  the  soldier's  life. 

Early  on  Monday,  July  6th,  General  Kilpatrick,  hearing 
that  the  enemy  had  a  train  near  Hagerstown,  moved  upon  that 
place.  The  enemy's  pickets  were  met  near  the  edge  of  the 
town. 

It  was  4  o'clock  p.  M.,  when  General  Kilpatrick,  with  the 
main  column,  reached  the  crest  of  the  hill  overlooking  Williams- 
port,  on  the  Boonsboro'  pike.  General  Buford's  command  had 
been  engaged  with  the  enemy  two  or  three  miles  to  the  left,  for 
two  or  more  hours ;  Major  Medill,  of  the  Eighth  Illinois,  had 
already  fallen  mortally  wounded.  Two  pieces  of  Pennington's 
battery  were  placed  on  the  brow  of  the  hill  to  the  right  of  the 
pike,  and  the  other  pieces  to  the  left.  A  squadron  of  Fifth 
Michiganders  had  previously  charged  down  the  pike,  driving 
in  the  enemy's  pickets  and  a  battalion  which  occupied  an 
advanced  position.  The  First  Michigan.  Colonel  Town,  was 
deployed  as  skirmishers  to  the  right,  and  ordered  to  drive  the 
enemy  from  a  brick  house  a  little  in  advance,  and  to  the  right 
of  the  artillery.  Several  unsuccessful  attempts  were  made  to 
obey  this  order ;  but  before  it  could  be  done,  the  brisk  firing 
of  the  rear-guard  warned  the  commanding  general  that  his  force 
occupied  a  dangerous  position.  Never  was  a  command  in  a 
more  critical  situation  ;  never  before  was  a  man  cooler,  or  did 
ono  display  more  real  generalship  than  General  Kilpatrick  on 
this  occasion.  Tapping  his  boot  with  his  whip,  and  peering  in 
the  direction  of  the  rapidly  approaching  rear-guard,  he  saw  it 
falling  back,  apparently  in  some  disorder.  Not  a  moment  was 
to  be  lost ;  inaction  or  indecision  would  have  proved  fatal,  and 
the  moral  eifect  of  a  successful  campaign  destroyed  in  an  hour. 


AFTER    GETTYSBURG.  187 

Fortunately,  General  Kilpatrick  was  cool  and  defiant,  and  felt 
the  responsibility  resting  upon  him.  This  made  him  master  of 
the  situation,  and  by  a  dashing  movement,  saved  the  cavalry 
corps  from  disaster.  Seeing  his  rear-guard  falling  back,  he 
bethought  himself  of  what  force  could  be  withdrawn  from  the 
front  in  safety.  The  enemy  were  pressing  his  front  and  rear — 
the  crisis  had  arrived ;  he  ordered  the  Second  New  York 
(Harris's  Light)  to  charge  upon  ths  exultant  foe,  then  coming 
like  an  avalanche  upon  his  rear.  .  Nobly  did  this  band  of  heroes 
perform  their  task.  They  fell  into  the  breach  with  a  yell,  and, 
sxyord  in  hand,  drove  back  the  enemy,  relieving  the  exhausted 
rear-guard,  and  holding  the  enemy  in  check  until  the  whole 
command  was  disposed  of,  so  as  to  fall  back,  which  they  did  in 
good  order,  fighting  as  they  went.  For  three  miles,  over  one 
of  the  worst  roads  ever  travelled  by  man,  was  this  retreat  con- 
ducted, when  the  enemy,  dispirited  at  their  want  of  success  in 
surrounding  and  capturing  the  whole  command,  halted,  and 
the  cavalry  corps  went  into  camp,  men  and  officers,  exhausted 
from  the  labors  of  the  day,  falling  asleep  on  the  spot  where 
they  halted.  Colonel  Devin's  brigade,  .of  General  Buford's 
command,  had  relieved  the  rear-guard,  and  were  harassed  by 
the  enemy  all  night. 

Tuesday  morning,  July  7th,  the  cavalry  force  moved  back 
to  Boonsboro',  the  enemy  following  the  rear-guard,  and  at 
intervals  there  was  brisk  skirmishing  between  General  Buford's 
command  and  the  enemy.  The  same  was  true  of  the  night. 
The  Sixth  Cavalry,  (regulars,)  under  Captain  Chafiant,  made 
a  reconnoissance  at  night  and  had  a  brisk  fight,  in  which  they 
lost  eight  or  nine  men.  Wednesday  morning  there  were  indi- 
cations that  the  enemy  were  present  in  large  force,  and  by  ten 
o'clock  the  "  fandango  "  opened  in  real  earnest,  in  which  both 
Buford's  and  Kilpatrick's  troops  participated.  The  enemy 
were  forced  back  to  Antietam  Creek.  Thursday  the  fight  was 
renewed,  and  again  on  Friday,  when  Funktown  was  occupied. 
Saturday  the  enemy  was  again  forced  back,  and  on  Saturday 


188  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

General  Kilpatrick's  command  again  moved  upon  Hagers- 
town. 

After  fighting  for  an  hour,  the  town  was  fully  occupied, 
and  the  enemy  fell  back  to  the  crest  of  the  hill,  one  and  a  half 
miles  west  of  the  town. 

The  streets  picketed  by  the  enemy  were  barricaded,  and  the 
troops  were  disposed  of  outside  the  town  so  as  to  resist  an  attack. 
In  clearing  the  outskirts  of  the  town  for  skirmishers,  the  One  Hun- 
dred and  Fifty-seventh  New  York  Infantry,  of  General  Ames's 
brigade,  (Eleventh  corps,)  rendered  material  assistance.  Upou 
entering  the  town,  the  hearts  of  our  troops  were  made  glad  by 
finding  between  thirty  and  forty  Union  soldiers,  who  had  been 
missing  since  the  Monday  before,  a  majority  of  whom  were 
supposed  to  be  dead.  A  few  were  wounded ;  all  had  been  con- 
cealed by  citizens,  and  had  been  treated  well.  Captain  Snyder, 
reported  killed,  was  found  wounded  at  the  Franklin  Hotel, 
carefully  attended  by  a  bevy  of  lovely  damsels. 

General  Kilpatrick  was  much  annoyed  at  the  restraint  he 
was  under  all  day  Monday  and  Tuesday  ;  he  desired  to  move 
on,  believing  that  the  enemy,  while  making  a  show  of  force, 
was  crossing  the  river.  This  subsequently  proved  to  be  true. 
Had  the  army  advanced  on  Tuesday  morning,  Lee's  whole  army 
would  either  have  been  captured  or  dispersed.  When,  on 
Wednesday  morning,  an  advance  was  made  without  orders  the 
fact  was  ascertained  that  the  enemy  had  commenced  falling 
back  when  the  attack  was  made,  the  day  before,  the  enemy 
believing  that  it  was  the  initiatory  movement  of  a  general  ad- 
vance. Such  was  the  panic  among  the  rebel  troops,  that  they 
abandoned  wagons,  ammunition,  tents,  arms,  and  even  provis- 
ions. Hundreds  of  rebels,  fearing  Kilpatrick's  men,  fled  to  the 
right  and  left  to  avoid  their  charges,  and  subsequently  surrender- 
ed themselves.  One  strapping  fellow  surrendered  to  a  little  bu- 
gler, who  is  attached  to  General  Ouster's  brigade.  As  he  passed 
down  the  line  escorting  his  prisoner,  a  Colt's  revolver  in  hand, 
he  called  out :  "  I  say,  boys,  what  do  you  think  of  this  fellow  ?" 


AFTER    GETTYSBURG.  189 

"  This  fellow  "  looked  as  if  he  felt  very  mean,  and  expected  he 
would  be  shot  by  his  captor  every  moment  for  feeling  so.  All 
along  the  road  to  Williamsport,  prisoners  were  captured,  and 
their  rear-guard  was  fairly  driven  into  the  river.  The  Fifth 
Michigan  charged  into  the  town,  and  captured  a  large  number 
of  soldiers,  as  they  were  attempting  to  ford  the  river.  From 
thirty  to  fifty  of  the  rebels  were  drowned  while  attempting  to 
cross ;  twenty-five  or  thirty  wagons  and  a  large  number  of 
horses  and  mules  were  washed  away.  A  regiment  of  cavalry 
was  drawn  up  on  the  opposite  bank,  but  a  few  of  "  Pennington's 
pills  "  caused  them  to  skedaddle.  They  fired  a  few  shells  in  re- 
turn, but  no  harm  was  done. 

Hearing  that  a  force  had  marched  toward  Falling  Waters, 
General  Ivilpatrick  ordered  an  advance  to  that  place.    Through 
some  mistake,  only  one  brigade,  that  of  General  Ouster,  obeyed 
the  order.     When  within  less  than  a  mile  of  Falling  Waters, 
four  brigades  were  found  in  line  of  battle,  in  a  very   strong 
position,  and  behind  half  a  dozen  crescent-shaped  earth-walls. 
The  Sixth  Michigan  Cavalry  was  in  advance.     They  did  not 
wait  for  orders,  but  a  squadron — companies  D  and  C,  undei 
Captain  Royce  (who  was  killed)  and  Captain  Armstrong — were 
deployed  as  skirmishers,  while    companies  B  and  F,  led  by 
Major  Weaver,  (who  was  killed)  made  the  charge.     The  line 
of   skirmishers  was  forced  back  several  times,  but  the  men 
rallied  promptly,  and  finally  drove  the  enemy  behind  the  works. 
A  charge  was  then  made,  the  squadron  passing  between  the 
earth-works.     So  sudden  and  spirited  was  the  dash,  and  so  de- 
moralized were  the  enemy,  that  the  First  Brigade  surrendered 
without  firing  a  shot.     The  charging  squadron  moved  directly 
on,  and  engaged  the  Second  Brigade,  when  the  brigade  that  had 
surrendered  seized  their  guns,  and  then  commenced  a  fearful 
struggle.     Of  the  one  hundred  who  made  this  charge,  only 
thirty  escaped  uninjured.    Seven  of  their  horses  lay  dead  within 
the  enemy's  works.     Twelve  hundred  prisoners  were  here  cap- 
tured, and  the  ground  was  strewn  with  dead  and  wounded 


190  GENERAL   GEORGE  A.  OUSTER. 

rebels.  Among  the  killed  was  Major-General  Pettigrew,  of 
South  Carolina.  A.  P.  Hill  was  seated,  smoking  a  pipe,  when 
the  attack  commenced ;  it  came  so  suddenly  that  he  threw  the 
pipe  away,  mounted  his  horse,  and  crossed  the  river  as  speedily 
as  possible. 

Three  battle-flags  were  captured,  two  of  them  covered  with 
the  names  of  battles  in  which  the  regiments  owning  them  had 
been  engaged.  Prisoners  were  captured  all  along  the  road  be- 
tween Williamsport  and  Falling  Waters,  in  which  service  the 
First  Ohio  squadron,  under  Captain  Jones,  acting  as  body-guard, 
as  usual,  took  an  active  part.  Sergeant  Gillespie,  of  company 
A,  being  in  advance,  overtook  a  body  of  men  trying  to  get  off 
with  a  Napoleon  gun ;  the  horses  balked,  and  the  Sergeant 
politely  requested  the  men  to  surrender,  which  order  they 
cheerfully  obeyed.  Seven  men  and  four  horses  were  taken 
with  the  gun.  The  caissons  were  filled  with  ammunition,  and 
Captain  Hasbrouck  of  the  General's  staff,  at  once  placed  it  in 
position,  and  used  it  upon  the  enemy — a  whole  brigade  being 
then  in  sight.  Another  Napoleon  gun  was  abandoned,  and 
taken  in  charge  by  the  Eighteenth  Pennsylvania  cavalry,  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Brinton.  Captain  Royce,  of  the  Sixth  Michigan, 
was  with  the  skirmishing  party,  and  was  shot  twice ;  the  first 
time  through  the  leg,  the  second  ball  through  his  head.  Com- 
pany C,  of  the  skirmishers,  lost  fifteen  men,  ten  of  whom  were 
wounded. 

Just  at  the  close  of  the  fight,  General  Bu ford's  command 
came  up,  and  pursued  the  flying  foe  to  the  river,  capturing  four 
hundred  and  fifty  prisoners.  The  enemy  succeeded  in  destroy- 
ing their  pontoon  bridge,  however,  and  thus  effectually  pre- 
vented immediate  pursuit. 

This  closed  the  Gettysburg  campaign.  It  was  the  last  time 
that  Lee  crossed  the  Potomac.  From  henceforth  he  was  com- 
pelled to  defend  Yirginia.  A  detachment  under  Early  tried 
the  same  operation  next  year,  but  his  force  proved  insufficient 
to  detach  Grant's  hold  on  Richmond,  and  the  advent  of  Sheri- 


AFTER    GETTYSBURG.  191 

dan  introduced  a  new  phase — constant  aggression  and  victories 
consummated — with  the  Union  programme. 

During  the  rest  of  July  and  August,  the  cavalry  had  but 
little  work  to  do.  Meade  was  moved  down  to  Virginia,  and 
occupying  the  same  line  on  which  McClellan  had  moved  the 
previous  fall,  while  Lee,  behind  the  shelter  of  the  Blue  Ridge, 
was  gathering  up  his  forces,  which  he  finally  concentrated 
behind  the  Kapidan.  The  cavalry  work  did  not  begin  till 
September. 

The  operations  immediately  after  Gettysburg,  in  the  case  of 
Cnster's  brigade,  first  show  clearly,  in  the  handling  of  the  com- 
mand, a  high  order  of  military  talent  in  the  young  general. 
Just  as,  when  an  aide-de-camp,  he  had  placed  his  whole  ambition 
on  being  the  best  and  most  active  officer  of  all  Pleasonton's 
staff,  so  now,  as  a  brigade  commander,  he  became  indisputably 
the  best  in  the  cavalry  corps,  and  his  single  brigade  seemed  to 
do  more  work  and  attract  more  notice  than  any  other.  This 
success  was  owing  mainly  to  the  same  .qualities  conspicuous 
in  the  Urbana  expedition — tact.  What  had  been  tact  in  the 
lieutenant  became  coup  d'ceil  in  the  general.  The  basis  of  the 
faculty  is  found  in  most  brilliant  men,  and  still  more  so  in  brill- 
iant women.  In  the  arena  of  politics  it  makes  the  ready  de- 
bater, in  society  the  -wit  and  the  belle,  in  journalism  the  power- 
ful writer  whom  every  one  fears  to  oppose,  in  business  the  bold 
and  successful  operator.  It  consists  in  doing  (or  saying)  the 
right  tiling  at  the  right  time,  the  power  of  rapid  decision. 

The  battle  of  Falling  Waters  illustrates  this  character  in 
Ouster,  as  also  his  superiority  to  the  headlong  rashness  of  Kil- 
patrick.  Ouster  came  up  alone,  saw  his  enemy  wavering,  and 
with  the  use  of  only  four  companies  put  in  at  the  right  moment, 
captured  a  whole  Confederate  brigade.  Then  he  stopped  :  he 
knew  when  audacity  had  been  pushed  far  enough.  A.  moment 
later  up  conies  Kilpatrick.  Not  satisfied  with  a  single  brigade, 
he  must  needs  attempt  to  take  four,  with  an  inadequate  force, 
and  ordered  the  charge  of  the  Sixth  Michigan  continued, 


192  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

What  was  the  result  ?  Of  the  one  hundred  who  made  the 
charge  only  thirty  escaped  uninjured.  The  surrendered  bri- 
gade, thinking  no  quarter  was  to  be  shown,  resumed  the  strug- 
gle, and  the  victory,  gained  by  Ouster's  tact,  was  nearly  lost  by 
Kilpatrick's  foolhardy  assault.  It  was  not  the  last  time,  as  we 
shall  see  further  on.  With  the  possession  of  plenty  of  physical 
courage,  Kilpatrick  mingled  so  much  of  besotted  rashness  and 
vanity  during  his  career  as  a  division  commander,  that  his 
greatest  successes  were  always  marred  by  unnecessary  slaughter, 
while  he  suffered  more  than  one  mortifying  and  humiliating 
defeat.  In  Ouster  was  found  that  temper  of  discretion  which 
made  his  courage  tact.  While  under  Kilpatrick,  few  believed 
he  possessed  it.  His  independent  career  demonstrated  it,  long 
after. 

In  his  handling  of  cavalry  as  a  tactician  he  seems  always  to 
have  observed  the  just  medium  between  exclusive  charging 
work  and  that  which  degenerates  into  mere  mounted  infantry 
contests.  No  man  knew  better  than  he  that  the  sole  asrerressive 

OO 

strength  of  cavalry  is  found  in  the  charge,  while  dismounted 
skirmishers  are  the  best  weapon  for  defensive  battles.  This 
truth  was  very  seldon  observed  by  other  brigade  commanders, 
who  grew  altogether  too  fond  of  dismounted  work.  Ouster, 
at  Gettysburg  and  after,  always  used  both  kinds  of  lines  to- 
gether, just  as  Caesar  did  at  Pharsalia,  when  opposing  an  enemy 
of  superior  force,  but  when  his  foes  were  equal  or  inferior,  as 
invariably  availed  himself  of  the  moral  influence  of  the  mounted 
charge,  as  the  most  efficacious  of  all. 


CHAPTER  III. 
TO  THE  RAPIDAN  AND  BACK. 

AT  the  beginning  of  September,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
had  resumed  on  the  upper  Rappahannock  the  same  lazy 
attitude,  much  resembling  that  of  a  siege,  which  it  had  occupied 
before  Richmond  under  McClellan,  and  before  Petersburg  under 
Burnside  and  Hooker.  The  different  infantry  corps  were 
grouped  at  points  near  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  comfortably 
settled  in  permanent  camps,  while  the  cavalry  was  drawn  back 
on  either  wing,  almost  entirely  out  of  danger,  picketing  the 
back  country  to  prevent  raids  on  Meade's  line  of  supply,  the 
Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad. 

Lee's  position  was  different,  as  his  line  of  supply  was  dif- 
ferent. His  main  force  was  drawn  back  to  Gordonsville,  at 
least  forty  miles  off,  and  before  him  lay  both  the  Rappahannock 
and  Rapidan  Rivers.  The  triangle  of  country  between  these 
streams  was  occupied  by  his  cavalry,  which  served  as  a  veil  to 
his  army,  behind  which  it  could  move  in  perfect  security.  In 
a  military  point  of  view  the  whole  position  was  far  better  than 
that  of  Meade.  Lee  knew  all  the  latter  was  doing,  and  Meade 
was  ignorant  of  his  enemy's  exact  position. 

At  last,  on  the  13th  September,  a  move  was  made  to  dis- 
sipate the  uncertainty.  The  cavalry  was  taken  from  its  camps 
in  the  rear,  moved  down  to  the  Rappahannock,  and  on  that  day 
crossed  the  river,  Buford  in  the  centre,  Gregg  on  the  right, 
Kilpatrick  on  the  left,  and  advanced  toward  Culpepper,  midway 
between  the  two  rivers. 

The  advance  was  made  on  the  line  of  the  railroad  which 
13 


194  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

went  straight  to  Culpepper,  the  country  being  quite  open  and 
level,  with  beautiful  park-like  clumps  of  huge  trees  dotting  the 
green-sward  around  Brandy  Station,  the  first  house.  From 
thence  to  Culpepper  the  whole  place  was  beautifully  adapted  to 
cavalry  fighting,  fences  being  all  destroyed  and  ditches  few. 
A  fringe  of  coppice  hid  the  movements  of  the  cavalry  near  the 
Rappahannock,  while  they  were  preparing  for  the  advance. 

In  half  an  hour  or  so,  all  was  ready.  There  were  now  nine 
brigades  in  the  three  divisions,  and  their  method  of  fighting  had 
become  uniform.  The  advance  on  Culpepper  will  give  a  very 
good  idea  of  its  nature.  Each  brigade  had  an  average  ot 
four  regiments,  with  a  regimental  average  of  three  hundred 
men.  Thus  the  whole  force  was  nearly  12,000  strong.  In 
front  of  each  brigade  was  a  full  regiment,  deployed  as  skir- 
mishers, each  man  riding  some  twenty  feet  from  his  fellows, 
carbine  in  hand.  Behind  the  right  and  left  of  this  open  line  of 
men,  at  a  distance  of  some  two  hundred  yards,  were  two  regi- 
ments with  drawn  sabres,  in  line  of  battle,  but  moving  at  a 
walk.  In  rear  of  the  centre,  and  retired  some  two  or  three 
hundred  yards  further,  was  the  last  regiment,  in  column  of 
inarch.  Before  this  was  the  brigade  commander,  and  in  front 
of  him  was  his  battery.  Each  brigade  thus  occupied  more 
than  half  a  mile,  and  the  whole  line  was  between  five  and  six 
miles  in  length. 

At  last,  at  a  given  signal,  this  great  line  started  on  its  way, 
and  the  word  was  passed  to  "  trot  on  to  Brandy  Station."  In 
a  few  minutes  the  sharp  crack  of  carbines  along  the  line,  told 
that  the  enemy  were  found,  and  answering  puff's  told  that  they 
were  resisting  the  advance.  Then,  from  the  summit  of  a  gentle 
slope  beyond  Brandy  Station,  came  broad  bright  flashes,  and 
great  clouds  of  white  smoke,  as  the  enemy's  batteries  opened  on 
the  advancing  cavalry. 

Their  efforts  were  perfectly  useless,  for  the  rapidly  trotting 
and  wavy  line  of  skirmishers  offered  nothing  to  fire  at,  and  the 
length  of  the  line  threatened  to  curl  round  the  flanks  of  the 


TO  THE  RAPIDAN  AND  BACK.  195 

defenders  every  moment.  There  was  no  serious  fight.  Ere 
five  minutes  were  over,  Brandy  Station  was  reached,  a  picket- 
post  captured  bodily,  and  the  advance  was  resumed  across  the 
open  country  to  Culpepper,  without  a  check.  As  the  cavalry 
swept  on,  the  enemy  gathered  thicker  in  the  front,  and  more 
guns  came  into  action,  but  it  was  evident  at  all  times  that 
they  were  heavily  overmatched,  as  they  fell  back  from  knoll  to 
knoll,  fighting  all  the  time,  but  in  vain.  Some  idea  of  the 
rapid  and  dashing  nature  of  the  fight  may  be  gathered  from  the 
time  it  occupied.  The  advance  left  Rappahannock  Bridge 
about  10  o'clock,  and  by  half  past  twelve  the  enemy  were 
driven  through  Culpepper,  nine  miles  off. 

Ouster  had  the  extreme  left  of  the  line,  covering  the  flank 

7  O 

of  Kilpatrick's  division.  It  was  a  race,  and  a  matter  of  emula- 
tion between  all  the  components  of  that  long  line,  to  keep 
abreast  of  each  other,  "  dressed  "  in  perfect  order.  Of  course 
this  was  impossible  sometimes,  on  account  of  the  different 
nature  of  the  ground  in  front  of  different  brigades  ;  but  when- 
ever the  line  assumed  a  wavy  appearance,  one  could  hear  the 
officers  shouting  to  the  men  to  "  dress  up,"  and  the  poor  horses 
would  be  spurred  on  to  a  more  rapid  pace,  to  make  up  for  lost 
time.  The  whole  advance  resembled  a  fox  hunt,  animated 
and  inspiriting  to  the  highest  degree,  with  just  enough  spice  of 
danger  to  make  it  delightfully  exciting.  At  Culpepper  the 
enemy  made  a  stand  with  all  his  artillery.  General  Stuart  was 
there,  getting  ready  to  leave,  fancying  the  whole  of  Meade's 
army  was  advancing.  A  locomotive  and  train  of  cars  was  ready, 
ail  steam  up,  when  Ouster's  brigade  came  dashing  on,  only  to 
find  themselves  stopped  by  a  deep  creek  with  a  single  ford. 
The  enemy  opened  fire  with  three  batteries,  and  Custer's  guns 
tried  to  cripple  the  locomotive.  In  the  hurry  and  confusion 
at  the  ford,  however,  the  train  got  away.  Custer  himself  was 
far  ahead  of  his  own  skirmishers,  who  were  bothered  by  the 
swamps  at  the  border  of  the  creek  below,  and  he  rode  on  with 
the  skirmishers  of  the  next  brigade  on  the  right,  which  happened 


196  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

to  be  the  Second  New  York  (Harris'  Light).  With  them  and  a 
few  of  his  own  men  he  galloped  into  Cul pepper,  cut  off  two  of 
the  enemy's  guns,  and  captured  them.  Ten  minutes  later  Cul- 
pepper  was  ours,  and  the  enemy  hastily  retreating  towards 
the  Rapidan.* 

The  advance  had  been  so  rapid  that  a  halt  was  necessary  at 
Culpepper  to  gather  up  the  loose  ends,  and  it  was  not  till  two 
hours  later  that  the  march  was  resumed.  It  was  unaccom- 
panied by  serious  resistance  and  by  the  next  morning  the  \vhole 
triangle  of  country  between  the  Rapidan  and  Rappahannock 
was  in  full  possession  of  Meade's  army. 

Now  was  the  real  time  for  Meade  to  advance  in  force.  At 
the  time  of  the  fight  at  Culpepper,  Lee  was  seriously  weakened, 
having  sent  away  the  whole  of  Longstreet's  strong  corps  to 
help  Bragg  at  Chattanooga.  Had  Meade  struck  hard  at  that 
time,  when  all  the  roads  were  dry,  and  at  least  two  months 
active  work  was  possible,  the  heroes  of  the  war  would  have 
been  differently  named.  But  like  all  the  commanders  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  he  was  paralyzed  by  the  fear  of  Lee,  and 
did  not  dare  to  undertake  a  rapid  movement.  The  rest  of  Sep- 
tember was  passed  in  camp  around  Culpepper,  the  cavalry 
picketing  the  fords  of  the  Rapidan ;  and  it  was  not  till  the 
beginning  of  October  that  he  ventured,  in  a  hesitating  man- 
ner, to  move.  When  he  did,  Lee,  by  a  simple  feint  at  his 
flank,  frightened  him  so  much  that  he  abandoned  all  his 
ground  in  haste,  and  fell  back  in  confusion,  without  a  battle, 
to  Washington,  leaving  the  cavalry  to  cover  his  retreat, 
alone  and  unassisted,  in  the  face  of  the  greater  part  of  Lee's 
army. 

Of  this  retreat  of  Meade's  no  one  has  ever  spoken  a  good 
word.  The  only  feature  of  its  origin  pleasant  to  contemplate, 
is  in  the  light  of  a  compliment  to  Lee.  The  latter,  at  the  time 

*  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  Custer  received  his  first  and  only  wound 
from  a  piece  of  shell.  j. 


TO  THE  RAPIDAN  AND  BACK.  197 

he  made  his  flank  movement,  possessed  less  than  two-thirds  of 
Meade's  force,  but  Meade  occupied  the  exact  position  occupied 
by  Pope  and  Banks,  the  previous  year,  when  the  disasters  of 
Cedar  Mountain  and  Manassas  Second  occurred.  He  was  out 
at  Culpepper,  and  Lee  was  moving  round  his  flank  by  way  of 
Thoro'fare  Gap,  threatening  his  communications,  just  as  Jack- 
son had  done  the  year  before. 

True,  he  was  in  a  very  different  position  otherwise  from 
Pope.  Pope  was  numerically  inferior  to  Lee,  and  depended 
for  help  on  McClellan's  army,  which  help  came  too  late.  Meade's 
force  was  all  concentrated,  his  cavalry  superior  to  that  of  his 
enemy,  his  men  had  the  moral  advantage  of  the  recent  victory 
of  Gettysburg  to  inspirit  them,  and  he  had  every  reason  to  trust 
the  issue  to  a  desperate  and  decisive  battle.  .Nevertheless, 
Lee's  shadow  scared  him  out  of  his  wits. 

On  the  ninth  of  October,  Meade  cautiously  began  his 
advance  on  Lee,  by  sending  his  cavalry  over  the  Rapidan  and 
its  upper  tributaries,  one  of  which  was  called  Robertson's  River. 
Buford  occupied  the  extreme  left,  Kilpatrick  the  centre,  Gregg 
the  extreme  right,  up  at  White  Sulphur  Springs.  In  narrating 
the  part  taken  by  Ouster's  Michiganders  we  shall  quote  the  lan- 
guage of  his  report  bodily. 

On  the  night  of  October  9th,  1863,  says  Ouster,  my  picket 
line,  which  extended  along  the  north  bank  of  Robertson  River 
in  the  vicinity  of  James  City,  was  attacked,  and  a  portion 
of  the  line  forced  back  upon  the  reserves  ;  at  the  same  time  my 
scouts  informed  me  that  the  enemy  was  moving  in  heavy  col- 
umn toward  my  right ;  this  report  was  confirmed  by  deserters. 
In  anticipation  of  an  attack  of  the  enemy  at  daybreak,  I  ordered 
my  entire  command  to  be  saddled  at  3  A.  M.  on  the  1 0th.  At 
daybreak,  the  enemy  began  by  cautiously  feeling  my  line ;  but 
seeing  his  inability  to  surprise  us,  he  contented  himself  by 
obtaining  possession  of  Cedar  Mountain,  which  point  he  after- 
wards used  as  a  signal  station.  At  1  p.  M.,  I  received  orders 
from  the  General  commanding  the  division,  to  report  with  my 


198  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

command  at  James  City.  The  head  of  my  column  arrived  in 
the  vicinity  of  that  point  at  3  p.  M.  The  enemy  had  already 
obtained  possession  of  the  town,  and  had  brought  several  guns 
to  bear  on  the  position  I  was  ordered  to  take.  Battery  M., 
Second  United  States  Artillery,  under  command  of  Lieutenant 
Pennington,  was  unlimbered,  and  succeeded  in  shelling  the 
enemy  out  of  the  woods  on  the  right  of  the  town.  At  the 
same  time  Colonel  Alger,  of  the  Fifth  Michigan  Cavalry,  who 
held  the  extreme  left  of  my  line,  moved  forward  with  one 
battalion  of  his  regiment,  under  the  gallant  Major  Clark,  and 
charged  the  enemy's  battery.  The  charge,  although  daring  in 
the  extreme,  failed  for  want  of  sufficient  support.  It  was  suc- 
cessful so  far,  however,  as  to  compel  the  enemy  to  shift  the  po- 
sition of  his  battery  to  a  more  retired  point.  Night  setting  in, 
prevented  us  from  improving  the  advantages  we  had  gained. 
Most  of  my  command  rested  on  their  arms  during  the  night. 
Early  in  the  morning  I  retired  on  the  road  leading  to  Culpep- 
per,  which  point  I  reached  without  molestation  from  the  enemy. 
It  was  not  until  the  rear  of  my  column  was  leaving  the  towu 
that  the  enemy  made  his  appearance,  and  attempted,  unsuccess- 
fully, to  harass  my  rear-guard.  On  the  hills  north  of  the  town  I 
placed  my  command  in  position  to  receive  an  attack. 

The  enemy  not  feeling  disposed  to  accept  the  invitation,  I 
retired  on  the  road  leading  to  Rappahannock  Station.  My 
column  had  scarcely  begun  to  march,  before  the  officer  com- 
manding the  rear-guard — Colonel  Mann,  of  the  Seventh  Michi- 
gan Cavalry — reported  the  enemy  to  be  pressing  him  closely. 
At  the  same  time  a  strong  column  was  seen  on  my  outer  flank, 
evidently  attempting  to  intercept  our  line  of  march  to  the  river. 
The  vigorous  attacks  now  being  made  upon  my  rear-guard 
compelled  me  to  place  my  battery  at  the  head  of  the  column, 
and  to  employ  my  entire  force  to  keep  the  enemy  from  my 
guns.  My  advance  had  reached  the  vicinity  of  Brandy  Station, 
when  a  courier  hastened  back  with  the  information  that  a  bri- 
gade of  the  enemy's  cavalry  was  in  position  directly  in  my 


TO  THE  RAPIDAN  AND  BACK.  199 

front,  thus  cutting  us  completely  oft'  from  the  river.  Upon 
examination,  I  learned  the  correctness  of  the  report.  The 
heavy  masses  of  Confederate  cavalry  could  be  seen  covering  the 
heights  in  front  of  my  advance.  When  it  is  remembered  that 
my  rear-guard  was  hotly  engaged  with  a  superior  force,  a  heavy 
column  enveloping  each  flank,  and  my  advance  confronted  by 
more  than  double  my  own  number,  the  perils  of  my  situation 
can  be  estimated.  Lieutenant  Pennington  at  once  placed  his 
battery  in  position,  and  opened  a  brisk  tire,  which  was  responded 
to  by  the  guns  of  the  enemy.  The  Major-General  commanding 
the  cavalry  corps  at  this  moment  rode  to  the  advance.  To  him. 
I  proposed,  with  my  command,  to  cut  through  the  force  in  my 
front,  and  thus  open  the  way  for  the  entire  command  to  the 
river.  My  proposition  was  approved,  and  I  received  orders  to 
take  my  available  force  and  push  forward,  leaving  the  Sixth  and 
Seventh  Michigan  Cavalry  to  hold  the  force  in  rear  in  check.  I 
formed  the  Fifth  Michigan  Cavalry  on  my  right,  in  column  of 
battalions;  on  my  left,  I  formed  the  First  Michigan  in  column 
of  squadrons.  After  ordering  them  to  draw  their  sabres,  I 
informed  them  that  we  were  surrounded,  and  all  we  had  to  do 
was  to  open  a  way  with  our  sabres.  They  showed  their  deter- 
mination and  purpose  by  giving  three  hearty  cheers.  At  this 
moment  the  band  struck  up  the  inspiring  air,  "  Yankee 
Doodle,"  which  excited  the  enthusiasm  of  the  entire  command 
to  the  highest  pitch,  and  made  each  individual  member  feel  as 
if  he  was  a  host  in  himself.  Simultaneously,  both  regiments 
moved  forward  to  the  attack.  It  required  but  a  glance  at  the 
countenances  of  the  men  to  enable  me  to  read  the  settled  deter- 
mination with  which  they  undertook  the  work  before  them. 
The  enemy,  without  waiting  to  receive  the  onset,  broke  in  dis- 
order and  fled.  After  a  series  of  brilliant  charges,  during  which 
the  enemy  suffered  heavily,  we  succeeded  in  reaching  the  river, 
which  we  crossed  in  good  order. 

So  far  Ouster,  but  it  seems  necessary  to  explain  how  it  was 
that  he  found  himself  thus  surrounded.     It  all  came  of  Meade's 


200  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

falling  back.  On  the  8th  he  had  thrown  his  cavalry  over  the 
Kapidan  to  scout  up  and  down  the  river.  Had  he  merely  fol- 
lowed them,  he  must  have  marched  right  into  Lee's  camp, 
for  only  Stuart's  cavalry  was  left  in  that  vicinity.  But  on 
the  8th  he  heard  that  Lee's  infantry  was  trying  to  get  around 
his  flank,  and  instead  of  cutting  in  on  this  flanking  party,  he 
fell  back  without  any  warning,  leaving  his  three  cavalry  divis- 
ions spread  out  like  a  fan,  each  pressed  by  cavalry  and  infantry 
combined.  Buford,  who  had  crossed  at  Germania  Ford,  with 
the  promise  of  the  whole  First  Corps  to  support  him,  next  day 
found  himself  driven  back  over  Morton's  Ford,  and  not  an 
infantryman  to  be  seen.  He  fell  slowly  back  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Brandy  Station,  and  as  his  road  there  was  much  shorter 
than  that  of  Kilpatrick's  division,  found  himself  there  before 
Kilpatrick.  Ouster's  brigade  was  on  the  right  of  the  Third 
division,  and  Pleasonton  was  with  Kilpatrick.  Therefore  the 
position  was  now  very  curious.  At  Brandy  Station,  with  his 
back  to  the  river,  was  Buford,  a  force  of  cavalry  and  infantry, 
with  several  batteries,  pressing  all  round  him.  Several  mounted 
charges  had  been  made  to  drive  back  the  enemy,  and  in  every 
instance  they  fell  back.  Suddenly  the  heavy  fire  in  Buford's 
front  ceased,  and  then  recommenced  with  tenfold  fury,  but  not  a 
shot  came  near  Buford's  men.  It  increased  to  a  perfect  roar, 
while  the  yells  of  charging  men  were  plainly  audible  over  the 
firing.  The  next  moment,  out  of  the  woods  into  the  open 
fields,  came  tearing  Kilpatrick's  men,  charging  in  column, 
dark  masses  of  horsemen  in  considerable  confusion,  Pleasonton 
with  the  guns,  in  the  middle  of  the  column,  all  looking  pretty 
well  used  up.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  firm  attitude  of  Buford's 
division,  whose  flanks  were  safe,  and  who  had  kept  the  enemy 
all  in  the  front,  Kilpatrick's  men  must  have  suffered  as  fear- 
fully as  they  did,  a  few  days  later,  at  Buckland's  Mills. 

As  it  happened,  Buford's  stand  gave  them  time  to  rest  and 
get  into  decent  order,  and  the  rest  of  the  afternoon  the  two 
divisions  confronted  the  enemy  without  further  disaster,  till 


TO    THE    RAPIDAN    AND    BACK.  201 

nightfall.  The  most  exasperating  part  of  this  battle  at  Brandy 
Station  was  however  yet  to  come.  It  was  when  the  cavalry 
after  dark,  rode  down  to  the  fords  to  cross  the  Eappahannock 
and  beheld  the  whole  country  on  the  further  bank  bright  with 
the  camp-fires  of  their  own  infantry,  who  had  been  compelled 
to  lie  idle  all  day,  passive  spectators  of  a  fight  which  their 
presence  xmld  have  determined.  The  sight  was  a  fair  speci- 
men of  the  pusillanimous  policy  of  General  Meade  in  this 
celebrated  retreat.  It  \vas  a  courting  of  disgrace. 

To  the  cavalry,  the  battle  at  Brandy  Station  was  creditable. 
It  was  a  gallant  struggle  against  fearful  odds.  The  figure 
borne  by  Ouster  is  evidenced  in  the  following  racy  anecdote  by 
a  member  of  the  Fifth  Michigan.* 

"At  'Brandy'  Station,  Va.,  during  Meade's  fall  back, 
'Ouster'  and  the  cavalry  brought  up  the  rear,  and  all  soldiers 
know  it  is  the  worst  place  on  God's  footstool  to  cover  a  retreat. 
To  allow  the  infantry  ample  time  to  cross  the  Rappahannock 
the  cavalry  kept  fooling  around  with  an  average  of  10,000 
'  Rebs '  on  all  sides  of  them.  Once  when  a  lull  had  seemed  to 
come  with  an  ominous  stillness  some  one  remarked,  '  Helloa, 
look  ahead,'  and  sure  enough  about  5,000  'Rebs'  were  sud- 
denly seen  to  be  massed  in  our  front  and  right  in  the  path 
we  must  travel  if  we  ever  saw  l  the  girls  we  left  behind  us.' 
Ouster  was  sitting  on  his  horse  at  the  head  of  our  regiment,  the 
Fifth  Cavalry.  He  took  one  look  of  about  ten  seconds,  then 
snatched  off  his  hat,  raised  up  in  his  stirrups  and  yelled  out, 
'  Boys  of  Michigan,  there  are  some  people  between  us  and 
home;  I'm  going  home,  who  else  goes?'  Suffice  it  to  say  we 
all  went.  General  Alger,  then  colonel  of  our  regiment,  can 
vouch  for  our  flying  movements  as  we  followed  Ouster,  with 
his  bare  head  and  golden  locks,  and  long  straight  sabre,  putting 
the  very  devil  into  the  old  Fifth  Cavalry,  until  a  clear  track 
was  before  us.  When  '  out  of  the  woods '  up  came  Kilpatrick, 
and  sung  out,  '  Ouster,  what  ails  you  ? '  His  reply  was,  '  Oh, 

*  Mr.  J.  Allen  Bigelow,  of  Detroit,  published  in  Detroit  Evening  News, 


202  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

nothing,  only  we  want  to  cook  cofi'ee  on  the  Yank  side  of  the 
Rappahannock.' " 

In  narrating  the  further  events  of  the  campaign,  Ouster 
shall  resume  the  story,  in  his  report,  made  at  the  time. 

From  the  eleventh  to  the  fifteenth,  my  command  was  em- 
ployed in  picketing  and  guarding  the  flank  and  rear  of  the 
army.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  fifteenth,  the  brigade  berng 
posted  on  the  Bull  Run  battle  ground,  I  detailed  Major  Kidd 
with  his  regiment,  the  Sixth  Michigan  Cavalry,  to  reconnoitre 
the  strength  and  position  of  the  enemy  in  the  vicinity  of  Gains- 
ville.  The  reconnoissance  was  entirely  satisfactory,  and  showed 
the  enemy  to  be  in  considerable  force  at  that  point.  Sunday, 
the  18th  October,  at  3  p.  M.,  the  entire  division  was  ordered  to 
move  on  the  pike  leading  from  Groveton  to  Warrenton.  The 
First  brigade  moved  on  the  pike,  the  Second  moved  on  a  road 
to  the  left  of,  and  parallel  to  the  pike,  but  soon  encountered 
the  enemy,  and  drove  hirn  as  far  as  Gainsville,  where  the  entire 
command  bivouacked  for  the  night.  The  First  Vermont  Cav- 
alry, under  Colonel  Sawyer,  deserves  great  credit  for  the  rapidity 
with  which  they  forced  the  enemy  to  retire.  At  daybreak 
on  the  morning  of  the  19th,  my  brigade  took  the  advance 
and  skirmished  with  the  enemy's  cavalry  from  Gainsville  to 
Buckland ;  at  the  latter  point  I  found  him  strongly  posted  upon 
the  south  bank  of  Broad  Run.  The  position  for  his  artillery 
was  well  chosen.  After  a  fruitless  attempt  to  effect  a  crossing 
in  his  front,  I  succeeded  in  turning  his  left  flank  so  completely 
as  to  force  him  from  his  position.  Having  driven  him  more 
than  a  mile  from  the  stream,  I  threw  out  my  pickets,  and 
ordered  my  men  to  prepare  their  dinner.  From  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Buckland  I  learned  that  the  forces  of  the  enemy,  with 
whom  we  had  been  engaged,  were  commanded  by  General 
J.  E.  B.  Stuart  in  person,  who,  at  the  time  of  our  arrival  at 
that  point,  was  seated  at  the  dinner-tiible  eating  ;  but  owing  to 
my  successful  advance,  he  was  compelled  to  leave  his  dinner 
untouched — a  circumstance  not  regretted  by  that  portion  of  my 


TO    THE    RAPIDAN    AND    BACK.  203 

command  into  whose  hands  it  fell.  The  First  brigade  took 
the  advance.  At  this  point  I  was  preparing  to  follow,  when 
information  reached  me  that  the  enemy  was  advancing  on  my 
left,  from  the  direction  of  Greenwich.  I  had  scarcely  time  to 
place  my  command  in  position  to  resist  an  attack  from  that 
d.>ection,  before  the  enemy's  skirmishers  appeared.  Penning- 
ton's battery  opened  upon  them,  while  the  Sixth  Michigan  cav- 
alry, under  Major  Kidd,  was  thrown  forward  and  deployed  as 
skirmishers.  One  gun  of  Pennington's  battery,  supported  by 
the  First  Yermont  cavalry,  was  placed  on  my  extreme  left. 
The  First  Michigan  cavalry,  under  Major  Brewer,  acted  as  a 
reserve,  and  as  a  support  for  the  remaining  five  guns  of  the 
battery.  The  Fifth  Michigan  cavalry,  under  Colonel  Mann, 
were  engaged  in  the  woods  on  my  right.  At  first  I  was  under 
the  impression  that  the  skirmishers  were  composed  of  dismounted 
cavalry,  but  later  developments  convinced  me  that  it  was  a  very 
superior  force  of  infantry  that  now  confronted  me.  After  com- 
pleting his  dispositions  for  an  attack,  the  enemy  advanced 
upon  me.  In  doing  so,  he  exposed  a  line  of  infantry  of  more 
than  a  mile  in  extent ;  at  the  same  time  he  opened  a  heavy  fire 
upon  me  from  his  artillery.  Pennington's  battery,  aided  by  the 
Sixth  Michigan  cavalry,  poured  a  destructive  fire  upon  the 
enemy  as  he  advanced,  but  failed  to  force  him  back.  A  des- 
perate effort  was  made  to  capture  my  battery.  Penuington 
continued  to  fire  until  the  enemy  was  within  twenty  yards  of 
his  guns.  He  was  then  compelled  to  limber  up  and  retire  to 
the  north  bank  of  Broad  Run.  The  First  Michigan  cavalry 
was  intrusted  with  the  duty  of  covering  the  movement — a  task 
which  was  gallantly  performed.  My  command  being  very  much 
exhausted,  I  returned  to  the  vicinity  Of  Gainsville,  where  I 
encamped  for  the  night.  Major  Clarke,  Fifth  Michigan  cav- 
alry, was  detached  from  his  regiment  with  one  battalion. 
"When  the  command  retired  to  the  north  bank  of  Broad  Run,  he 
with  a  small  portion  of  his  battalion,  became  separated  from 
the  rest  of  the  command,  and  was  captured  by  the  enemy 


204:  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

Computing  my  losses  from  the  9th  October,  I  find  them  to  he  as 
follows : 

Officers.  Men.  Total. 

Killed             0  9  9 

Wounded 2  41  43 

Missing 8  154  162 

Aggregate 214 

Before  closing  my  report,  I  desire  to  make  honorable  men- 
tion of  the  highly  creditable  manner  in  which  both  officers  and 
men  of  my  command  have  discharged  their  duty  during  the 
long  and  arduous  marches,  as  well  as  the  hard-fought  engage- 
ments of  the  past  few  days.  Too  much  praise  cannot  be  given 
to  the  officers  and  men  of  Battery  M.  Second  Artillery,  for  the 
gallantry  displayed  on  more  than  one  occasion.  For  the  untir- 
ing zeal  and  energy,  added  to  the  unflinching  bravery  displayed 
in  transmitting  and  executing  my  orders  upon  the  field,  my 
acknowledgments  are  due  to  the  following  members  of  my 
staff':  Captain  R.  F.  Judson,  A.  D.  C.,  Lieutenant  R.  Baylis, 
A.  A.  D.  C.,  Lieutenant  William  Colerick,  A.  D.  0.,  and  to 
Lieutenant  E.  G.  Granger,  A.  A.  A.  G.  Lieutenant  Granger, 
while  leading  a  charge  at  Brandy  Station,  had  his  horse  shot 
in  two  places.  Surgeon  Wooster  of  my  staff,  in  addition  to  his 
professional  duties,  rendered  me  valuable  assistance  by  aiding 
in  transmitting  my  orders. 

G.  A.  COSTER, 
Brig.  Com.  Second  Brigade,  Third  Cavalry  Corps. 

It  will  be  noticed  in  both  of  Custer's  reports,  during  this 
summer  and  fall,  how  much  stress  he  lays  upon  the  doings  of 
Pennington's  battery.  The  commander  of  this  force  seems 
always  to  have  been  a  fast  friend  and  favorite  of  Custer,  and  he 
was  subsequently  promoted  to  the  command  of  a 'volunteer 
cavalry  regiment,  and  became  senior  officer  and  commandant 
of  a"brigade  in  Custer's  division,  in  which  capacity  he  served 


TO    THE    RAPIDAN    AND    BACK.  205 

all    through  the  Valley  campaigns,  and   up   to   Appomattox 
surrender. 

After  the  fight  at  Buckland's  Mills,  in  which  the  division 
of  Kilpatrick  was  so  roughly  handled,  Meade's  army  resumed 
its  advance  and  finally  took  up  winter  quarters  at  Brandy  Sta 
tion,  the  cavalry   picketing  the  front  and   flanks   out   toward 
Madison  Court  House. 

It  is  time,  now  that  the  summer  and  fall  campaigns  of  1863 
are  concluded,  to  advert  to  the  private  life  of  the  young  general 
during  this  interval.  During  the  first  period  of  his  career  as  a 
commander,  his  occupations  and  cares  seem  to  have  been  too 
engrossing  to  permit  of  any  home  correspondence,  and  after  the 
Michigan  brigade  entered  Virginia  he  did  not  relax  his  work. 
Well  as  the  brigade  behaved  at  Gettysburg,  it  was  far  from  sat- 
isfying Ouster,  who  was  determined  to  make  it  fully  the  equal 
of  a  regular  cavalry  command  in  drill  and  discipline.  With  that 
object,  no  sooner  did  the  cavalry  get  a  week's  rest,  than  the 
indefatigable  young  general  began  to  give  them  daily  drills  of 
great  severity,  and  by  constant  inspections  so  harassed  the 
souls  of  the  honest  volunteers  that  they  began  to  hate  him  as 
badly  as  ever,  or  thought  they  did.  Just  as  at  Gettysburg, 
however,  the  first  battle  compelled  them  to  forego  all  their  bad 
language,  and  made  them  sorry  they  had  ever  uttered  a  word 
against  him.  This  first  battle  was  the  advance  on  Cul- 
pepper,  and  in  the  action,  it  will  be  remembered,  Ouster  was 
wounded. 

A  piece  of  shell  killed  his  horse,  and  inflicted  a  painful 
wound  on  the  inside  of  the  rider's  thigh,  which,  though  not 
dangerous,  compelled  Ouster  to  retire  from  the  field.  Inasmuch 
as  the  rest  of  the  month  was  passed  in  perfect  quiet,  the  general 
experienced  no  difficulty  in  obtaining,  on  the  strength  of  this 
wound,  a  leave  of  absence  for  twenty  days.  He  took  it,  has- 
tened to  Washington,  and  one  day  later  was  travelling  due 
northwest,  just  as  fast  as  the  iron  horse  could  carry  him.  To 
those  who  remember  the  state  of  mind  in  which  he  left  home 


206  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTEli. 

in  the  spring,  it  will  not  be  surprising  to  learn  that  he  made  his 
way  to  Monroe,  Michigan,  with  the  utmost  rapidity,  nor  that 
when  there,  he  happened  to  meet  "one  of  the  parties  most  in- 
terested." He  had,  during  the  summer,  many  things  to  make 
him  anxious  and  unhappy  in  regard  to  matters  at  Monroe, 
especially  intimations  that  reached  him  that  "one  of  the  parties 
interested  "  was  quite  likely  to  meet  some  one  else,  while  his 
own  affair  was  still  unsettled.  He  realized  very  keenly  that 
the  objections  of  the  Judge  to  his  engagement  were  not  based 
altogether  on  his  want  of  fortune,  but  on  an  apprehension  of 
the  fickleness  and  instability  of  his  disposition,  and  that  his 
sudden  success  in  life  had  not  altogether  removed  this.  Only 
a  week  before  the  time  of  his  wound,  he  received  a  letter  from 
his  kind-hearted  confidant,  warning  him  that  his  persistence  was 
"  not  for  the  best,"  and  that  a  time  must  at  last  come  when  he 
"must  give  her  up  utterly  and  forever."  To  this  he  replies, 
sadly  but  bravety  : 

That  time  may  come,  perhaps  soon.  When  it  does  come,  I 
hope  it  will  find  me  the  same  soldier  I  now  try  to  be,  as  capable 
of  meeting  the  reverses  of  life  as  I  am  those  of  war.  You  no 
doubt  know  me  well,  perhaps  better  than  any  person  in  Monroe, 
except  L.,  and  yet  you  know  little  of  my  disposition.  You,  fear- 
ing that  disappointment  might  render  me  unhappy,  are  doubtful 
as  to  whether  it  is  best  for  me  to  cherish  the  remembrance  of  one 
who  is  now  to  me,  all  that  she  ever  will  be.  I  would  think  the 
same,  were  I  the  adviser  instead  of  the  person  advised.  Do  not 
fear  for  me.  .  .  What  you  have  hinted  as  being  probable  in 
reference  to  L.  may  occur.  My  bosom  friends  may  desert  me  : 
my  own  mother  may  disown  me  and  turn  me  from  my  home  ;  I 
may  lose  my  position  among  men,  and  be  thrown  solitary  and 
alone  among  strangers,  without  the  sympathy  of  a  single  friend  ; 
and  yet,  with  all  this,  there  is  a  strange,  indescribable  something 
in  me,  that  would  enable  me  to  shape  my  course  through  life, 
cheerful,  if  not  contented.  .  .  .  Best  assured,  that  whatever 
fortune  may  have  in  store  for  me  will  be  borne  cheerfully.  Now 
that  you  know  this,  you  need  not  hesitate  in  future  to  tell  me 
all. 


TO    THE    RAPIDAN    AND    BACK.  207 

These  are  good  brave  words,  but  they  are  not  quite  brave 
enough  to  hide  the  sad  heart  beneath  them,  and  when  we  re- 

O  ' 

member  the  position  of  Ouster  at  the  time,  we  can  see  how 
strong  must  have  been  his  feelings  to  force  such  a  letter  from 
the  outwardly  brilliant  and  successful  general.  ~No  doubt  he 
hailed  with  gratitude  the  piece  of  ragged  iron  that  gave  him 
the  excuse,  a  week  later,  to  return  to  Monroe,  and  see  for  him- 
self how  affairs  stood. 

He  arrived  there  to  find  himself  a  lion.  Captain  Ouster,  the 
idle  and  discontented  officer  on  waiting  orders,  sharing  the 
sombre  cloud  which  enshrouded  his  unfortunate  chief,  with  the 
reputation  of  a  reckless  dissipated  soldier  in  love  with  every 
fresh  face,  a  desperate  flirt,  was  a  very  different  person  from 
the  "  boy  general  with  the  golden  locks,"  the  pet  of  the  papers, 
brilliant,  successful,  a  rising  man,  a  real  live  brigadier-general. 
On  his  previous  visit,  Monroe  had  begun  to  think  that  there 
might  possibly  "  be  something  in  that  young  Ouster."  Now, 
Monroe  had  "  always  prophecied  that  young  Ouster  would  do 
something,"  and  the  only  trouble  was,  who  should  be  the  first 
to  welcome  him,  ask  him  to  his  house,  be  able  to  say  to  his 
friends,  "  Ah,  by  the  by,  I  had  General  Ouster  to  dinner  to- 
day." 

Mrs.  Grundy  was  ready  and  anxious  to  go  down  on  her 
knees  to  arrange  a  soft  pillow,  "  under  his  poor  wounded  limb, 
you  know,  my  dear,"  and  Miss  Grundy  was  amiably  anxious  to 
sing  the  pathetic  ballad  of"  When  this  cruel  war  is  over"  to 
the  listening  general,  ogling  him  all  the  time,  and  ending  with 
a  languishing  gaze  of  perfect  love  at  the  line,  "  Praying  we 
may  meet  again,"  as  she  slowly  left  the  piano.  To  a  man  with 
any  sense  of  humor,  and  Ouster  had  his  share  of  this  quality, 
what  a  spectacle  Mrs.  Grundy  and  the  charming  Miss  Grundy 
presented,  especially  when  he  remembered  their  neglect  in  for- 
mer days.  However,  he  kept  his  counsel,  and  wore  his  honors 
meekly. 

There  was,  however,  one  man  on  whom  the  brilliant  success 


208  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

of  the  young  general  had  not  yet  operated  as  a  complete  blind. 
This  man  was  Judge  Bacon,  stern,  upright,  and  honorable, 
who  had  not  yet  got  beyond  the  point  of  thinking  that  there 
might  be  "  something  in  that  young  Ouster,  after  all."  The 
Judge  knew  a  good  deal  more  of  the  world  than  most  Monro- 
vians,  and  he  had  heard  of  the  celebrated  stone  thrown  by 
Orpheus  0.  Kerr,  which  struck  so  many  brigadier-generals. 
He  knew  moreover,  that  the  commission  was  subject  to  confir- 
mation by  the  senate,  which  might  be  refused,  a  piece  of  knowl- 
edge not  common  to  all  Monroe.  In  a  worldly  point  of  view, 
therefore,  the  Judge  was  quite  right  in  being  cautious  as  to  re- 
ceiving the  brilliant  young  warrior  as  a  conqueror.  In  a  moral 
point  of  view,  a  matter  which  weighed  far  more  with  Judge 
Bacon,  his  objections  to  Ouster  remained  unaltered,  and  were 
even  strengthened.  He  was  forever  mentally  referring  to  his 
intemperance,  and  especially  distrusted  his  fickleness.  The  latter 
was  Ouster's  own  fault.  In  order  to  calm  the  Judge's  uneasi- 
ness, the  previous  spring,  Ouster  had  entered  into  a  violent  flirta- 
tion with  a  young  lady  of  the  place,  and  the  result  had  been  to 
disgust  the  Judge.  However  objectionable  as  a  suitor  for  your 
daughter  a  man  may  be,  still  you  do  not  like  to  see  him,  as 
soon  as  rejected,  off  with  the  daughter  of  some  one  else,  as  if 
nothing  had  happened.  The  rapid  consolation  is  decidedly  un- 
complimentary to  your  own  family,  which  is  of  course  always 
the  best  in  the  country. 

With  all  these  objections,  in  a  private  capacity,  to  Ouster, 
even  coming  back  as  a  general,  the  Judge  yet  welcomed  him 
cordially  as  a  public  character,  and  permitted  him  to  resume  his 
visits  at  the  house,  ostensibly  in  the  guise  of  ordinary  friend- 
ship. He  was  apparently  completely  deceived  as  to  the  strength 
and  duration  of  Ouster's  affection  for  his  daughter,  and  ima- 
gined that  the  affair  was  safely  over.  On  the  contrary,  it  was 
only  just  really  beginning,  and  Ouster  was  already  laying  his 
plans  to  gain  the  consent  of  the  father  of  his  lady  love,  as  his 
leave  progressed.  Whether  absence  might  in  time  have  caused 


TO    THE    RAPIDAX    AND    BACK.  209 

him  to  be  forgotten  is  uncertain,  but  certain  it  is  that  his  sec- 
ond visit  was  just  in  time  to  settle  the  affair  in  his  favor,  and  to 
secure  a  perfect  understanding,  conditional  on  the  Judge's  con- 
sent, it  is  true,  but  none  the  less  an  implied  engagement.  This 
was  towards  the  close  of  Ouster's  visit,  and  he  made  up  his  mind 
to  ask  the  Judge  before  he  went. 

In  this  instance,  however,  resolution  and  action  were  not  the 
same  with  Ouster.  Days  passed  on,  opportunities  were  rare, 
and  possibly  courage  was  lacking.  At  all  events,  the  time  came 
for  his  departure,  the  lovers  were  compelled  to  leave  each  other 
and  still  the  Judge  had  not  been  asked.  Brave  as  Ouster  was, 
he  actually  seems  to  have  trembled  before  the  Judge,  and  it  is 
no  wonder  when  we  reflect  on  what  he  was  about  to  request 
from  him — an  only  daughter. 

He  was  finally  compelled  to  leave  Monroe,  and  return  to  the 
front,  with  the  question  unasked,  the  matter  to  be  finally  de- 
cided by  letter.  The  sensitive  conscientiousness  and  strict 
honor  of  the  two  lovers  is  shown  in  the  fact  that  they  both  still 
declined  to  avail  themselves  of  a  clandestine  correspondence  to 
evade  the  Judge's  notice. 

Nothing    would  have  been  easier  than  for   this   to   have 

o 

happened,  and  the  fact  of  its  still  being  steadfastly  refused 
by  both  is  an  honor  to  both.  They  cannot  be  blamed  for  their 
love,  that  being  a  matter  beyond  the  control  of  any  human 
being.  It  comes  and  goes  like  the  wind,  and  it  is  hard  to 
assign  a  cause  for  it.  That  Ouster,  young,  brilliant,  successful 
in  everything  else,  knowing  himself  secure  in  the  most  vital 
point  of  all — the  feelings  of  the  "  party  most  interested  " — 
should  have  been  willing  to  wait  as  he  did,  patiently  and 
uncomplainingly,  for  the  consent  of  one  whom  he  knew  to  be 
prejudiced  against  him,  shows  a  devotion  to  duty  remarkable 
in  these  days,  and  especially  in  this  country,  where  filial  obe- 
dience is  subject  to  so  many  drawbacks.  The  sequel  proved 
that  he  did  wisely,  and  duty  met  its  reward. 

To   console   himself  for  his  self-enforced  abstinence  from 
14 


210  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

correspondence  with  "the  party  most  interested,"  Ouster  threw 
himself  with  fresh  ardor  into  letters  to  his  kind  and  sympathiz- 
ing confidant.  From  this  time  forth,  these  letters  are  frequent ; 
beginning  even  while  on  his  journey  to  the  east.  The  first  is 
dated  on  board  the  lake  steamer  "  Morning  Star,"  October  6th, 
1863,  the  very  day  of  his  departure.  In  its  course  he  refers,  as 
he  frequently  did  in  those  days,  to  the  motto  which  he  had 
adopted  and  wore  engraved  on  his  seal  ring,  "  Per  augusta 
ad  augusta." 


ON  BOARD  THE  "MORNING  STAR," 

9  P.  M.  Monday,  Oct.  6,  1863. 

KIND  FRIEND  : — I  feel  so  sad  and  lonely,  so  sick  at  heart,  that 
to  kill  time  and  "drive  dull  care  away,"  I  have  determined  to 
occupy  a  few  moments  in  writing  to  you.  We  are  just  getting 
under  full  headway,  and  will  soon  be  bounding  o'er  the  billows  of 
Erie.  I  have  been  sitting  on  deck  watching  the  motion  of  the 
vessel  as  it  speeds  through  the  crested  waves,  and  while  intently 
watching  wave  after  wave,  as  they  roll  along  in  their  ceaseless  mo- 
tion, I  cannot  but  be  reminded  of  the  great  ocean  of  life  on  whose 
stormy  bosom  each  of  us  is  engaged,  steering  our  little  barks  over, 
each  acting  under  a  separate  impulse,  yet  all  tending  to  the  same 
harbor.  When  I  look  back  on  the  track  passed  over  by  mine, 
I  cannot  but  feel  unbounded  gratitude  to  that  power  which  thus 
far  has  carried  me  safely  through  so  many  storms.  Hour  after 
hour  have  I  seen  wave  after  wave  rolling  down  on  my  little  bark, 
threatening  to  swallow  it  with  all  it  contained,  and  yet  that  unseen 
power  would  interfere,  and  either  avert  the  coming  danger,  or 
cause  it  to  strike  harmlessly.  If  I  look  around  me  now,  I  see 
evidences  of  danger  in  all  directions,  but  buoyed  up  with  hope 
and  guided  by  duty,  I  trust  for  the  best,  confident  that  mj 
motto  "  Through  trials  to  triumphs  "  will  still  hold  good.  How  I 
wish  I  could  be  with  my  little  girl  to-night,  and  yet  I  cannot 
complain.  I  saw  the  Judge  at  the  depot,  who  spoke  very  en- 
couragingly of  my  prospects  in  my  profession  and  of  the  bright 
future  he  pictured  for  me  ;  said  he  would  be  disappointed  if 
hs  did  not  hear  such  and  such  things  of  me  soon.  I  had  no 
opportunity  to  speak  of  that  which  was  nearest  my  heart.  I  only 
said  just  before  leaving  that  I  had  desired  to  speak  to  him,  but 


TO  THE  RAPID  AN  AND  BACK.  211 

being  prevented  from  doing  so,  I  would  write  to  him,  to  which 
he  replied,  "  Very  well."    Good  bye, 

ARMSTRONG." 

Only  twenty-four  hours  later,  and  he  writes  from  Baltimore 
as  follows : 

COLKMAN'S  EUTAW  HOUSE,  BALTIMORE, 

Wed.,  Oct.  7th,  1863,  2.30  P.  M. 

DEAR  FRIEND  : — Do  not  be  alarmed.  I  am  not  going  to  write 
to  you  again  to-day.  I  have  taken  a  stroll  and  a  drive  around  the 
Monumental  City,  and  it  is  yet  an  hour  till  car  time.  I  know  of 
no  more  pleasant  mode  of  occupying  that  time,  than  by  writing 
to  you.  In  every  city  I  pass  through,  I  see  something  to  admire, 
something  which  gives  rise  to  pleasant  thoughts,  and  often  I  am 
struck  with  wonder  at  the  extent  to  which  man's  art  and  ingenuity 
have  improved  what  nature  has  already  rendered  beautiful.  But 
after  all,  my  heart  turns  longingly  to  one  quiet  little  town  far 
away  on  the  banks  of  the  Raisin,  and  I  find  infinitely  more 
enjoyment,  more  real  pleasure  from  the  memories  and  associations 
of  that  unassuming  little  spot,  than  in  contemplating  all  the  world 
beside.  I  need  not  tell  you  why  this  is  so.  I  do  not  think  a  sin- 
gle half  hour  has  passed  since  I  bade  adieu  to  Monroe,  during 
which  I  did  not  think  of  the  place,  or  more  particularly  perhaps,  of 
those  whom  it  contains.  I  have  also  thought  much  of  my  intended 
letter  to  L.'s  father.  My  mind  lias  been  alternating  between 
hope  and  fear,  hope  that  my  letter  will  be  well  received ;  that 
now,  when  all  else  appears  bright  and  encouraging,  no  obstacle 
will  be  interposed  to  darken  or  cloud  our  happiness.  And  yet  I 
cannot  rid  myself  of  the  fear  that  I  may  suffer  from  some  un- 
founded prejudice.  Oh,  I  wish  some  guardian  angel  would  tell 
me  what  course  to  pursue,  to  insure  her  happiness  and  mine.  I 
feel  that  her  father,  valuing  her  happiness  and  welfare  as  he  does, 
will  not  refuse  if  he  learns  from  her  lips,  our  real  relation  to 
gach  other.  I  regret  that  I  was  unable  to  have  a  personal  inter- 
view with  him,  and  yet  it  may  be  better  as  it  is  ;  I  will  hope. 
[  will  write  you  to-morrow,  or  next  day  from  camp.  Tell 
my  little  girl  I  am  so  lonely  without  her.  Kiss  her  for  me,  and 
tell  her  I  have  been  real  good  since  I  left  her.  Good  bye, 

ARMSTRONG. 


212  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

"We  have  inserted  these  letters  to  show  the  state  of  anxiety 
and  uneasiness  that  still  oppressed  Ouster  when  he  returned  to 
his  command,  where  he  was  received  with  the  most  rapturous 
demonstrations  of  delight. 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,  THIRD  Dry., 

Oct.  9th,  1863,  8  P.  M. 

DEAR  FRIEND  : — I  promised  to  write  you  soon  after  my  return 
to  "  camp."  I  arrived  here  last  evening  about  dusk,  and  was 
welcomed  in  a  style  that  was  both  flattering  and  gratifying.  I  wish 
you  could  have  seen  how  rejoiced  my  men  seemed  to  be  at  my 
return.  Whatever  may  be  the  real  sentiments  entertained  by  the 
world  at  large,  I  feel  assured  that  here,  surrounded  by  my  noble 
little  band  of  heroes,  I  am  loved  and  respected.  There  is  such  a 
feeling  of  mutual  trust  and  confidence  existing  between  us,  as 
renders  our  intercourse  one  of  pleasure.  Often,  in  my  medita- 
tions, I  think  of  the  vast  responsibility  resting  upon  me;  of  the 
many,  many  lives  entrusted  to  my  keeping ;  and  consequently, 
of  the  happiness  of  so  many  households  depending  upon  my  dis- 
cretion and  judgment.  And  to  think  that  I  am  just  leaving  my 
boyhood,  makes  the  responsibility  appear  greater.  And  yet  I 
have  no  fears,  nor  do  I  think  that  this  latter  fact  is  due  to  any 
self-conceit  or  egotism  on  my  part.  I  try  to  make  no  unjust  pre- 
tensions. I  assume  nothing  that  .1  know  not  to  be  true.  It 
requires  no  extensive  knowledge  to  inform  me  what  is  my  duty  both 
to  my  country  and  to  my  command.  Knowing  my  duty,  all  that 
is  then  requisite  to  insure  success,  is  honesty  of  purpose,  and  fixed 
intentions,  or,  to  express  the  same  meaning  in  different  language, 
I  have  only  to  adopt  the  well-known  motto,  "  First,  be  sure  you're 
right,  then  go  ahead."  To  this  simple  rule,  framed  though  it  be 
in  humble  language,  I  can  attribute,  more  than  to  any  other,  my 
success  in  life.  When  deciding  upon  any  course  to  pursue,  I  have 
asked  myself,  is  it  right  ?  Satisfied  that  it  is,  I  allow  nothing  to 
swerve  me  from  my  purpose.  Few  persons  have  disregarded  pub- 
lic opinion  so  much  as  I.  Not  but  that  I  think  a  proper  regard 
should  be  shown  for  that  which  the  "  world  might  say,"  but  one 
who  adopts  public  opinion  as  his  guide,  cannot  entertain  one  pur- 
pose long.  He  will  find  that  what  pleases  one,  displeases  another. 

Why  have  I  written  all  this  ?  Surely  I  do  not  know.  You  did 
not  say  it  was  not  so. 

I  have  been  very  busily  engaged  all  day.     I  found  time,  01 


TO  THE  RAPIDAN  AND  BACK.  213 

rather  stole  time  to  write.  I  would  have  written  that  letter  to 
her  father  to-day,  but  that  I  knew  I  should  be  interrupted,  which 
I  do  not  wish  to  be,  when  writing  so  important  a  document.  I 
can  scarcely  realize  its  importance.  How  much  depends  upon  the 
result  it  obtains.  All  my  future  destiny  hangs  on  the  answer 
my  letter  shall  bring.  I  will  not  despond,  nor  will  I  take 
trouble  before  it  is  upon  me,  but  I  cannot  but  be  anxious.  I 
ehall  probably  defer  the  writing  of  that  letter  until  I  have  heard 
at  least  once  from  you  and  of  her.  I  had  hoped  to  be  left  "free 
and  undisturbed  this  evening,  and  thus  permitted  to  write  you  a 
long  letter.  But  several  applicants  are  waiting  my  pleasure,  and 
I  must  defer  my  anticipated  pleasure.  Do  write  me  soon.  Tell 
me  all  about  my  little  girl.  Is  she  well,  etc.,  etc.  Kiss  her  for 
me,  and  tell  her  I  had  a  dream  last  night  concerning  somebody 
in  Monroe,  who  I  think  very  much  of,  "  But  I'll  not  tell  you 
who." 

Ever  your  friend, 

ARMSTRONG. 

Please  give  these  flowers  to  L.  They  were  plucked  in  front 
of  my  headquarters,  not  far  from  the  "Kapidan." 

Luckily  for  Ouster's  peace  of  mind  he  was  soon  at  work,  for 
within  forty-eight  hours  of  his  return  he  started  on  the  expedi- 
tion which  ended  in  the  Brandy  Station  fight,  of  which  he  gives, 
in  a  letter  of  October  12th,  a  short  account,  much  the  same  as 
in  his  report.  Three  days  later  he  writes  a  hasty  pencil  scrawl 
from  the  Bull  Kun  battle-field. 

I  dreamed  of  my  little  girl  last  night,  and  was  so  disappointed 
to  wake  and  find  it  but  a  dream.  How  often  I  think  of  her. 
Last  Sunday,  while  in  front  of  my  men,  and  just  as  we  were  about 
to  charge  the  enemy,  I  unclasped  my  locket,  and  took  what  I 
thought  might  be  my  last  look  at  her  likeness.  Even  in  the 
thickest  of  the  fight  I  can  always  find  time  to  think  of  her. 

Five  days  later  he  writes,  evidently  under  great  mental  de- 
pression, just  after  the  disaster  at  Buckland's  Mills,  an  inter- 
esting letter,  which  shows  that  his  was  not  the  rashness  which 
brought  on  that  defeat.  In  its  course,  after  telling  of  his  first 


214:  GENERAL   GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

victory  over  Stuart,  he  tells  of  Kilpatrick  coining  up  and  con- 
gratulating him  on  his  success,  and  adds  : 

All  would  have  been  well  had  General  K.  been  content  to  let 
well  enough  alone.  My  scouts  had  informed  me  of  heavy  columns 
of  infantry  moving  around  on  both  my  flanks,  their  intention 
evidently  being  to  cut  me  off.  I  informed  General  K.  of  this,  and 
advised  him  to  guard  against  it ;  but  no — he  did  not  believe  it, 
and  ordered  me  to  halt  till  the  First  Brigade  passed  me  and  then 
to  follow  on  the  road  to  Warrenton.  The  First  Brigade  had 
scarcely  passed,  and  I  was  preparing  to  follow,  when  the  enemy 
made  a  vigorous  attack  from  the  direction  I  had  prophecied  they 
would  .  .  .  My  consolation  is  that  I  am  in  no  way  responsible 
for  the  mishap,  but  on  the  contrary  urged  General  K.  not  to  take 
the  step  which  brought  it  upon  us,  and  the  only  success  gained  by 
us  was  gained  by  me. 

He  refers  at  the  close  of  this  letter  to  the  one  which  he  had 
written  to  Judge  Bacon  soon  after  Brandy  Station  light,  in 
which  he  formally  asks  the  Judge  for  his  child.  That  letter  is 
a  model  in  its  way  of  quiet  dignity  and  self  respect,  mingled 
with  a  modesty  peculiarly  touching  from  a  man  in  Ouster's  po- 
sition. Were  it  not  for  those  private  details  which  are  too  sacred 
for  publication,  it  would  be  the  pride  of  Ouster's  biographer  to 
lay  it  before  the  world,  exhibiting  as  it  does  in  the  truest  and 
most  unconscious  manner  the  real  nobility  of  the  writer's  char- 
acter. In  making  his  request  he  refers,  fully  and  frankly,  to 
the  objections  to  himself  existing  in  the  Judge's  mind,  especially 
those  of  dissipation  and  fickleness.  In  regard  to  the  first  he 
tells  him  how  two  years  before  he  had  made  a  solemn  pledge  to 
his  sister  Mrs.  Reed,  in  the  presence  of  Almighty  God,  never  to 
taste  another  drop  of  intoxicating  liquor,  which  promise  he  had 
strictly  kept  ever  since.  With  regard  to  the  second,  he  referred 
the  Judge  to  his  own  daughter  for  an  explanation  of  the  appar- 
ent fickleness  of  his  conduct.  Of  his  success  in  life  and  his 
ability  to  maintain  a  wife  he  speaks  briefly,  with  modest  pride, 
and  adverts  to  the  fact  that  he  had  not  ventured  to  correspond 


TO  THE  RAPID  AN  AND  BACK.  215 

with  the  object  of  his  love  till  he  should  obtain  her  father's 
consent. 

The  Judge's  reply  is  exactly  in  character  with  the  whole  of 
this  stately  and  Quixotically  honorable  correspondence.  He 
speaks  of  his  intense  love  for  his  only  child,  left  motherless  so 
early,  of  his  anxious  fears  for  her  future,  and  the  care  he  must 
exercise  over  the  character  of  the  man  to  whom  he  can  entrust 
her  happiness.  He  owns  that  "  it  may  be  weeks,  perhaps 
months,  before  he  can  make  up  his  mind  to  give  a  decided 
answer,"  but  expresses  his  intention  of  conversing  with  his 
daughter  on  the  subject,  the  result  of  which  interview  "  she  is 
at  full  liberty  to  communicate  to  you."  It  appeared,  moreover, 
from  the  letter,  that  the  Judge  and  his  daughter  had  already  had 
a  full  confidence  with  each  other  on  the  same  evening  on  which 
poor  Ouster,  gloomy  and  dispirited,  had  left  Monroe.  It  was 
clear  that  the  Judge  had  virtually  yielded,  though  the  fond 
idolizing  father  still  hesitated  to  perform  that  irrevocable  act  of 
consent  which  would  forever  separate  him  from  the  child  who 
had  so  long  been  the  very  core  of  his  heart.  Most  young  men 
think  little  of  this  feeling,  but  to  Ouster  it  seems  to  have  been 
peculiarly  sacred.  There  is  something  touching  in  the  corre- 
spondence between  these  two  noble,  high-minded  men.  both 
sensitive  to  a  fault,  both  idolizing  this  one  delicate  girl  in  their 
different  ways,  both  anxious  only  for  her  happiness,  both  respect- 
ing each  other  as  highly  as  men  could,  and  yet  jealous  and  stiff  at 
first.  So  punctilious  was  Ouster,  that  he  refused  in  a  second 
letter  to  take  the  implied  permission  to  correspond  contained 
in  the  expression  "  which  she  is  at  liberty  to  communicate  to 
you,"  without  a  clear  understanding  and  an  explicit  answer,  one 
way  or  the  other. 

Pressed  in  this  manner,  and  having  learned  from  his  daugh- 
ter how  much  her  happiness  was  really  interested  in  Ouster, 
the  father  yielded  at  last,  and  consented  to  the  engagement, 
the  consent  reaching  Ouster  late  in  November.  During  this 
Interval  the  punctuality  and  frequency  of  his  correspondence 


216  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

with  his  kind-hearted  confidant  are  alike  exemplary,  but  that 
correspondence  comes  to  an  abrupt  close  December  4th,  with 
the  satisfactory  information,  "  Your  kind  favor  of  the  26th  was 
received  last  evening  along  with  two  from  my  little  girl." 

We  cannot  suppose  that  any  one  would  desire  this  love-mak- 
ing by  proxy  to  continue  any  longer.  We  have  brought  our 
hero  through  his  love  troubles,  as  interesting  as  those  of  a  novel 
hero,  in  safety.  Henceforth,  he  was  formally  engaged.  The 
close  of  this  last  letter,  is  however  very  symptomatic  of  the  cu- 
rious fact  well  known  to  ladies  of  all  time  that  there  is  "  no 
satisfying  these  men."  A  little  while  ago,  his  only  aspiration 
was  for  an  open  engagement  and  permission  to  correspond  ;  now 
that  he  has  obtained  both,  his  petition  is  changed  to  something 
else. 

I  am  glad  you  incline  to  my  way  of  thinking,  in  regard  to  my 
little  girl  coming  to  the  army  this  winter.  Why  shouldn't  she  ? 
I  have  been  pleading  earnestly  with  her  in  my  last  letters  to  tell 
me  when  I  can  come  for  her.  I  can  come  whenever  she  bids  me 
do  so.  Now  don't  you  think  she  ought  to  tell  me  to  come 
soon?  You  know  if  I  don't  come  this  winter,  it  is  not  probable 
that  I  shall  be  granted  a  leave  before  next  winter.  Cannot  you 
threaten  her,  or  use  your  influence  to  induce  her  to  do  as  she  ought. 
If  I  was  there,  how  I  would  talk  to  her  !  She  would  be  glad  to 
say  yes  to  get  rid  of  me 

His  petition  was  nearer  to  being  granted  than  seemed  pos- 
sible a  few  months  before.  While  the  army  lay  quiet  that 
winter,  Ouster's  commission  was  confirmed  in  the  senate,  and 
he  obtained  leave  of  absence  to  go  to  Monroe,  where  he  was 
formally  married,  February  9th,  1864,  in  the  Presbyterian 
church,  by  the  Reverend  Mr.  Boyd,  pastor  and  schoolmaster, 
to  Elizabeth,  only  daughter  of  Judge  Daniel  S.  Bacon. 

What  a  wedding  that  was.  Mrs.  Grundy  talks  of  it  to  this 
day ;  and  all  Monroe  that  could  get  inside  the  church  crammed 
the  pews  and  filled  the  aisles  to  suffocation.  The  Monroe  pa- 
pers were  full  of  the  wedding  of  "  our  distinguished  townsman," 


TO    THE    RAPIDAN    AND    BACK.  21'l 

and  details  of  personal  appearance  of  bride  and  bridegroom 
were  plentiful. 

Ouster  was  attended  by  his  staff,  and  wore,  perhaps  for  the 
first  time,  his  full  uniform  as  a  brigadier-general,  sash  and  all. 
His  hair  had  been  cut,  and  he  was  no  more  the  "  boy  general 
with  the  golden  locks  "  of  the  reporters.  How  often  he  and 
his  friends  had  laughed  over  that  name,  when  they  read  it ! 

The  bride,  with  vejl  and  orange  blossoms,  a  white  figure 
of  timid  purity,  won  all  hearts  as  she  came  into  church  on  her 
father's  arm  ;  the  Judge,  tall,  stalwart,  with  his  grand  old  Web- 
ster head  towering  above  the  crowd,  proud  of  his  daughter, 
and  now  also  of  his  son-in-law,  yet  had  a  hard  struggle  to  choke 
down  the  desolate  feeling  which  comes  over  a  father  giving  up 
his  only  child  forever. 

It  was  a  beautiful,  a  romantic  wedding,  such  as  seldom 
occurs  in  these  humdrum  days,  and  only  one  such  could  then 
occur,  for  there  was  only  one  Ouster,  only  one  knight  of  romance, 
brave  and  loving,  famous  and  tender.  No  wonder  Monroe  was 
proud  of  him. 

But  what  was  the  pride  of  Monroe  to  that  of  the  brigade,  a 
few  days  later,  when  Ouster  returned  to  camp,  bringing  with 
him  his  timid,  child-like  bride,  with  her  innocent  dark  eyes, 
delighted  and  astonished  at  the  novelty  of  everything.  Ah, 
Ouster  was  a  wise  man,  and  a  patient  one,  to  wait  for  his  re- 
ward as  he  did,  but  it  was  worth  all  his  trials  at  last,  and  proved 
the  entrance,  for  him,  to  a  life  of  perfect  happiness  thereafter. 
The  gentle,  timid  girl,  so  scrupulously  obedient  to  her  father, 
proved  to  Ouster  a  jewel  above  all  price,  when  she  became  his 
wife.  With  a  fidelity  and  devotion  rarely  paralleled,  she  fol- 
lowed him  to  the  front  and  remained  near  there  just  so  long 
as  it  was  possible,  in  all  his  subsequent  career.  Only  when  the 
troops  were  in  actual  and  fierce  campaign,  and  her  presence 
might  have  proved  an  embarrassment  to  her  husband,  did  she  con- 
sent to  remain  behind,  and  then  she  was  always  ready  to  hasten 
to  the  front  as  soon  as  there  was  the  first  sign  of  a  long  halt. 


218  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

Her  influence  over  the  state  of  society  at  the  headquarters 
of  the  Michigan  Brigade,  and  subsequently  in  all  the  different 
commands  to  which  Ouster  was  assigned,  was  traceable  in  every 
instance,  in  a  refinement  of  tone,  an  absence  of  the  usual  rois 
tering  drinking  scenes  too  common  in  the  army,  in  a  standard 
oi  moiality  such  as  prevailed  nowhere  else.  Before  Mrs.  Ous- 
ter's arrival  at  the  headquarters  of  Ouster's  brigade,  the  presence 
of  respectable  women  was  almost  unknown  in  the  army.  While 
Hooker  lay  at  Falmouth,  after  Chancellorsville,  Miss  Harris, 
sister  of  Senator  Harris,  of  New  York,  with  a  few  other  noble 
disinterested  women,  had  come  out  to  take  charge  of  the  hos- 
pitals, within  range  of  the  enemy's  shells,  but  these  were  the 
only  exceptions,  so  far  as  I  am  aware. 

When  Mrs.  Ouster  made  her  appearance,  it  was  the  preva- 
lent belief  that  camp  was  no  place  for  ladies,  and  many  were 
the  comments  her  visit  created.  It  was  only  after  observing 
the  effect  of  her  presence,  that  the  sneerers  were  compelled  to 
admit  that  it  was  altogether  pure  and  elevating,  and  to  wish 
that  a  similar  blessed  influence  might  extend  over  their  own 
camps. 

Like  a  good  angel  she  came  to  the  brigade  at  Stevensburg, 
like  a  good  angel  she  remained  with  them  till  spring.  All 
that  Ouster's  already  noble  character  needed  of  dignity  and 
repose,  of  sweetness  and  patience,  she  gave  him.  Finding  him 
good,  she  left  him  perfect,  and  her  sweet  and  gracious  influence 
can  be  traced  on  all  his  after  life. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
THE   WILDERNESS  AND  THE  VALLEY. 

rTlHE  spring  of  1864  witnessed  a  great  change  in  the 
JL  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  especially  in  the  Cavalry 
Corps.  Hitherto,  there  had  been  a  marked  difference  in  suc- 
cess between  the  conduct  of  the  war  in  the  eastern  and  west- 
ern departments.  In  the  latter,  beginning  with  the  capture 
of  Fort  Donelson,  and  the  substantial  repulse  of  the  Confede- 
rates at  Shiloh,  the  campaigns  of  the  Union  forces  had  resulted 
in  carrying  the  war  from  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  where  the 
Confederates  once  threatened  Louisville,  down  to  the  borders 
of  Georgia  at  Chattanooga,  a  substantial  advance  of  over  two 
hundred  miles.  The  general  success  of  the  western  generals 
had  only  been  marred  by  the  desperate  and  bloody  battles  of 
Shiloh,  Murfreesboro'  and  Chickamauga.  In  all  these  three 
battles,  the  Confederate  generals,  starting  with  decided  strategic 
successes,  and  beginning  by  driving  the  Union  forces,  had  ended 
by  retreating  and  losing  the  fruits  of  victory.  In  the  case  of 
Chickamauga  alone,  had  Bragg  held  his  own ;  and  a  few  weeks 
later  he  was  driven  from  his  vantage  ground  in  confusion  by 
Grant. 

Contrasted  with  this,  the  achievements  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  were  empty  and  barren  of  results.  Beginning  with 
the  disastrous  defeat  of  Bull  Run,  the  eastern  men  gave  their 
foes  the  advantage  of  morale  at  the  start,  and  the  flank  move- 
ment of  evasion  made  by  McClellan,  which  terminated  in  the 
Peninsular  campaign,  had  only  provoked  further  disaster.  Lee 


220  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

had  entered  Maryland,  and  three  times  threatened  the  capital 
of  the  nation,  in  as  many  years.  Now,  the  experience  of 
Meade's  timidity,  displayed  in  his  October  retreat  and  the 
equally  unnecessary  failure  at  Mine  Run  in  November,  showed 
plainly  that  he  was  not  the  man  to  whom  an  aggressive  cam- 
paign could  be  committed.  Excellent  for  defence,  his  aggressive 
ability  was  confessedly  unequal  to  the  task  of  driving  Lee. 

Under  these  circumstances,  General  Grant  was  called  from 
the  west,  made  Lieutenant  General,  placed  in  chief  command  of 
all  the  armies,  and  came  himself  to  Virginia,  to  direct  opera- 
tions personally.  He  did  not  assume  the  direct  command  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  The  memory  of  Gettysburg  saved 
Meade  from  the  humiliation  of  removal,  and  his  cheerful,  un- 
complaining obedience  to  orders  on  all  occasions,  so  different 
from  the  independent  ways  and  constant  complaints  of  McClellan 
and  Hooker,  pointed  him  out  as  just  the  man  to  execute  Grant's 
orders,  whatever  they  were. 

At  the  same  time  that  Grant  came  to  the  field,  General 
Pleasonton  was  removed  from  the  command  of  the  cavalry 
corps,  which  was  given  to  a  western  man,  of  whom  none  in  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  had  ever  heard,  an  infantry  division 
commander,  named  Philip  Henry  Sheridan.  Grant,  however, 
knew  him  as  one  of  the  very  hardest  fighters  in  the  west,  and 
his  choice  of  men  was  never  more  abundantly  justified.  Other 
changes  took  place  in  the  cavalry  corps,  no  less  radical.  John 
Buford,  the  most  capable  of  the  division  leaders,  was  dead,  Kil- 
patrick  was  sent  out  west  to  join  Sherman,  and  a  young  briga- 
dier named  Wilson  was  taken  from  staff  duty  and  put  in  his 
place.  Gregg  was  the  only  one  left  of  the  old  set.  Buford  was 
replaced  by  Brigadier-General  A.  T.  A.  Torbert,  who  had  for 
some  time  commanded  the  Jersey  brigade  of  infantry,  once 
drained  by  Phil  Kearny. 

To  Ouster  the  change  was  great.  He  was  transferred  with 
his  "  Michiganders,"  to  the  First  division,  and  found  himself 
under  an  infantry  general,  side  by  side  with  Devin,  an  old, 


THE    WILDERNESS    AND    THE    VALLEY.  221 

steady-going  man,  not  given  to  dash,  in  a  place  where  his  en- 
thusiasm must  necessarily  be  cooled  to  conform  to  the  slower 
movements  of  his  comrades.  That  spring,  which  witnessed  a 
change  in  his  surroundings,  witnessed  also  a  change  in  his  per- 
sonal appearance.  He  cut  his  long  locks  away,  and  began  to 
grow  side  whiskers.  The  change  was  decidedly  a  disfigure- 
ment, and  before  the  end  of  the  summer  he  repented  of  it,  for 
he  allowed  his  hair  to  grow  again,  and  became  the  old  Ouster 
once  more,  by  October. 

On  the  3d  May,  1864,  the  anniversary  of  the  disaster  of 
Chancellorsville,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  once  more  over 
the  Rapidan,  a  part  of  it  on  the  very  same  ground  which  had 
witnessed  that  defeat.  The  main  body  of  the  army,  however, 
was  higher  up  toward  Orange  Court  House,  and  the  fighting 
took  place  away  from  all  houses  in  the  midst  of  scrub  woods, 
whence  no  view  of  the  battle  could  be  obtained.  It  was  a  hap- 
hazard sort  of  a  fight,  the  heads  of  columns  on  the  road  feeling 
for  each  other;  and  it  terminated  only  in  a  drawn  battle;  while 
Grant  moved  across  Lee's  front  in  the  night,  to  get  between 
him  and  Richmond.  In  the  Wilderness  fight  the  cavalry  was 
on  the  left.  Wilson,  with  the  Third  Division,  had  the  lead, 
Gregg  was  next,  Torbert  third.  Wilson  ran  into  the  enemy  at 
Tod's  Tavern  and  was  driven  back  by  Fitzhugh  Lee,  in  some 
confusion.  All  the  fighting  was  dismounted,  the  woods  being 
so  thick  that  any  other  method  was  impossible.  The  first  serious 
fighting  of  Torbert's  division  was  still  further  to  the  left,  at 
Spottsylvania  Court  House.  It  took  place  after  the  main  battle 
of  the  Wilderness  was  over,  and  was  the  first  indication  to  Lee 
that  his  enemy  was  working  round  on  that  flank.  It  was  sulky, 
stubborn  bull  dog  fighting,  entirely  opposed  to  the  brilliant 
methods  by  which  Custer  had  gained  his  reputation,  dismounted 
lines  of  skirmishers  pressing  grimly  forward  through  tangled 
woods,  firing  at  each  other  like  lines  of  infantry,  holding  on  to 
hasty  breastworks  of  rails  and  fallen  trees,  and  making  but 
little  progress. 


222  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

One  thing  however  was  noticeable  in  all  the  battles.  The 
Confederate  cavalry  were  not  fighting  with  the  obstinacy  and 
vigor  which  characterized  them  in  1863.  They  were  in  as 
strong  force  to  all  appearance,  and  would  fight  well  in  the  morn- 
ing, but  the  evening  invariably  showed  a  relaxation,  very  differ- 
ent from  their  old  ways.  This  feature  was  clearly  noticeable  in 
the  Wilderness,  and  after.  The  infantry  fought  as  fiercely  as 
ever  but  the  cavalry  was  beginning  to  lose  its  backbone. 

It  is  not  our  intention  to  dwell  long  on  this  period  of  Ouster's 
career  as  a  brigade  commander.  It  was  marked  by  less  individ- 
uality than  during  the  previous  summer,  and  for  a  simple  rea- 
son. Torbert  was  a  slow  and  steady  chief,  who  always  kept  his 
division  close  together,  and  never  got  it  into  scrapes ;  conse- 
quently Ouster  was  generally  alongside  of  some  one  else,  and 
sharing  the  ordinary  incidents  of  every  fight,  uninteresting  save 
to  professional  readers.  His  only  rival  for  dash  was  General  Mer- 
ritt,  who  had  left  West  Point  a  year  before  Ouster,  and  there- 
fore ranked  him.  Merritt  commanded  the  .Regular  Brigade  of 
the  same  division,  and  was  always  trying  to  be  side  by  side  with 
Ouster.  Something,  however,  he  lacked.  It  is  hard  to  say 
what  it  was,  except  beauty  of  person  and  that  chivalrous  ro- 
mantic spirit  which  pervaded  Ouster's  every  look  and  action. 
Certain  it  is,  that  Ouster  was  idolized  by  his  men,  and  could 
give  by  his  personal  presence  weight  to  a  charge  of  which  Mer- 
ritt could  not  boast,  although,  as  a  general,  he  was  held  in 
higher  esteem  by  many,  as  not  being  thought  so  rash  and  reck- 
less. There  is  little  doubt  that  in  this  respect  Ouster  had  lost 
as  much  in  reputation  by  his  long  association  with  Kilpatrick 
as  he  had  gained  in  popular  favor  by  being  so  frequent- 
ly mentioned  in  the  papers,  however  unjust  the  verdict  of 
rashness. 

The  savage  and  determined  fighting  of  the  cavalry  on  the 
left  of  Grant's  army  lasted  till  the  7th  of  May,  when  the  horse- 
men were  relieved  at  Spottsylvania,  and  withdrawn  to  prepare 
for  Sheridan's  first  raid.  In  his  final  report  the  general  tells 


THE    WILDERNESS    AND    THE    VALLEY.  223 

as  his  reasons  for  this  step,  and  very  good  ones  they  were.  Up 
to  that  time,  save  in  the  short  Gettysburg  campaign,  the  cavalry 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  been  hampered  by  being  al- 
ways attached  to  the  infantry,  taking  care  of  the  latter,  and 
engaged  in  indecisive  actions,  in  which  the  infantry  never  sup- 
ported it.  Sheridan's  idea  was  that  it  should  operate  as  an 
independent  body,  raid  around  the  enemy's  rear,  and  fight  his 
cavalry  only,  till  that  should  be  destroyed,  living  off  the  country 
meantime.  Grant  consented  to  allow  him  to  try  the  experiment, 
and  it  succeeded  so  well  that  it  was  constantly  repeated  there- 
after. The  former  raids  of  the  cavalry,  under  Stoneman,  had 
been  made  in  detached  bodies,  liable  to  be  crushed  by  superior 
force.  Sheridan  determined  to  act  with  his  whole  mass  in 
unison,  knowing  it  to  be  stronger  than  any  cavalry  force  Stu- 
art could  bring  against  it. 

On  the  9th  of  May,  1864,  accordingly,  the  whole  cavalry 
corps,  nearly  twelve  thousand  strong,  started  out  on  its  road  to 
Kichmond,  and  was  soon  well  on  its  way,  Ouster's  brigade  in 
the  extreme  advance.  Before  the  evening,  Ouster  reached  the 
North  Anna  River,  at  Beaver  Dam  Station,  where  the  Rich- 
mond and  Gordonsville  railroad  crosses  the  river.  He  at  once 
charged  right  into  the  station,  which  was  directly  in  the  rear  of 
Lee's  centre,  captured  three  long  trains  and  two  engines,  and 
released  four  hundred  Union  prisoners,  going  to  Richmond. 
The  cars  were  full  of  rations  for  Lee's  army,  and  were  burned, 
and  the  railroad  was  destroyed  for  miles. 

To  reach  this  point,  the  cavalry  column  had  made  a  march 
of  over  thirty  miles,  and  had  completely  got  the  start  of  Stuart. 
During  the  afternoon  the  Confederate  chief  followed  up  the 
rear  of  the  column,  which  was  nearly  ten  miles  long,  and 
attacked  it  fiercely,  but  was  easily  beaten  off.  All  that  night 
Stuart  marched  on,  to  get  ahead  of  the  Union  cavalry,  with 
Fitzhugh  Lee's  and  Wade  Hampton's  divisions  of  horse.  The 
next  day,  Sheridan  started  again,  and  marched  more  leisurely 
to  Ashland,  about  fifteen  miles  farther.  He  was  quite  safe  from 


224  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

Lee's  infantry,  for  Grant  had  all  that  fully  employed  at  Spott- 
sylvania,  and  he  did  not  care  much  for  the  assaults  of  the  cav- 
alry. Ashland  depot  was  burned,  with  more  cars,  and  more 
track  was  torn  up  here. 

On  the  llth  of  May,  the  whole  cavalry  corps  was  within 
four  miles  of  Richmond,  on  the  Brooks  pike,  Ouster  once  more 
in  the  advance.  It  was  in  this  campaign  that  Sheridan  or  Tor- 
bert  commenced  the  practice  of  giving  Ouster  the  advance  when- 
ever anything  serious  was  to  be  done,  and  this  day  Ouster  fully 
justified  it.  Stuart  had  by  this  time  got  in  front  of  Sheridan, 
and  gallantly  endeavored  to  stay  his  course. 

Ouster  in  his  report  says : — The  Second  and  Reserve  Bri- 
gades were  first  engaged,  afterwards  my  brigade  was  thrown  in 
on  the  left  of  the  Reserve  Brigade,  connecting  on  my  left  with 
the  right  of  the  Third  division.  The  enemy  was  strongly  posted 
on  a  bluff  in  rear  of  a  thin  skirt  of  woods,  his  battery  being 
concealed  from  our  view  by  the  woods.  The  edge  of  the  woods 
nearest  my  front  was  held  by  the  enemy's  dismounted  men,  who 
poured  a  heavy  fire  into  my  line.  The  Fifth  and  Sixth  Michi- 
gan were  ordered  to  dismount  and  drive  the  enemy  from  the 
position,  which  they  did  in  the  most  gallant  manner.  On  reach- 
ing the  woods  I  ordered  Colonel  Alger  to  establish  the  Fifth 
and  Sixth  upon  a  line  near  the  skirt  of  the  woods,  and  hold  his 
position  till  further  orders.  From  a  personal  examination  of 
the  grounds,  I  discovered  that  a  successful  charge  might  be 
made  upon  the  battery  of  the  enemy  by  keeping  well  to  the 
right.  With  this  intention  I  formed  the  First  Michigan  in 
column  of  squadrons  under  cover  of  the  woods.  At  the  same 
time  I  directed  Colonel  Alger  and  Major  Kidd  to  move  the 
Fifth  and  Sixth  Michigan  forward  to  occupy  the  attention  of 
the  enemy  on  the  left,  Heaton's  battery  to  engage  them  in 
front,  while  the  First  charged  the  battery  in  the  flank.  As 
soon  as  the  First  Michigan  moved  from  the  cover  of  the  woods, 
the  enemy  divined  our  intention  and  opened  a  brisk  fire  from 
his  artillery.  Before  the  battery  could  be  reached  there  were 


THE  WILDERNESS  AND  THE  VALLEY.        225 

five  fences  to  be  opened  and  a  bridge  to  cross  over  which  it 
was  impossible  to  pass  more  than  three  at  one  time.  Yet  not- 
withstanding tfrese  obstacles  the  First  Michigan  advanced  boldly 
to  the  charge,  and  when  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  bat- 
tery charged  it  with  a  yell  which  spread  terror  before  them. 
Two  pieces  of  cannon,  two  limbers  filled  with  ammunition, 
and  a  number  of  prisoners,  were  the  fruits  of  this  charge. 

"While  this  was  going  on  in  the  First,  Alger  was  at  work 
with  his  Fifth  Michigan,  had  driven  the  enemy  through  the 
woods  into  the  open,  and  the  order  was  given  to  cease  firing, 
the  enemy  being  worsted.  Just  at  that  instant  a  Confederate 
officer,  who  afterwards  proved  to  be  General  J.  E.  B.  Stuart, 
rode  up  with  his  staff  to  within  four  hundred  yards  of  the  line, 
when  a  man  of  the  Fifth  fired  at  him.  John  A  Huff  of  Co  A. 
remarked  :  "  Tom,  you  shot  too  low  and  to  the  left,"  and  turn- 
ing to  Colonel  Alger,  who  was  near,  said, 

"  Colonel,  I  can  fetch  that  man." 

"  Try  him,'3  said  Alger. 

Huff  took  a  steady  aim  over  a  fence  and  fired — the  officer 
fell.  Huff  turned  to  the  colonel  and  coolly  said  :  "  There's  a 
spread  eagle  for  you." 

Huff  had  previously  been  in  Berdan's  Sharpshooters,  and 
was  an  excellent  shot :  he  was  killed  a  month  later,  at  Cold 
Harbor. 

After  Stuart's  fall  the  enemy  rallied  desperately  for  awhile, 
but  finally  gave  way  in  a  complete  rout,  before  a  general  charge 
led  by  Custer,  in  which  the  First,  Fifth,  Sixth,  and  Seventh 
Michigan  and  the  First  Yermont  all  joined  together. 

Thus,  once  more,  Custer  had  taken  the  brunt  of  the  fighting 
for  his  whole  division,  and  driven  the  enemy  from  the  field. 

That  evening  Sheridan  was  in  a  dilemma.  He  had  beaten 
the  enemy's  cavalry,  and  was  in  front  of  Eichmond,  but  he 
could  do  no  more  without  infantry  and  heavy  guns.  He  had 
one  chance  of  success,  however.  Butler,  with  twenty  thousand 
men,  was  known  to  be  on  the  James  River,  south  bank,  neai 
15 


226  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

Richmond,  and  it  was  possible  that  he  might  advance,  capture 
the  city,  and  join  the  cavalry.  The  hope  was  vain,  however. 
Butler  was  too  far  away.  Nothing  was  heard  of  him,  and  every 
available  Confederate  infantry  soldier  was  hurrying  out  of 
Richmond  to  attack  Sheridan  in  front,  while  Fitzhugh  Lee  and 
Wade  Hampton  were  pressing  on  his  rear.  Sheridan  had  two 
courses  left  open.  One  was  to  march  back,  crushing  the  cav- 
alry in  the  way,  and  join  Grant ;  the  other  to  strike  off  to  the 
east,  down  the  Peninsula,  to  Whitehouse  Landing,  and  rest  his 
command  till  Grant's  advance  reached  the  head  of  the  Penin- 
sula. He  chose  the  latter  course  for  two  reasons.  First,  he 
did  not  care  to  march  back,  with  a  certain  fight,  while  he  was 
out  of  forage,  when  a  stubborn  enemy  could  delay  him  suffi- 
ciently long  to  starve  his  command  :  second,  having  gone  so  far 
it  would  hurt  the  morale  of  the  whole  campaign  to  recede.  He 
marched  down  the  old  and  now  deserted  Peninsula  to  White- 
house  landing,  where  gunboats  and  supplies  awaited  him,  and 
rested  in  peace  after  his  first  raid. 

After  a  few  days'  repose,  the  cavalry  corps  marched  up  the 
Peninsula,  and  found  the  Union  army  drawn  up  near  Hanover 
Court  House.  On  the  28th  May,  Sheridan,  with  a  division  of 
the  Sixth  Corps  and  the  cavalry,  started  off  on  the  next  flank 
movement  of  Grant,  which  ended  at  Cold  Harbor.  By  succes- 
sive flanking  movements,  Grant's  army  had  come  in  a  slanting 
direction,  all  the  way  from  Orange  Court  House,  crossing  suc- 
cessively the  Rapidan,  North  Anna,  South  Anna,  and  Pamunkey, 
and  now  found  itself  just  where  McClellan  was  two  years  before, 
at  Cold  Harbor  not  twelve  miles  from  the  centre  of  Richmond. 
The  position  of  the  two  armies  was  however  different  from  the 
days  of  McClellan.  The  latter's  lines  had  been  drawn  east  and 
west,  his  rear  being  open  to  Jackson's  attack,  coming  from  the 
valley.  Grant's  lines  were  drawn  north  and  south,  across  the 
head  of  the  Peninsula,  with  his  base  indifferently  at  either 
Whitehouse  on  the  Pamunkey,  or  Harrison's  Landing  on  the 
James. 


THE    WILDERNESS    AND    THE    VALLEY.  227 

In  this  position  the  battle  of  Cold  Harbor  was  fought.  It 
began  by  the  cavalry  moving  to  the  left,  driving  off  Fitzhugh 
Lee  and  holding  the  enemy's  infantry  in  breastworks.  It  ended, 
as  at  Spottsylvania,  in  the  infantry  coming  up,  relieving  the 
cavalry,  and  making  a  savage  attack  on  Lee's  army  heavily 
fortified,  along  the  whole  line.  The  assault  was  repulsed  with 
heavy  loss,  as  all  the  others  had  been,  but  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  retained  the  advantage,  for  the  first  time  in  its  history, 
of  having  always  attacked  and  never  retreated. 

The  disadvantage  to  the  Southern  infantry  of  the  defensive 
attitude  was  great.  As  long  as  they  had  things  all  their  own 
way,  as  during  1862,  no  soldiers  fought  better,  and  their  attacks 
were  heroic.  The  disaster  at  Gettysburg,  on  the  other  hand, 
when  they  were  obliged  to  defend  themselves,  developed  the 
great  weakness  of  the  Confederate  armies,  a  tendency  to  scatter, 
each  man  for  himself,  and  to  surrender  in  small  squads.  The 
Union  troops,  under  similar  disasters,  displayed  an  opposite 
tendency,  to  huddle  together  and  look  blindly  to  the  Govern- 
ment for  help.  The  disintegrating  tendency  of  reverses,  daring 
1864,  did  more  to  strip  the  Southern  army  of  strength  than 
the  material  blows  of  Grant's  troops.  Only  the  very  best 
soldiers,  under  the  personal  lead  of  Lee  and  Johnston,  held  to- 
gether. When  any  one  else  took  them,  as  in  the  cases  of  Early 
and  Hood,  they  broke  all  to  pieces  at  the  first  serious  defeat. 

The  close  of  the  battle  of  Cold  Harbor  was  marked  by 
Sheridan's  second  raid.  His  first  had  been  round  Lee's  right, 

O          J 

and  succeeded  perfectly.  Now  he  proposed  to  try  the  same 
experiment  round  his  left.  The  army  lay  in  front  of  Cold 
Harbor,  sulkily  watching  Lee,  and  it  is  possible  that  the  latter 
thought  a  second  McClellan  was  about  to  begin  a  second  siege. 
If  so,  on  the  7th  June  he  was  undeceived,  for  on  that  day 
Sheridan,  with  the  First  and  Second  Divisions,  started  round 
his  left  flank,  and  very  soon  was  roaming  over  the  country 
lately  occupied  by  Lee's  army.  He  was  compelled,  after  the 
first  day,  to  march  very  slowly.  The  country  was  almost  en- 


228          GENERAL  GEORGE  A.  CUS1 ER. 

tirely  bare  of  forage  for  his  horses,  and  when  the  grain  that  hia 
men  carried  with  them  was  exhausted,  they  were  obliged  to 
subsist  by  grazing  their  animals,  to  a  large  extent.  Four  days 
after  starting,  Sheridan  reached  Trevillian  Station,  about  five 
miles  from  Gordonsville.  He  found  Fitzhugh  Lee  there,  drove 
him  away,  burned  the  station,  and  tore  up  the  track.  It  was 
his  intention  while  there  to  have  effected  a  junction  with  Gen- 
eral Hunter,  who  was  ordered  to  come  down  through  the 
Shenandoah  Valley  to  meet  him.  Hunter  never  got  so  far,  for  he 
met  Breckinridge,  and  was  driven  back.  Sheridan,  hearing  that 
Breckinridge  was  close  to  him,  with  a  heavy  force  of  infantry, 
judged  that  he  could  not  afford  to  fight  a  battle.  His  supply 
of  ammunition  was  not  sufficient  for  more  than  one  contest,  his 
horses  were  in  poor  condition,  and  in  the  event  of  a  defeat  he 
would  be  in  a  bad  plight.  He  therefore  fell  back  in  the  night, 
marched  to  the  Peninsula,  and  finally  rejoined  Grant's  army, 
which  had  crossed  the  James  at  Petersburg  on  the  25th  June. 

In  all  these  operations,  Ouster  had  ho  opportunity  for  the 
display  of  any  of  his  peculiar  talents  for  brilliant  success  save  at 
Beaver  Dam,  and  in  front  of  Richmond  at  Yellow  Tavern.  The 
rest  was  all  grim  hard  work,  weary  march  or  straight  ahead 
assaults  on  breastworks,  with  nothing  but  hard  knocks  and  a 
few  feet  of  ground  to  gain. 

During  the  whole  of  July,  the  cavalry  and  Ouster  had  little 
to  do.  The  position  at  Petersburg,  where  the  siege  was  now  go- 
ing on,  rendered  them  useless.  At  the  end  of  June,  they  tried,  in 
conjunction  with  the  Second  Corps,  to  turn  Lee's  right  fiank, 
by  getting  between  Petersburg  and  Richmond  at  Deep  Bottom, 
but  the  attempt  was  frustrated  by  fortifications. 

During  July,  however,  Lee  took  the  initiative  into  his  own 
hands  once  more.  He  did  not  dare  attack  Grant,  but  he  did 
dare  attack  Washington,  by  way  of  the  Valley.  His  lines  at 
Petersburg  were  so  strong  that  he  could  afford  to  send  away 
considerable  force  to  the  Valley,  without  compromising  the 
safety  of  Richmond  ;  lie  did  so.  On  the  3d  of  July,  Early 


THE    WILDERNESS    AND    THE    VALLEY.  229 

marched  up  the  Yalley  to  Martinsburg,  and  soon  after  entered 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania.  The  raid,  though  made  at  first 
by  a  small  force,  had  the  effect  Lee  intended  it  should  have. 
It  caused  Grant  to  detach  the  Sixth  Corps  from  Petersburg, 
and  finally  two  divisions  of  his  cavalry  (Torbert's  and  Wilson's) 
to  the  succor  of  Washington.  Early  fought  one  battle,  at 
Monocacy,  against  Lew  Wallace,  who  had  hastily  gathered  to- 
gether a  lot  of  militia  and  hundred  days'  men.  He  whipped 
Wallace,  and  advanced  to  Washington,  but  the  battle  had  de- 
tained him  so  long  that  it  gave  time  for  the  Sixth  Corps  to 
arrive  and  man  the  defences.  Nearly  at  the  same  time,  the 
Nineteenth  Corps  also  began  to  arrive,  by  sea,  from  Louisiana, 
where  it  had  been  serving ;  and  Early  retreated  down  the  val- 
ley with  his  plunder. 

The  Sixth  Corps  was  again  ordered  back  to  Petersburg,  and 
had  reached  Washington,  when  the  news  came  that  Early  wa8 
again  advancing,  this  time  in  heavier  force.  Lee  had  found  his 
first  experiment  so  successful  that  he  hoped  to  better  it.  Early, 
with  twelve  thousand  men,  had  called  away  Wright's  corps  :  it 
was  probable  that  another  twelve  thousand  might  call  out  still 
more,  and  weaken  Grant  sufficiently  to  enable  Lee  to  even 
attack  him.  Lee  reckoned  without  his  host.  Instead  of  an- 
other corps,  Grant  sent  Sheridan,  on  the  2d  of  August,  1864, 
and,  what  is  more,  went  himself. 

NOTE.  In  the  fight  at  Trevillian  Station,  mentioned  shortly  before,  Cus- 
ter's  Brigade  was  at  one  time  in  great  peril.  It  had  been  sent  off  to  the  left, 
and  had  cut  off  a  Confederate  brigade  from  its  led  horses.  On  the  right,  Tor- 
bert  and  Wilson  had  driven  back  the  force  opposed  to  them,  and  as  it  hap- 
pened, straight  on  to  Ouster's  rear.  The  Michigan  Brigade  found  itself 
surrounded,  its  guns  in  peril,  and  finally  the  enemy  were  so  close  on  Cus- 
ter's  colors  that  his  color  bearer  was  shot,  and  the  general  only  saved  the 
colors  by  tearing  them  from  the  staff  and  stuffing  them  into  his  breast. 
We  extract  from  Ouster's  and  Sheridan's  official  reports  of  the  operations  of 
his  brigade,  the  main  incidents  of  this  fight.  His  column  moved  on  Trevil- 
lian Station  by  a  different  road  from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  division,  followed 
at  a  respectful  distance  by  Wickham's  brigade  of  Confederate  cavalry. 
Coming  to  the  station,  Fitzhugh  Lee  was  found  in  front,  and  a  wagon  train 


230  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

was  in  sight  Custer  ordered  in  that  inevitable  Fifth  Michigan  ;  with  the 
equally  inevitable  Alger,  and  as  usual  Alger  went  in  on  the  charge.  He 
captured  a  large  number  of  wagons,  ambulances,  and  caissons,  and  some 
eight  hundred  men  with  1500  led  horses.  These  were  the  horses  of  the 
enemy  engaging  Merritt  and  Devin  on  the  other  road.  Had  Alger  obeyed 
his  orders,  to  halt  at  the  station,  all  was  well ;  but  lie  was  so  transported 
with  ardor,  that  he  charged  nearly  a  mile  down  the  road.  The  enemy  in 
front  of  Merritt  and  Devin  came  driving  back  on  Ouster's  right,  in  great 
confusion.  Wickham  made  a  desperate  assault  on  his  rear,  and  a  third  force 
coming  up  to  the  support  of  Merritt'e  foes,  made  its  appearance  on  the  left 
and  front,  between  Custer  and  Alger.  Then  the  fight  became  lively  for  a 
while.  Custer  naively  observes  in  his  report,  that  his  lines  were  "  very 
contracted  "  and  "  resembled  very  nearly  a  circle."  He  was  only  intent  on 
holding  on  to  his  captures  till  Merritt  and  Devin  came  in,  for  he  could  hear 
their  firing  steadily  advancing.  All  his  plans  were  frustrated  by  a  single 
coward.  The  quartermaster  in  charge  of  the  trains  and  captures,  demor- 
alized by  his  unaccustomed  position  under  fire,  moved  out  his  train  with- 
out orders,  and  ran  right  into  the  enemy.  Everything  was  retaken  with 
much  of  Ouster's  property,  and  the  enemy  broke  into  his  lines.  It  is  very 
satisfactory  to  record  that  this  quartermaster  was  cashiered  for  cowardice. 
It  was  at  this  juncture  when  everything  was  in  confusion  on  both  sides, 
that  Sergeant  Mitchell  Belvir,  First  Michigan  Cavalry,  Ouster's  color-bearer, 
was  killed,  right  in  the.  advance  of  a  charge.  His  death  grip  on  the  color- 
staff  was  so  tenacious,  and  the  danger  at  the  moment  so  imminent,  that  Cus- 
ter was  compelled  to  wrench  the  flag  from  the  staff  to  save  it.  A  little  later, 
Merritt  and  Devin  came  in,  and  the  enemy  was  driven  in  confusion.  Alger 
cut  his  way  back,  but  with  heavy  loss. 


CHAPTER  V. 
WINCHESTER. 

ON  the  4th  of  August,  1863,  Major  Philip  H.  Sheridan 
reported  in  "Washington  to  Halleck,  Chief  of  Staff,  for 
instructions.  He  was  informed  that  he  was  assigned  to  the 
Army  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  would  receive  further  instruc- 
tions from  General  Grant,  personally,  at  Monocacy  Junction  in 
Maryland.  He  went  there  and  received  them,  brief,  and  to  the 
point.  He  was  to  find  the  enemy,  drive  him  up  the  Shenan- 
doah Valley  as  soon  as  he  could,  and  to  destroy  all  forage  and 
provisions  in  that  valley,  so  as  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  going 
that  way  again.  Grant  noticed  that  all  Lee's  raids  went  up 
this  rich  valley,  not  over  the  bare  and  desolated  field  of  Bull 
.Run,  and  he  was  resolved  to  strip  the  one  as  bare  as  the  other. 

The  Army  of  the  Shenandoah  then  consisted  of  the  Sixth 
Corps,  much  reduced  in  numbers,  one  division  of  the  Nine- 
teenth Corps,  two  small  divisions  under  Crook,  a  small  division 
of  cavalry  one  thousand  strong,  under  Averill,  and  Torbert's 
cavalry  division.  Averill  was  off  after  McCausland's  cavalry, 
which  had  just  burned  Chambersburg,  Pa.,  and  Torbert's  men 
had  not  yet  all  reached  Washington.  The  losses  of  horses  and 
men  in  the  raids  had  reduced  them  in  number  so  much  that 
the  total  effective  force  of  Sheridan  when  he  started  down  the 
valley,  within  a  week  of  his  arrival,  was  only  eighteen  thousand 
infantry,  and  three  thousand  five  hundred  horse.* 

Opposed  to  these  was  Early,  with  a  total  force  in  the  neigh- 

*  Sheridan's  Report. 


232  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTKR. 

borhood  of  twenty-five  thousand  infantry,  and  five  thousand 
horse  scattered  throughout  the  country.  It  is  very  difficult  and 
almost  impossible  to  verify  Early's  numbers,  for  the.  reason 
that  his  own  final  report,  written  after  the  war,  avers  that  he 
had  less  men  in  his  whole  army,  than  were  returned  as  prisoners 
hv  Sheridan's  provost-marshal  at  the  close  of  the  campaign. 
Of  this  we  shall  speak  further  on. 

Torbert  was  at  once  appointed  chief  of  cavalry  for  the 
Army  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  Merritt  was  given  the  First 
Division,  in  which  he  was  now  senior  brigadier.  Sheridan 
gathered  his  forces  so  quickly,  that  on  the  10th  of  August,  he 
was  beyond  Strasburg,  driving  Gordon's  division  before  him, 
the  First  Union  cavalry  division  in  advance.  All  through  the 
valley  campaign,  after  this,  whenever  Sheridan  wanted  work 
done,  he  called  on  the  remnants  of  his  old  cavalry  corps, 
already  "  old  "  to  him,  though  he  had  taken  them  for  the  first 
time  in  May,  and  it  was  now  only  August. 

While  at  Strasburg,  however,  he  heard  that  a  column  of  the 
enemy  was  moving  over  the  old  campaigning  ground,  towards 
Front  Royal,  on  his  left  rear;  and  on  the  13th,  he  dispatched 
Devin's  brigade  to  Front  Royal,  to  find  out  what  was  the  mat- 
ter. The  same  day  he  received  a  special  message  from  Wash- 
ington, by  an  officer  who  rode  all  the  way.  The  message  was 
from  Grant,  who  was  already  back  at  Petersburg,  and  informed 
him  that  Lee  had  certainly  sent  two  divisions,  and  at  least 
twenty  guns,  to  join  Early.  To  meet  these,  another  division 
of  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  and  Wilson's  division  of  his  own  old 
cavalry  corps,  were  coming  to  join  Sheridan.  He  determined 
to  fall  back  to  the  end  of  the  valley  while  waiting  for  these, 
and  hold  the  line  of  Halltown,  in  front  of  Harper's  Ferry, 
which  he  did  at  once.  The  expected  column  of  the  enemy  did 
come  down  on  him  at  Front  Royal,  with  Kershaw's  infantry 
division,  and  Fitzhugh  Lee's  cavalry  division,  but  Merritt, 
who  was  there  by  this  time  with  his  single  cavalry  division, 
beat  the  enemy  back,  Devin's  brigade  taking  the  honors,  two 


WINCHESTER.  253 

flags,  and  some  hundred  prisoners.     In   this  fight  Devin  won 
his  star  at  last. 

From  the  date  of  Front  Royal  to  the  middle  of  September, 
the  movements  of  the  two  armies  around  Halltown  were  very 
confusing.  Sheridan,  by  careful  inquiry  and  reconnoissances, 
ascertained  at  last  exactly  what  troops  had  joined  Early.  They 
were  only  Kershaw's  and  Fitzhugh  Lee's  divisions,  the  first  foot, 
the  second  horse.  This  .made  his  force  superior  to  Sheridan's 
by  a  few  thousands,  but  when  the  latter  was  joined  by  his  own 
reinforcements,  they  were  about  equal. 

The  question  now  was,  what  to  do.  Sheridan  was  obliged 
to  be  very  cautious.  There  was  nothing  behind  him  if  he  got 
beaten,  and  Early  was  a  hard  fighter.  He  was  placed  there  to 
keep  Early  from  going  into  Maryland,  and  he  did  his  duty 
well,  but  with  a  caution  in  great  contrast  to  his  previous  and 
subsequent  career.  He  kept  on  his  shifty  tactics  so  long, 
marching  and  countermarching,  reconnoitring  and  falling  back, 
that  Grant  began  to  fear  he  had  mistaken  his  man.  It  seemed 
as  if  "  Sheridan  the  Bold  "  was  paralyzed  by  the  responsibility, 
and  growing  into  a  nervous  engineer,  afraid  to  move.  So 
strong  was  this  impression,  that  Grant  actually  left  Petersburg, 
came  to  Washington,  and  travelled  all  the  way  to  Harper's 
Ferry,  to  find  what  was  the  matter.  He  arrived  on  the  18th 
September,  and  found  things  so  well  settled,  that,  as  he  says,  he 
never  again  interfered  with  Sheridan.  The  cavalry  chief  knew 
his  business. 

It  turned  out  that  Sheridan  had  learned  beyond  question 
from  his  scouts  that  Kershaw's  division,  of  four  brigades,  at 
least  five  thousand  men  in  all,  was  ordered  back  to  Richmond, 
and  he  was  patiently  waiting,  and  had  been  for  two  weeks,  for 
its  departure.  With  all  his  usual  impetuosity  he  was  yet 
willing  to  wait,  so  as  not  to  throw  away  a  single  chance. 
Another  remark  in  Sheridan's  report  is  very  significant.  "Al- 
though the  main  force  remained  without  change  of  position 
from  September  third  to  nineteenth,  still  the  cavalry  was  em 


234  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

ployed  every  day  in  harassing  the  enemy,  its  opponents  being 
principally  infantry.  In  these  skirmishes  the  cavalry  was  be- 
coming educated  to  attack  infantry  lines" 

This  was  worth  more  than  all  the  rest,  as  was  made  evident 
on  the  19th  of  September. 

On  the  15th,  Sheridan  heard  that  Kershaw's  division  waa 
off,  and  he  determined  to  strike.  He  allowed  two  days  to  pass 
over,  so  that  Kershaw  might  be  well  out  of  reach  ;  then,  on 
the  next  night  he  gathered  his  men,  and  on  the  morning  of  the 
19th  of  September  marched  on  Winchester. 

The  battle  of  Winchester  was  perfectly  simple  in  its  nature, 
and  was  finally  decided  by  the  cavalry,  the  first  instance  in  the 
civil  war  in  which  such  was  the  case.  Sheridan  outnumbered 
Early,  since  the  withdrawal  of  Kershaw,  but  Early  had  still 
four  strong  divisions  of  infantry,  and  five  brigades  of  cavalry. 
With  these  he  made  a  stand  in  front  of  Winchester,  and  his 
line  was  long  enough  to  outflank  Sheridan.  The  Union  cavalry 
under  Torbet,  now  consisted  of  Merritt's,  Wilson's  and  Averill's 
divisions,  numbering  in  all  about  seven  thousand  men.  It 
began  the  action  on  Opequan  Creek,  nearly  ten  miles  from 
Winchester,  near  Martinsburg,  where  it  .was  met  by  Early's 
cavalry  under  Rosser,  the  "  Savior  of  the  Y  alley,"  as  he  was 
dubbed  when  he  first  came  there. 

It  was  considerably  inferior  to  the  veterans  of  Sheridan, 
both  in  numbers  and  composition ;  and  was  driven,  together 
with  Breckinridge's  corps  of  infantry,  found  with  it,  steadily 
back  along  the  pike  to  Winchester,  and  so  on  to  Early's  left 
flank. 

During  the  day,  .till  the  arrival  of  the  Union  cavalry  the 
fight  between  Early's  and  Sheridan's  infantry  was  very  even. 
The  Sixth  Corps  was  the  only  force  that  Sheridan  could  thor- 
oughly depend  on  to  stand,  for  the  two  divisions  of  the  Nine- 
teenth Corps,  coming  from  Louisiana,  where  the  enemy  was  very 
inferior,  both  in  numbers  and  discipline,  to  Lee's  army,  was  not 
yet  used  to  the  "  stand  up  and  take  it  "  kind  of  fighting  that  had 


WINCHESTER.  235 

greeted  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  ever  since  its  first  campaign. 
Knowing  its  weakness,  Sheridan  held  Crook's  little  force,  only 
about  three  thousand  men,  in  reserve  ;  and  it  was  well  he  did 
so.  The  Sixth  Corps  stood  well  up  to  its  work,  but  the  Nine- 
teenth broke  under  the  tremendous  fire  of  musketry,  and 
Sheridan's  centre  was  all  giving  way.  Then  it  was  that  he 
himself,  seeing  the  danger,  dashed  in,  and  for  the  first  time 
in  his  history  in  Virginia,-  treated  the  infantrymen  to  a  taste  of 
the  tallest  swearing  they  had  ever  heard.  No  one  in  the  cav- 
alry corps  had  ever  beard  him  vituperate  in  such  a  manner,  the 
general  impression  there  being  that  he  was  a  kind,  indulgent 
chief.  The  only  time  he  was  heard  to  swear  in  such  fearfully 
profane  style  was  when  troops  were  breaking,  as  in  this  instance, 
and  the  line  in  danger.  Then  he  seemed  to  be  beside  himself. 
Ordering  up  a  reserve  brigade,  which  charged  very  gallantly, 
he  threw  himself  among  the  fugitives  and  fairly  cursed  them 
back  into  the  lines,  raving  in  such  a  manner  that  they  feared 
him  more  than  the  enemy.  The  line  was  restored,  and  once 
more  advanced;  and  Sheridan,  finding  his  right  flank  in  danger 
of  being  turned,  put  in  Crook,  and  by  so  doing  extended  his  line 
so  far  as  to  turn  his  enemy's  left.  The  influx  of  fresh  troops  on 
the  flanks  so  dismayed  and  disheartened  the  stubborn  infantry 
of  Early  that  they  broke  and  fell  back  in  confusion.  At  the 
edge  of  the  town  they  rallied  desperately  and  seemed  about 
to  drive  back  their  foes,  when  the  clouds  of  dust  and  rattle  of 
volleys,  away  to  their  left  rear,  announced  the  coming  of 
Sheridan's  cavalry,  driving  Rosser  and  Lomax  before  them. 
The  crisis  was  come  with  the  cavalry.  How  they  came  there 
let  Custer  tell,  as  also  what  followed. 

My  command,  he  says,  was  in  readiness  to  move  from  its 
encampment  near  Summit  Point,  at  2  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing. It  being  the  intention  to  reach  Opequan,  some  five  miles 
distant,  before  daylight,  the  march  was  begun  soon  after  2  A.  M., 
and  conducted  by  the  most  direct  route  across  the  country, 
independent  of  roads.  My  brigade  moved  in  advance  of  the 


236  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

division,  and  reached  the  vicinity  of  the  Opequan  before  day- 
light, unobserved  by  the  enemy,  whose  pickets  were  posted 
along  the  opposite  bank.  Massing  my  command  in  rear  of 
a  belt  of  woods  and  opposite  a  ford,  situated  about  three  miles 
from  the  point  at  which  the  railroad  crossed  the  stream,  I 
awaited  the  arrival  of  the  division  commander  and  the  re- 
mainder of  the  division.  At  daylight  I  received  orders  to 
move  to  a  ford  one  mile  and  a  half  up  the  stream,  and  there 
attempt  a  crossing.  This  movement  was  also  made  beyond 
the  view  of  the  enemy,  and  my  command  was  massed  opposite 
the  point  designated  in  rear  of  a  range  of  hills  overlooking  the 
Opequan.  Owing  to  a  reconnoissance  made  at  this  point  by 
onr  forces  a  few  days  previous,  the  enemy  were  found  on  the 
alert,  thereby  destroying  all  hopes  of  securing  possession  of  the 
ford  by  a  surprise.  Two  regiments,  the  Twenty -fifth  New  York 
and  Seventh  Michigan,  both  under  command  of  that  reliable 
soldier,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Brewer,  of  the  Seventh  Michigan, 
were  selected  to  charge  the  ford  and  obtain  possession  of  the 
rifle-pits  under  the  opposite  bank.  By  request  of  the  senior 
officer  of  the  Twenty-fifth  New  York  Cavalry,  that  regiment 
was  placed  in  advance,  and  both  regiments  moved  under  cover 
of  a  hill,  as  near  to  the  ford  as  possible  without  being  exposed 
to  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  At  the  same  time  the  Sixth  Michigan 
Cavalry,  Colonel  Kidd  commanding,  advanced,  dismounted, 
to  the  crest  overlooking  the  ford,  and  engaged  the  enemy  on 
the  opposite  bank.  Everything  promised  success,  and  the 
order  was  given  for  the  column  of  Colonel  Brewer  to 
charge. 

Accordingly  both  regiments  moved  rapidly  toward  the  ford. 
The  advance  of  the  Twenty-fifth  New  York  reached  the  water, 
when  the  enemy,  from  a  well-covered  rifle-pit  opposite  the  cross- 
ing, opened  a  heavy  fire  upon  our  advance,  and  succeeded  in 
repulsing  the  head  of  the  column,  whose  conduct  induced  this 
entire  portion  of  the  command  to  give  way  in  considerable  con- 
fusion. No  responsibility  for  this  repulse  could  be  attached  to 


WINCHESTER.  237 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Brewer,  who  had  left  noth.ug  undone  to 
insure  success.  Giving  him  orders  to  re-form  his  command 
under  the  cover  of  the  ridge  of  hills  before  mentioned,  and  di- 
recting Colonel  Kidd  to  engage  the  attention  of  the  enemy  as 
closely  as  possible,  such  a  disposition  of  sharp-shooters  was 
made  as  to  quiet  that  portion  of  the  enemy  lodged  in  the  rifle- 
pits  covering  the  ford.  The  First  Michigan  cavalry,  Colonel 
Stagg  commanding,  which  had  been  held  in  reserve,  was  or- 
dered to  accomplish  what  two  regiments  had  unsuccessfully 
attempted.  ~No  time  was  lost,  but  aided  by  the  experience  of 
the  command  which  preceded  it,  the  First  cavalry  secured  a 
good  position  near  the  ford. 

Colonel  Stagg,  detaching  two  squadrons  as  an  advance 
guard,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Maxwell,  one  of  the  most 
dashing  and  intrepid  officers  of  the  service,  ordered  the  charge, 
and  under  cover  of  the  heavy  fire  poured  in  by  the  Sixth  Mich- 
igan, gained  a  footing  on  the  opposite  bank,  capturing  the  rifle-pits 
and  a  considerable  number  of  prisoners.  The  enemy  retired 
about  one  mile  from  the  ford  in  the  direction  of  Winchester, 
and  took  a  position  behind  a  heavy  line  of  earthworks  protected 
in  addition  by  a  formidable  chevaux  de  frise.  My  entire  com- 
mand was  moved  to  the  south  of  the  stream,  and  placed  in 
position  along  the  ridge  just  vacated  by  the  enemy.  About 
this  time,  a  battery  of  horse  artillery,  under  command  of  Lieu- 
tenant Taylor,  reported  to  me,  and  was  immediately  ordered 
into  position  within  range  of  the  enemy's  works.  Prisoners 
captured  at  the  ford  represented  themselves  as  belonging  to 
Breckinridge's  Corps,  and  stated  that  their  corps,  with  Breck- 
inridge  in  command,  was  posted  behind  the  works  confronting 
us.  Deeming  this  information  reliable,  as  the  results  of  the 
day  proved  it  to  be,  I  contented  myself  with  annoying  the 
enemy  with  artillery  and  skirmishers,  until  the  other  brigades 
of  the  division,  having  effected  a  crossing  at  a  ford  lower  down, 
established  connection  with  my  left.  Acting  in  conjunction 
with  a  portion  of  Colonel  Lowell's  brigade,  an  advance  of  the 


238  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

First  and  Seventh  Michigan  and  Twenty-fifth  New  York  was 
ordered  to  test  the  number  and  strength  of  the  enemy. 

This  movement  called  forth  from  the  enemy  a  heavy  fire 
from  his  batteries.  It  failed,  however,  to  inflict  serious  damage. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Maxwell,  who  headed  the  charging  column, 
as  was  his  custom,  succeeded  in  piercing  the  enemy's  line  of  in- 
fantry and  reaching  to  within  a  few  feet  of  their  artillery. 
Overwhelming  numbers  alone  forced  him  to  relinquish  the  in- 
tent of  their  capture,  and  he  retired,  after  inflicting  a  severe 
loss  upon  the  enemy.  This  advance,  while  clearly  developing 
the  position  and  strength  of  the  enemy,  was  not  without  loss  on 
our  part.  Among  those  whose  gallantry  on  this  occasion  was 
conspicuous  was  Lieutenant  Jackson,  of  the  First  Michigan  cav- 
alry, who,  while  among  the  foremost  in  the  charge,  received  a 
•wound  which  carried  away  his  arm  and  afterwards  proved  mor- 
tal. He  was  a  young  officer  of  great  promise,  and  one  whose 
loss  was  severely  felt.  At  this  time  the  engagement  along  the 
centre  and  left  of  our  line  was  being  contested  with  the  utmost 
energy  upon  both  sides,  as  could  be  determined  by  the  heavy 
firing,  both  of  artillery  and  small  arms.  While  it  was  known 
to  be  impossible  to  carry  the  position  in  my  front  with  the  force 
at  my  disposal,  it  was  deemed  important  to  detain  as  large  a 
force  of  the  enemy  in  our  own  front  as  possible,  and  thus  pre- 
vent reinforcements  of  other  parts  of  their  line.  With  this 
object  in  view,  as  great  a  display  of  our  forces  was  kept  up  as 
circumstances  would  allow.  At  the  same  time,  skirmishing  was 
continued,  with  little  or  no  loss  to  either  side.  From  the  con- 
figuration of  the  ground  the  enemy  was  enabled  to  move  or  mass 
troops  in  rear  of  his  position,  unseen  by  my  command.  Either 
divining  our  intentions  of  delaying  him,  or  receiving  orders  to 
this  effect,  he  abandoned  the  position  in  our  front  and  withdrew 
towards  our  left.  In  the  absence  of  instructions  I  ordered  a 
general  advance,  intending,  if  not  opposed,  to  move  beyond  the 
enemy's  left  flank  and  strike  him  in  reverse.  I  directed  my 
advance  toward  Stevenson's  Depot,  and  met  with  no  enemy  un- 


WINCHESTER.  239 

til  within  two  miles  of  that  point,  when  I  encountered  Lomax's 
division  of  cavalry,  which  at  that  time  was  engaged  with  Aver- 
ill's  division,  advancing  on  my  right  on  the  Martinsburg  pike. 
Our  appearance  was  unexpected,  and  produced  such  confusion 
upon  the  part  of  the  enemy  that,  though  charged  repeatedly  by 
inferior  numbers,  they  at  no  time  waited  for  us  to  approach 
within  pistol  range,  but  broke  and  fled.  Soon  after  a  junction 
was  formed  with  General  Averill,  on  my  right,  which,  with  the 
connection  on  my  left,  made  our  line  unbroken.  At  this  time 
five  brigades  of  cavalry  were  moving  on  parallel  lines.  Most,  if 
not  all,  of  the  brigades  moved  by  brigade  front,  regiments  being 
in  parallel  columns  of  squadrons.  One  continuous  and  heavy 
line  of  skirmishers  covered  the  advance,  using  only  the  carbine, 
while  the  line  of  brigades,  as  they  advanced  across  the  open 
country,  the  bands  playing  the  national  airs,  presented  in  the 
sunlight  one  moving  mass  of  glistening  sabres.  This,  combined 
with  the  various  and  bright-colored  banners  and  battle-flags, 
intermingled  here  and  there  with  the  plain  blue  uniforms  of 
the  troops,  furnished  one  of  the  most  inspiring  as  well  as  im- 
posing scenes  of  martial  grandeur  I  ever  witnessed  upon  a 
battle-field. 

~No  encouragement  was  required  to  inspire  either  men  or 
horses.  On  the  coutrarjT  it  was  necessary  to  check  the  ardor  of 
both  until  the  time  for  action  should  arrive.  The  enemy  had 
effected  a  junction  of  his  entire  cavalry  force,  composed  of  the 
divisions  of  Lomax  and  Fitzhugh  Lee.  They  were  formed 
across  the  Martinsburg  and  Winchester  pike,  about  three  miles 
from  the  latter  place.  Concealed  by  an  open  pine  forest,  they 
awaited  our  approach.  No  obstacles  to  the  successful  maneu- 
vering of  large  bodies  of  cavalry  were  encountered.  Even  the 
forests  were  so  open  as  to  offer  little  or  no  hindrance  to  a  charg- 
ing column.  Upon  our  left,  and  in  plain  view,  could  be  seen 
the  struggle  now  raging  between  the  infantry  lines  of  each 
army,  while  at  various  points  the  small  columns  of  light-colored 
smoke  showed  that  the  artillery  of  neither  side  was  idle.  At 


240  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

that  moment  it  seemed  as  if  no  perceptible  advantage  could  be 
claimed  by  either,  but  the  fortunes  of  the  day  might  be  decided 
by  one  of  those  incidents  or  accidents  of  the  battle-field  which, 
though  insignificant  in  themselves,  often  go  far  towards  decid- 
ing the  fate  of  nations.  Such  must  have  been  the  impression 
of  the  officers  and  men  composing  the  five  brigades  now  ad 
vancing  to  the  attack.  The  enemy  wisely  chose  not  to  receive 
our  attack  at  a  halt,  but  advanced  from  the  woods  and  charged 
our  line  of  skirmishers.  The  cavalry  were  here  so  closely  con- 
nected that  a  separate  account  of  the  operations  of  a  single 
brigade  or  regiment  is  almost  impossible.  Our  skirmishers 
were  forced  back,  and  a  portion  of  my  brigade  was  pushed  for- 
ward to  their  support. 

The  enemy  relied  wholly  upon  the  carbine  and  pistol ;  my 
men  preferred  the  sabre.  A  short  but  closely  contested  strug- 
gle ensued,  which  resulted  in  the  repulse  of  the  enemy.  Many 
prisoners  were  taken,  and  quite  a  number  of  both  sides  were 
left  on  the  field.  Driving  the  enemy  through  the  woods  in  his 
rear,  the  pursuit  was  taken  up  with  vigor.  The  enemy  divid- 
ing his  column  from  necessity,  our  forces  did  likewise.  The 
division  of  General  Averill  moved  on  the  right  of  the  pike,  and 
gave  its  attention  to  a  small  force  of  the  enemy  which  was  di- 
recting its  retreat  towards  the  commanding  heights  west  of  the 
town.  My  command,  by  agreement  with  General  Averill,  took 
charge  of  all  forces  of  the  enemy  on  the  pike,  and  those  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  ground  to  its  left.  Other  portions  of 
the  first  division  made  a  detour  still  farther  to  my  left,  so  that 
that  which  had  lately  been  one  unbroken  line  was  now  formed 
into  several  columns  of  pursuit,  each  with  a  special  and  select 
object  in  view.  "Within  three-fourths  of  a  mile  from  the  point 
where  the  enemy  had  made  his  last  stand,  he  rallied  a  portion 
of  his  force.  His  line  was  formed  beyond  a  small  ditch,  which 
he  no  doubt  supposed  would  break,  if  not  wholly  oppose,  an 
attacking  column.  Under  most  circumstances  such  might  have 
been  the  case,  but  with  men  inspired  with  a  foretaste  of  victory, 


WINCHESTER.  241 

greater  obstacles  must  be  -interposed.  Without  designating 
any  particular  regiments,  the  charge  was  sounded,  and  portions 
of  all  the  regiments  composing  my  brigade,  joined  in  the  at- 
tack. The  volleys  delivered  by  the  enemy  were  not  enough 
to  check  the  attacking  column,  and  again  was  the  enemy  driven 
before  us,  this  time  seeking  safety  in  rear  of  his  line  of  infantry. 
Here  he  re-formed  for  his  last  attempt  to  check  our  advance. 
The  batteries  of  the  en,emy  were  now  enabled  to  reach  us,  au 
advantage  they  were  not  slow  to  improve.  At  this  time  a  bat- 
tery of  the  enemy,  with  apparently  little  support,  was  being 
withdrawn.  My  command,  owing  to  the  repeated  charges,  had 
become  badly  broken,  rendering  it  impossible  for  me  to  avail 
myself  of  the  services  of  a  single  organized  regiment.  With 
detachments  of  each  regiment,  a  charge  was  ordered  upon  the 
battery,  which,  but  for  the  extreme  smallness  of  our  numbers, 
would  have  proved  successful.  Lieutenant  Lounsbery,  Fifth 
Michigan  cavalry,  with  great  daring,  advanced  with  a  handful 
of  men  to  within  a  few  paces  of  the  battery,  and  was  only  pre- 
vented from  capturing  it  by  an  infantry  support,  hitherto  con- 
cealed, and  outnumbering  him.  Sergeant  Barber,  Fifth  Mich- 
igan cavalry,  clerk  at  headquarters,  distinguished  himself  in  this 
charge  as  my  color-bearer.  He  carried  the  colors  in  advance 
of  the  charging  column,  and  was  conspicuous  throughout  the 
engagement  until  severely  wounded  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
day.  It  being  necessary  to  re-form  my  regiment  before  at- 
tempting a  further  advance,  advantage  was  taken  of  a  slight 
ridge  of  ground  within  one  thousand  yards  of  the  enemy's 
line  of  battle.  Behind  this  ridge,  and  protected  from  the  ene- 
my's fire,  I  formed  as  many  of  my  men  as  could  be  hastily  col- 
lected. Two  guns,  which  had  been  annoying  us  on  our  right, 
were  now  charged  and  taken  by  the  First  and  Second  regular 
cavalry.  This  gave  us  possession  of  a  portion  of  the  main  line 
of  the  enemy's  fortifications.  At  the  same  time  our  infantry 
on  the  centre  and  left  had,  after  our  successes  on  the  right, 
been  enabled  to  drive  the  enemy,  and  were  now  forcing  him 
16 


24:2  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

towards  the  town.  Still  determined  to  contest  our  further  ad- 
vances, the  enemy  now  contracted  his  lines.  This  gave  me  an 
opportunit}7  to  move  my  brigade  to  a  small  crest,  within  five 
hundred  yards  of  the  enemy's  position. 

"  This  movement  was  entirely  unobserved  by  him,  his  atten- 
tion being  drawn  toward  the  heavy  lines  of  our  infantry,  now 
advancing  in  open  view  far  to  our  left.  At  this  moment  I 
received  an  order  from  the  division  commander  to  charge  the 
enemy  with  my  entire  brigade.  Having  personally  examined 
the  situation,  and  knowing  that  a  heavy  force  of  the  enemy  was 
lying  down  behind  these  works,  facts  of  which  I  knew  the 
division  commander  was  ignorant,  I  respectfully  requested  that 
I  might  be  allowed  to  select  my  own  time  for  making  the 
charge.  My  reasons  for  this  course  were,  that  I  was  convinced 
that  the  advance  of  our  infantry  on  the  centre  and  left  would 
compel  the  force  in  my  front  to  shift  its  position  to  the  rear, 
and  the  most  favorable  moment  to  strike  it  would  be  after  this 
movement  had  commenced,  not  while  they  were  awaiting  us  io 
rear  of  their  works.  My  opinions  were  verified.  Watching 
the  enemy  until  his  force  had  arisen  from  behind  their  works 
and  commenced  their  retrograde  movement,  I  gave  the  command 
to  charge.  The  order  was  obeyed  with  zeal  and  alacrity  by  all. 
The  First,  Fifth,  Sixth  and  Seventh  Michigan,  with  a  portion  of 
the  Twenty-fifth  New  York,  advanced  in  one  line,  using  the  sabre 
alone.  Officers  and  men  seemed  to  vie  with  each  other  as  to  who 
should  lead  .  .  .  The  enemy,  upon  our  approach,  turned  and 
delivered  a  well  directed  volley  of  musketry,  but  before  a  second 
discharge  could  be  given,  iny  command  was  in  their  midst,  sabre- 
ing  right  and  left,  and  capturing  prisoners  more  rapidly  than 
they  could  be  disposed  of.  Further  resistance  on  the  part  of 
those  opposed  to  us  was  suspended.  A  few  batteries  posted  on 
the  heights  near  the  town  continued  to  fire  into  our  midst,  for- 
tunately killing  more  of  their  own  men  than  ours.  Their  fire 
was  silenced,  however,  as  we  advanced  toward  them.  Nothing 
more  remained  but  to  collect  the  prisoners  and  other  trophies 


WINCHESTER.  243 

of  the  victory.  No  further  resistance  was  offered  :  the  charge 
just  made  had  decided  the  day,  and  the  entire  body  of  the 
enemy,  not  killed  or  captured,  was  in  full  retreat  up  the  valley. 
Many  of  the  prisoners  cut  off  by  my  command  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  infantry,  whose  advance  soon  reached  the  ground.  My 
command,  however,  which  entered  the  last  charge  about  live 
hundred  strong,  including  but  thirty-six  officers,  captured  over 
seven  hundred  prisoners,  also  fifty-two  officers,  seven  bat- 
tle flags,  two  caissons,  and  a  large  number  of  small  arms. 
Night  put  an  end  to  the  pursuit,  and  the  brigade  bivouacked 
on  the  left  of  the  valley  pike,  three  miles  from  the  battle-field. 
Our  loss  was  by  no  means  trifling." 

So  closed  the  battle  of  Winchester,  the  first  decisive  field 
victory  won  in  the  civil  war,  made  decisive  only  by  the  proper 
use  of  cavalry.  It  must  not  be  imagined  that  Ouster's  brigade 
was  all  alone  in  its  glory;  but  it  had  a  large  share  of  it.  How 
it  appeared  in  the  last  charge  to  a  neighboring  brigade  is  told 
so  well  by  a  participant,  who  was  taken  prisoner,  that  we  can 
not  forbear  the  transcription.* 

"  While  awaiting  in  suspense  our  next  movement,  the  enemy's 
infantry  was  distinctly  seen  attempting  to  change  front  to  meet 
our  anticipated  charge.  Instantly,  and  while  in  the  confusion 
incident  to  their  manoeuvre,  the  Second  Brigade  burst  upon 
them,  the  enemy's  infantry  breaking  into  complete  rout,  and 
falling  back  a  confused  and  broken  mass."  General  Merritt  in  his 
official  report,  writes :  "  The  brigade  emerged  from  the  fray 
with  three  stands  of  colors  and  over  three  hundred  prisoners. 
This  blow,  struck  by  General  Devin,  was  at  the  angle  of  the 
line  caused  by  the  enemy  refusing  his  left  to  meet  our  attack. 
Soon  Colonel  Lowell  (Reserve  brigade,  which  formed  to  the 
left  of  the  old  position  from  which  Devin  charged)  entered  the 
lists.  His  heroic  brigade — now  reduced  to  about  six  hundred 
men — rode  oiit  fearlessly  within  five  hundred  yards  of  the  ene- 

*  From  "  Everglade  and  Canon,"  a  history  of  the  Second  U.  S.  Dragoons 
by  General  Eodenbough,  used  by  permission  of  the  author. 


244:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

my's  line  of  battle,  on  the  left  of  which,  resting  on  an  old  earth- 
work, was  a  two-gun  battery.  The  order  was  given  to  charge 
the  line  and  get  the  guns. 

It  was  well  toward  four  o'clock,  and,  though  the  sun  was 
warm,  the  air  was  cool  and  bracing.  The  ground  to  our  front 
was  open  and  level,  in  some  places  as  smooth  as  a  well-cut  lawn, 
Not  an  obstacle  intervened  between  ns  and  the  enemy's  line, 
which  was  distinctly  seen  nervously  awaiting  our  attack.  The 
brigade  was  in  column  of  squadrons,  the  Second  United  States 
Cavalry  in  front. 

At  the  sound  of  the  bugle  we  took  the  trot,  the  gallop,  and 
then  the  charge.  As  we  neared  their  line  we  were  "welcomed 
by  a  fearful  musketry  fire,  which  temporarily  confused  the  lead- 
ing squadron,  and  caused  the  entire  brigade  to  oblique  slightly 
to  the  right.  Instantly  officers  cried  out,  "  Forward  !  forward ! " 
The  men  raised  their  sabres,  and  responded  to  the  command 
with  deafening  cheers.  Within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy's 
line  we  struck  a  blind  ditch,  but  crossed  it  without  breaking 
our  front.  In  a  moment  we  were  face  to  face  with  the  enemy. 
They  stood  as  if  awed  by  the  heroism  of  the  brigade,  and  in  an 
instant  broke  in  complete  rout,  our  men  sabring  them  as  they 
vainly  sought  safety  in  flight.  In  this  charge  the  battery  and 
many  prisoners  were  captured.  Our  own  loss  was  severe,  and 
of  the  officers  of  the  Second,  Captain  Rodenbough  lost  an  arm 
and  Lieutenant  Harrison  was  taken  prisoner. 

It  was  the  writer's  misfortune  to  be  captured,  but  not  until 
six  hundred  yards  beyond  where  the  enemy  were  first  struck, 
and  when  dismounted  in  front  of  their  second  line  by  his  horse 
falling.  Nor  did  he  suffer  the  humiliation  of  a  surrender  of 
his  sabre  ;  for  as  he  fell  to  the  ground  with  stunning  force,  its 
point  entered  the  sod  several  inches,  well-nigh  doubling  the 
blade,  which,  in  its  recoil,  tore  the  knot  from  his  wrist,  flying 
many  feet  through  the  air. 

Instantly  a  crowd  of  cavalry  and  infantry  officers  and  men 
surrounded  him,  vindictive  and  threatening  in  their  actions, 


WINCHESTER.  245 

but  unable  to  repress  such  expressions  as  these  :  "  Great  God ! 
what  a  fearful  charge!  How  grandly  you  sailed  in!  What 
brigade  ?  What  regiment  ? "  As  the  reply  proudly  came, 
"  Reserve  Brigade,  Second  United  States  Cavalry,"  they  fairly 
tore  his  clothing  off,  taking  his  gold  watch  and  chain,  pocket- 
book,  cap,  and  even  spurs,  and  then  turned  him  over  to  four 
infantrymen.  What  a  translation — yea,  transformation  !  The 
confusion,  disorder,  and  actual  rout  produced  by  the  successive 
charges  of  Merritt's  First  Cavalry  division  would  appear  incred- 
ible, did  not  the  writer  actually  witness  them.  To  the  right  a 
battery,  with  guns  disabled  and  caissons  shattered,  was  trying 
to  make  to  the  rear,  the  men  and  horses  impeded  by  broken 
regiments  of  cavalry  and  infantry.  To  the  left,  the  dead  and 
wounded,  in  confused  masses,  around  their  field-hospitals — 
many  of  the  wounded,  in  great  excitement,  seeking  shelter  in 
Winchester.  Directly  in  front,  an  ambulance,  the  driver  nerv- 
ously clutching  the  reins,  while  six  men,  in  great  alarm,  were 
carrying  to  it  the  body  of  General  Rhodes.  Not  being  able  to 
account  for  the  bullets  which  kept  whizzing  past,  the  writer 
turned  and  faced  our  own  lines  to  discover  the  cause  and,  if 
possible,  catch  a  last  sight  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 

The  sun  was  well  down  in  the  west,  mellowing  everything 
with  that  peculiar  golden  hue  which  is  the  charm  of  our  autumn 
days.  To  the  left,  our  cavalry  were  hurriedly  forming  for 
another  and  final  charge.  To  the  right  front,  our  infantry,  in 
unbroken  line,  in  the  face  of  the  enemy's  deadly  musketry, 
with  banners  unfurled,  now  enveloped  in  smoke,  now  bathed  in 
the  golden  glory  of  the  setting  sun,  were  seen  slowly  but  stead- 
ily pressing  forward.  Suddenly,  above  the  almost  deafening 
din  and  tumult  of  the  conflict,  an  exultant  shout  broke  forth, 
and  simultaneously  our  cavalry  and  infantry  line  charged.  As 
he  stood  on  tiptoe  to  see  the  lines  crash  together,  himself  and 
guards  were  suddenly  caught  in  the  confused  tide  of  a  thor- 
oughly-beaten army — cavalry,  artillery  and  infantry — broken, 
demoralized,  and  routed,  hurrying  through  Winchester." 


246  GENERAL    GEORGE  A.   CUSTER. 

The  battle  of  Winchester  possessed  some  remarkable  feat- 
ures, considered  in  a  scientific  point  of  view,  especially  when 
contrasted  with  those  which  had  previously  been  fought  during 
the  American  Civil  War.  It  was  the  first  which  resembled  in 
any  degree  one  of  those  actions  which,  under  NAPOLEON  and 
FREDERICK,  have  become  models  for  the  military  student ;  the 
first  which  displayed  on  the  Federal  side  the  possession  of  a  real 
general,  capable  of  planning  and  executing  every  movement  of 
an  engagement,  and  of  personally  handling  all  his  troops.  Up 
to  that  time,  the  history  of  every  American  battle  on  both  sides, 
with  the  exception  of  the  valley  campaign  of  Stonewall  Jackson, 
had  been  the  history  of  a  number  of  nearly  independent  corps 
commanders.  It  has  been  said  that  YON  MOLTKE  once  remarked 
about  the  American  war,  that  "  the  struggles  of  two  armed 
mobs  were  of  no  service  to  a  military  student.1'  Although  the 
general  has  "  officially  "  denied  that  he  used  such  scornful  lan- 
guage ;  there  is  a  strong  probability  that  he  did,  in  private  con- 
versation, say  something  very  like  it.  There  was  much  truth 
in  the  remark,  whoever  made  it,  even  if  it  \vas  severely  ex- 
pressed. A  ''mob"  is  a  crowd  without  absolute  chiefs.  It 
follows  different  leaders  from  time  to  time  with  a  certain  degree 
of  docility,  but  always  requires  persuasion,  resists  command, 
and  is  subject  to  sudden  changes.  Instead  of  one  impulse,  it 
has  fifty  or  more.  While  this  latterly  ceased  to  be  true  of  the 
lower  ranks  of  the  American  army,  it  remained  to  the  very  last 
among  the  general  officers,  especially  the  corps  commanders. 
Each  had  his  own  notion  of  what  ought  to  be  done,  and  each 
would  do  things  in  his  own  way.  Meade  could  riot  control  his 
corps  generals,  and  their  lack  of  quick  obedience  marred  more 
than  one  battle  in  1864,  and  nearly  at  one  time  spoiled  the 
success  of  1865.  In  the  valley,  Sheridan  changed  all  this.  He 
made  his  generals  obey  his  orders,  without  following  opinions 
of  their  own,  and  his  army  consequently  pulled  together.  Win- 
chester was  won,  and  what  was  more,  improved,  because  Sheri- 
dan was  a  man  who  would'  be  obeyed. 


FIFTH  BOOK.— THE   THIRD   CAVALRY 
DIVISION. 

CHAPTER  I. 

WOODSTOCK   RACES. 

ON  the  26th  September,  1864,  Brigadier-General  Cnster 
was  relieved  from  the  command  of  the  famous  Michigan 
Brigade,  in  the  First  Cavalry  Division  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
and  transferred  to  the  head  of  the  Second  Division,  West  Vir- 
ginia Cavalry,  hitherto  operating  under  General  Averill.  At 
the  time  of  the  transfer,  the  whole  valley  was  in  confusion. 
Early's  army,  scattered  and  demoralized  after  the  crushing  dis- 
asters of  Winchester  and  Fisher's  Hill,  was  slowly  gathering 
itself  together  at  the  very  head  of  the  Valley,  from  Port  Repub- 
lic to  Staunton,  and  the  Union  Cavalry,  spread  out  fanlike,  was 
operating  by  independent  brigades,  on  the  old  Donnybrook 
Fair  principle  of  hitting  every  head  they  could  see. 

Custer,  accordingly,  found  himself  separated  from  his  new 
command,  which  had  gone  on  up  the  pike  towards  Stauntou 
and  turned  to  the  left  in  the  direction  of  Piedmont.  The  coun- 
try was  full  of  guerillas  and  scattered  parties  of  Confederate 
cavalry  and  it  was  not  so  easy  to  open  communication  between 
the  different  divisions,  without  proceeding  bodily  and  in  force, 
one  toward  the  other.  All  through  the  valley  campaigns,  from 
the  days  of  Banks  downwards,  the  same  trouble  was  met  by  the 
Federals,  as  soon  as  they  neared  Staunton.  Their  line  of  supply 
was  so  long  and  easily  cut,  that  it  was  impossible  to  go  further 


248  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

in  safety  with  a  regularly  organized  army.  The  only  solution 
of  the  problem  was  that  afterwards  adopted,  of  cutting  loose 
from  the  infantry  and  trains,  and  moving  as  an  independent 
raiding  column,  living  off  the  country.  Even  this  was  not 
practicable  for  long,  for  the  country  was  so  much  impoverished 
by  the  near  neighborhood  of  Richmond,  that  two  or  three  days' 
subsistence  for  a  cavalry  corps  was  its  utmost  capacity. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Ouster  was  doomed  to  several 
days  of  inaction  before  he  could  reach  his  command,  and  hav- 
ing left  his  beloved  Michigan  Brigade,  was  obliged  to  remain 
with  General  Torbert,  at  cavalry  headquarters,  till  the  Second 
Division  was  near  enough  to  be  reached.  On  the  26th,  he 
entered  Staunton  with  that  General,  accompanied  by  Wilson's 
Division,  (the  third)  and  the  Reserve  Brigade,  (the  regulars). 
At  Staunton  fifty-seven  prisoners  were  made,  and  a  quantity 
of  stores  destroyed. 

On  the  27th,  Ouster,  impatient  to  reach  his  command, 
started  with  a  single  regiment  to  reach  it  at  Piedmont,  but 
was  compelled  to  return  the  next  day,  with  the  news  that  Early 
had  again  massed  his  forces,  and  was  trying  to  cut  off  the 
cavalry  from  the  rest  of  the  army.  It  turned  out  that  Early 
had  been  reinforced  from  Richmond  by  Kershaw's  division,  and 
was  coming  through  the  gaps  to  which  he  had  retreated, 
resolved  on  revenge.  The  main  Union  army  was  concentrated 
some  miles  back,  behind  Harrisonburg,  and  each  brigade  of 
cavalry,  as  it  successively  struck  the  enemy,  found  him  in  such 
force  that  they  could  make  no  impression.  It  was  exceedingly 
tantalizing,  for  the  troopers  had  become  so  used  to  victory  that 
when  they  saw  the  enemy's  trains  in  plain  sight,  as  they  often 
did,  blocked  in  the  mountain  roads,  they  would  charge  recklessly 
in,  only  to  find  a  heavy  force  of  infantry  in  the  woods,  pouring 
in  such  volleys  as  showed  that  Early  was  yet  far  from  being 
whipped. 

On  the  28th  the  Confederates  came  down  to  Staunton  and 
Port  Republic,  and  did  their  best  to  drive  out  the  First  and 


WOODSTOCK    RACES.  249 

Third  Cavalry  Divisions,  passing  by  the  Second,  which  was  out 
near  Brown's  Gap.  The  cavalry  fought  them  till  dark,  holding 
on  to  their  positions,  but  during  the  night  Torbert  fell  back 
toward  Harrisonburg  with  Wilson's  division,  leaving  Merritt  and 
Powell,  with  the  First  and  Second,  out  on  the  left  still.  On 
the  29th  the  enemy  fell  back  from  Port  Republic  to  the  gaps  cf 
the  Blue  Mountains,  and  on  the  30th  Sheridan's  army  was 
again  concentrated,  the  infantry  at  and  beyond  Harrisonburg,  at 
the  head  of  the  valley  pike,  the  cavalry  spread  out  fan  wise 
around  the  head  of  the  column. 

On  this  day  occurred  the  second  important  change  of  Ouster's 
life.  General  Wilson  was  relieved  from  the  command  of  the 
Third  Division,  and  sent  to  join  Sherman  in  the  west.  Ouster 
was  at  the  same  time  transferred  from  the  Second  Division, 
which  he  had  not  yet  been  able  to  join,  and  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  same  division  in  which  he  had  first  won  his  star.  It  was 
the  same  old  Third,  which  under  Kilpatrick  had  done  such  ser- 
vice in  the  Gettysburg  campaign,  always  ready  for  hard  knocks, 
dashing  pellmell  into  the  enemy,  no  matter  what  the  odds,  and 
trusting  to  the  wonderful  luck  which  never  deserted  it  to  get  out 
of  its  scrapes. 

Under  Kilpatrick,  this  division  had  done  more  fighting, 
killed  more  horses,  marched  further,  and  charged  oftener,  than 
perhaps  any  other  in  the  army.  The  reckless  valor  and  want 
of  discretion  of  its  first  leader  had  both  their  bad  and  good  sides. 
Had  infantry  been  handled  in  the  same  way,  the  division  would 
long  before  have  been  annihilated,  but  the  traditions  of  the 
cavalry  service  are  essentially  "different.  Kilpatrick  had  acted 
from  the  first  as  if  he  thoroughly  believed  the  maxim  of  Seidlitz, 
that  under  no  conceivable  circumstances  can  a  mounted  cavalry 
officer  be  justified  in  a  surrender.  Charging  in  and  cutting  out 
were  the  every-day  experiences  of  the  division  under  his  orlers, 
and  their  losses  had  been  proportionately  heavy. 

When  Wilson  took  command  of  the  division,  in  the  spring 
of  1864,  he  found  it  depleted  by  the  loss  of  its  crack  brigade, 


250  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

Ouster's  "  Michiganders,"  and  the  real  secret  of  its  previous 
high  fighting  reputation  was  shown  in  the  summer  campaigns. 
Ouster,  the  lance-head  of  Kilpatrick,  had  become  the  lance-head 
of  Torbert,  and  it  was  the  First  Division  that  was  to  do  most  of 
the  fighting  and  charging,  while  he  was  with  it.  As  good  as 
ever,  the  Third  had  still  lost  much  of  its  old  fiery  fame,  under 
the  more  cautious  lead  of  Wilson.  It  was  Ouster  and  Merritt 
who  were  now  in  people's  mouths  when  the  cavalry  was  men- 
tioned, as  the  previous  year  it  had  been  Buford,  Kilpatrick  and 
Ouster.  There  is  something  so  fleeting  and  hard  to  grasp,  in 
this  phenomenon  of  public  favor  and  fame,  that  it  is  difficult  to 
assign  a  reason  for  the  fact,  but  it  was  none  the  less  patent  during 
the  Shenandoah  campaign  and  before.  Torbert,  the  division 
commander  of  Ouster  and  Merritt,  was  lost  to  public  view  in  a 
large  measure,  through  the  lustre  of  his  subordinates,  who  en- 
gaged in  a  fierce  rivalry  with  each  other  which  resulted  in 
splendid  successes. 

Now  Ouster  and  Merritt  were  again  to  engage  in  the  same 
rivalry,  but  as  division  commanders,  the  latter  having  the  addi- 
tional advantage  of  retaining  the  brigade  which  Ouster  had  made 
so  famous.  Ouster  was  to  take  up  the  division  which  had  so 
far,  under  Wilson's  lead,  only  held  its  own  with  respectability, 
and  was  to  transform  it  into  the  most  brilliant  single  division 
in  the  whole  Army  of  the  Potomac,  with  more  trophies  to  show 
than  any,  and  so  much  impressed  with  the  stamp  of  his  indi- 
viduality, that  every  officer  in  the  command  was  soon  to  be 
aping  his  eccentricities  of  dress,  ready  to  adore  his  every  motion 
and  word. 

The  accession  of  Ouster  to  the  command  of  the  Third  Divis- 
ion took  place  at  a  time  when  a  change  in  Sheridan's  policy 
was  impending.  He  had  come  to  the  Valley  to  clear  out  Early ; 
he  had  done  his  work,  and  the  question  remained — what  next  ? 
Concentrated  at  Harrisonburg,  he  was  at  the  end  of  his  tether. 
The  whole  valley  is  traversed  by  a  single  long  turnpike,  which 
forms  a  splendid  avenue  of  communication,  perfectly  dry  and 


WOODSTOCK    RACES.  251 

hard  in  the  muddiest  winter.  At  Harrisonbnrg  it  ceases  and 
beyond  it  are  "  dirt  roads  "  only.  The  enemy  was  waiting  in 
the  Blue  Kidge  gaps,  prepared  to  dispute  any  further  advance 
to  Richmond.  The  course  of  action  necessary  is  indicated  by 
Sheridan  himself  in  his  subsequent  report. 

He  says :  "  The  question  that  now  presented  itself  was 
whether  or  not  I  should  follow  the  enemy  to  Brown's  Gap, 
drive  him  out,  and  advance  to  Charlottesville  and  Gordonsville. 
This  movement  I  was  opposed  to  for  many  reasons,  first  that 
it  would  have  necessitated  the  opening  of  the  Orange  and  Alex- 
andria Railroad,  and  to  protect  this  road  against  the  numerous 
guerilla  bands  would  have  required  a  corps  of  infantry  .  .  . 
Then  there  was  the  additional  reason  of  the  uncertainty  whether 
the  army  in  front  of  Petersburg  would  be  able  to  hold  the  en- 
tire force  of  General  Lee  there,  and,  if  not,  a  sufficient  number 
might  be  detached  and  move  rapidly  by  rail  to  overwhelm  me, 
quickly  returning.  I  was  also  confident  that  my  transportation 
could  not  supply  me  further  than  Harrisonburg,  and  therefore 
advised  that  the  valley  campaign  should  terminate  at  Harrison- 
burg,  and  that  I  return,  carrying  out  my  original  instructions 
for  the  destruction  of  forage,  grain,  etc.,  give  up  the  majority 
of  the  army  I  commanded,  and  order  it  to  the  Petersburg  line, 
a  line  which  I  thought  the  Lieutenant  General  believed  if  a 
successful  movement  could  be  made  on,  would  involve  the  cap- 
ture of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  I  therefore,  on  the 
morning  of  the  6th  of  October,  commenced  moving  back, 
stretching  the  cavalry  across  the  valley  from  the  Blue  Ridge  to 
the  eastern  slope  of  the  Alleghanies." 

On  the  way,  the  horsemen  were  directed  to  burn  all  the 
forage,  but  to  spare  the  houses.  These  orders  were  obeyed 
to  the  letter,  as  the  infantry  moved  back  towards  Winches- 
ter. Merritt  marched  on  the  pike,  while  Ouster  took  the 
side  road,  next  the  Blue  Ridge.  Of  course  this  was  nearest  the 
enemy,  whose  cavalry  had  not  yet  suffered  very  much.  It  con- 
sisted of  Rosser's  division  (three  brigades)  and  the  extra  bri- 


252  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

gades  of  Lomax  and  Bradley  Johnson.  Eosser  had  about  thirty- 
five  hundred,  Johnson  and  Lomax  about  fifteen  hundred  to- 
gether, a  total  of  five  thousand  men. 

It  must  be  conceded  to  the  Confederate  forces  in  the  last 
valley  campaign,  that  they  fought  and  were  fought  with 
the  most  obstinate  heroism  and  skill  by  all  concerned,  and  that 
they  showed  in  these  days  of  disaster,  more  conduct  and  skill 
against  heavy  odds  than  they  had  ever  shown  before.  When 
Sheridan  first  arrrived  in  the  valley,  Early  considerably  out- 
numbered him,  but  every  day  strengthened  the  former  and 
weakened  the  latter.  When  finally  Kershaw's  division  was 
withdrawn,  a  few  days  before  the  battle  of  Winchester,  the 
scale  was  turned,  and  as  soon  as  Sheridan  had  certain  intelli- 
gence of  its  departure,  he  gave  battle  with  heavy  odds  in  his  fa- 
vor, though  by  no  means  so  great  as  Early  insists.  During 
the  whole  valley  campaign,  thirteen  thousand  prisoners 
were  taken  from  Early,  which,  added  to  the  eleven  thousand 
men  he  claims,  gives  about  twenty  four  thousand.  Added 
to  these  the  sick,  wounded,  extra  duty  men,  stragglers,  etc., 
and  it  is  probable  that  in  real  truth  Early  had  at  Winchester 
at  least  twenty-six  thousand  men,  infantry,  artillery  and  train, 
•which,  with  Rosser's  cavalry,  gives  a  total  of  about  thirty 
thousand  men,  outside  of  Kershaw's  division,  which  was  not  en- 
gaged till  Cedar  Creek.  When  this  came,  it  was  probably  about 
enough  to  fill  up  the  gaps  of  Winchester  and  Fisher's  Hill. 
This  is  hardly  the  place  to  enter  into  a  complete  analysis  of  the 
figures  on  both  sides,  but  reason  and  statistics  seem  to  point, 
after  making  all  allowances,  to  an  effective  total  for  Early  about 
this  time  of  at  least  twenty  thousand  infantry  and  five  thousand 
horse. 

Opposed  to  these,  from  the  nearest  figures  attainable  at 
present,  it  seems  that  Sheridan  must  have  had  about  seven 
thousand  cavalry  in  his  three  divisions,  and  twenty-five  thou- 
sand infantry.  These  figures  are  derived  from  a  comparison 
of  his  force  in  August,  when,  with  the  First  and  Second 


WOODSTOCK    RACES.  253 

Cavalry  Divisions,  Sixth  Corps,  Nineteenth,  and  Crook's  force, 
he  reported  18,000  infantry  and  3,500  cavalry.  He  was  after- 
wards joined  by  a  division  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  and  by  the 
Third  Cavalry  Division,  with  such  recruits  as  could  be  sent 
from  Remount  camp.  In  one  of  these  detachments  the  pres- 
ent writer  arrived  at  Harper's  Ferry,  the  evening  of  Winchester 
light,  and  after  scraping  up  every  available  man  and  horse,  the 
result  was  less  than  three  hundred  men. 

The  odds  in  Sheridan's  favor  were  heavy  enough  for  prac- 
tical purposes,  though  by  no  means  enough  to  account  for  the 
succession  of  complete  and  crushing  blows  delivered  on  the 
devoted  Early,  without  admitting  conduct  and  capacity  of  the 
highest  kind  to  Sheridan  and  his  officers,  especially  those  head- 
ing the  cavalry. 

Rosser,  overmatched  in  numbers  as  he  was,  on  this  occasion 
did  his  duty  heroically.  The  feelings  of  himself  and  his  men 
were  excited  to  the  highest  pitch  of  fury  at  sight  of  the  re- 
morseless destruction  meted  out  to  the  valley  by  the  retreating 
foe.  True,  that  foe  was  part  of  the  terrible  army  that  had 
punished  them  so  fearfully  ever  since  the  19th  September,  but 
the  arrival  of  Kershaw's  division  had  put  new  heart  into  them, 
and  they  followed  the  cavalry  down  the  valley,  constantly  attack- 
ing them.  Lomax  and  Johnson  followed  Merritt  at  a  respect- 
ful distance,  but  Rosser  hung  on  Custer's  skirts  with  vindictive 
tenacity.  The  first  night  of  the  retreat  he  fell  on  Custer's, 
camp  at  Turkeytown,  near  Brooks'  Gap,  but  was  repulsed. 
Next  morning,  as  Custer  moved  on,  Rosser  was  again  after  him, 
Custer  proceeding  leisurely  towards  Columbia  Furnace.  His 
rear-guard  was  fighting  Rosser  all  day  long,  in  the  peculiar 
style  developed  by  Virginian  warfare.  The  main  body,  in 
column  of  fours,  was  in  the  road,  detaching  parties  to  right 
and  left  to  burn  every  barn  and  haystack  to  be  seen.  Ordina- 
rily, the  rear-guard  followed  at  a  slow  walk,  the  greater  part 
deployed  as  skirmishers.  When  the  enemy  pressed  too  close, 
the  men  would  halt  and  face  about,  a  brisk  fusillade  lasting 


254:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

some  minutes  when  the  advancing  grey-coats-  would  be  re- 
pulsed. Then  trotting  on,  the  rear-guard  would  halt  at  the 
edge  of  the  next  hill  or  belt  of  woods,  to  repeat  the  operation. 

Not  far  from  the  Union  rear-guard  could  be  seen  a  brilliant 
group  of  cavaliers,  headed  by  the  same  bright  debonair 
figure  we  remember  at  Aldie  and  Brandy  Station.  As  usual 
there  are  the  bright  brazen  instruments  of  the  band  near  him, 
the  men  not  much  of  players  perhaps,  but  what  is  better,  capa- 
ble of  sticking  to  their  posts  under  fire,  and  playing  "  Yankee 
Doodle"  to  the  shrill  accompaniment  of  whistling  lead.  "When- 
ever any  trouble  is  anticipated,  when  Rosser  becomes  too  bold, 
the  flaming  scarlet  neckties  of  Ouster  and  his  staff  are  seen 
coining,  and  the  bright-haired  warrior  comes  trotting  leisurely 
along  the  skirmish  line,  whistling  a  tune,  and  tapping  his  boots 
with  his  riding  whip,  his  blue  eyes  glancing  keenly  about,  his 
short  curls,  just  growing  again,  flung  from  side  to  side,  as  he 
jerks  his  head  in  his  peculiar  nervous  manner.  There  is  no 
more  trouble  about  standing  the  assault. 

But  this  mode  of  fighting  was  peculiarly  irksome  to  one  of 
Ouster's  impatient  temperament,  and  when  he  knew,  as  he  soon 
did,  that  it  was  his  old  classmate  Rosser,  who  was  following  him 
so  persistently,  he  was  doubly  disgusted.  All  that  long  day  of 
the  7th  October,  he  was  compelled  by  his  orders  to  retreat  from 
the  face  of  a  foe  he  was  only  too  anxious  to  fight,  and  even  till 
dark  his  pickets  were  annoyed. 

All  this  time,  Merritt's  column  pursued  its  way  without 
fighting,  only  observed  by  Lomax  and  Johnson.  The  reason 
ivas  very  simple.  The  two  Union  divisions  each  numbered 
about  two  thousand  five  hundred  effective  men,  and  Powell's 
Second  Division  about  two  thousand  more.  Powell  was  off  to 
the  right  of  Merritt  following  the  Luray  valley,  separated  from 
the  rest  by  hills  and  gaps.  Consequently,  the  forces  in  the 
main  valley  of  the  Shenandoah  were  equal,  and  thus  divided, 
roughly  speaking.  Ouster's  two  thousand  five  hundred  against 
Rosser's  three  thousand  five  hundred  were  falling  back  :  Merritt's 


WOODSTOCK    RACES.  255 

two  thousand  five  hundred  against  Lomax's  one  thousand  five 
hundred,  were  also  falling  back,  but  quite  unmolested. 

The  next  day,  8th  October,  General  Torbert,  in  command  of 
the  cavalry,  thinking  Ouster  had  had  about  enough,  halted 
Merritt  in  the  afternoon,  sent  back  one  of  his  brigades  about  a 
mile  on  the  pike,  to  develop  Lomax,  and  the  other  two  to  re- 
lieve Ouster,  who  all  that  day  had  been  suffering  even  fiercer 
assaults  than  before.  The  experience  of  the  three  days  had 
given  the  enemy  confidence,  and  Ouster  had  been  retreating  in 
the  face  of  a  superior  force  who  fancied  they  were  driving  him. 
The  arrival  of  Merritt's  brigade  checked  Rosser,  and  the  fight- 
ing ceased  at  dark,  when  Merritt  withdrew  his  men  to  his  own 
camp. 

The  position  on  the  night  of  the  8th  was  as  follows :  Mer- 
ritt was  in  camp  at  Brook  Creek,  on  the  pike,  at  the  foot  of 
Round  Top  Hill.  The  pike  runs  up  the  middle  of  the  valley. 
Ouster  camped  at  Tumbling  Run,  on  the  back  road,  some  six 
miles  off,  to  the  left  and  retired.  Powell  was  further  off  still, 
to  the  left  and  rear,  having  crossed  behind  the  others  to  Front 
Royal.  Rosser  lay  opposite  Ouster,  Lomax  and  Johnson  oppo- 
site Merritt.  The  back  road  so  often  mentioned  is  a  dirt  road, 
nearly  parallel  to  the  pike,  between  it  and  the  Blue  Ridge,  and 
about  three  miles  from  the  pike. 

That  night  "  Little  Phil "  came  up  to  the  front  to  see  how 
things  were  going  on,  and  soon  learned  the  exact  posture  of 
affairs.  The  enemy,  grown  bold  through  impunity,  was  be- 
coming too  troublesome.  He  must  get  a  lesson.  The  story  of 
the  orders  to  Torbert  for  next  day  is  thus  told  by  both  parties. 

Sheridan  says,  "  On  the  night  of  the  eighth,  1  ordered 
General  Torbert  to  engage  the  enemy's  cavalry  at  daybreak, 
and  notified  him  that  I  would  halt  the  army  till  he  defeated  it." 

Torbert  says,  "  I  had  received  orders  from  Major-General 
Sheridan  to  start  out  at  daylight,  and  whip  the  rebel  cavalry, 
or  get  whipped  myself." 

The  difference  in  the  literalness  of  the  stories  is  in  favor  of 


256  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

Torbert,  but  there  is  no  question  as  to  the  way  in  which  the 
order  was  obeyed.  When  it  was  given,  the  cavalry  was  in  front 
of  Strasburg,  where  the  infantry  was  concentrated.  Merritt 
was  ordered  to  move  one  brigade  on  the  pike  and  two  more  to 
the  left,  to  open  communication  with  Caster. 

At  daybreak  the  movement  commenced,  soon  to  become 
famous  under  the  name  of  ""Woodstock  Races."  The  forces 
were  not  far  from  equal,  the  difference  in  favor  of  the  Federal 
cavalry  being  but  slight.  In  guns  they  were  about  the  same. 
Each  division  had  a  battery,  and  Rosser  and  Lomax  were  simi- 
larly equipped,  six  guns  on  the  pike,  six  on  the  back  road. 

Now  Ouster  was  to  avenge  himself  for  his  long  suffering. 
His  experience,  it  must  be  confessed,  since  he  had  taken  com- 
mand of  the  Third  Division,  was  peculiarly  mortifying.  For 
the  first  time  since  Meade's  retreat,  he  had  been  obliged  to 
retrograde  in  face  of  the  enemy,  and  to  suffer  severe  punish- 
ment while  doing  it.  As  in  the  former  however,  nothing  but 
orders  had  compelled  him  to  do  so,  and  now  had  come  the  far 
more  congenial  orders  to  advance. 

Out  swept,  as  at  Winchester,  side  by  side,  Ouster  and 
Merritt  to  attack  Rosser  and  Lomax ;  and  to  Ouster's  share  fell 
the  greater  part  of  the  force  of  his  old  classmate  Rosser. 

On  the  pike  moved  the  steady  old  Reserve  Brigade,  the 
Regulars,  under  Lowell.  Next  to  them  was  Devin's  Brigade, 
the  Second,  with  "  Old  Tommy,"  or  the  "  Old  War-Horse,"  as 
he  Avas  nicknamed,  at  its  head.  Then  the  Michiganders,  Ouster's 
old  brigade,  connected  Merritt's  line  with  that  of  their  former 
division,  under  their  own  commander  of  a  few  days  back,  and 
the  union  of  the  line  was  perfect.  Old  and  new  were  only 
impatient  to  pay  off  the  enemy.  In  front  of  each  brigade 
stretched  a  regiment,  deployed  as  skirmishers,  then  a  second 
line  of  two  regiments,  deployed  in  double  rank,  behind  each 
wing,  finally  a  fourth  regiment  in  close  column,  to  the  rear  of 
the  centre,  with  the  brigade  commander  and  staff  in  its  front. 
Merritt  rode  in  rear  of  the  centre  of  his  division,  with  his  bnt- 


WOODSTOCK    RACES.  257 

tery  near  him,  Ouster  was  up  even  with  his  skirmish  line,  hia 
own  guns  following. 

In  this  order  the  two  gallant  looking  divisions  swept  over 
the  beautiful  level  surface  of  the  valley.  It  was  a  magnificent 
place  for  a  cavalry  fight,  and  very  different  from  the  scrub 
woods  of  Central  Virginia,  where  all  the  fighting  had  to  be  dis- 
mounted. There  was  room  to  deploy,  smooth  ground  to  ride 
on,  all  the  rail-fences  had  long  ago  vanished  for  soldiers'  fires, 
and  the  field  was  clear. 

Rosser  and  Lomax  were  met  on  the  other  side  of  Tom's 
Run,  a  rivulet  too  small  to  intercept  the  movement  of  either 
force,  and  both  sides  were  drawn  up  and  ready  for  the  fray. 
That  it  was  to  be  a  severe  and  decisive  fight,  both  knew.  The 
Southerners  had  recovered  from  the  demoralization  of  their 
first  reverses ;  and  their  apparent  successes  of  the  last  few  days 
had  further  elated  them.  They  were  part  of  the  same  cavalry 
that  once,  under  Stuart,  had  raided  round  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  and  captured  Pope's  headquarters ;  and  they  were 
burning  to  avenge  the  destruction  of  their  homes,  which  they 
had  lately  witnessed. 

Both  sides  deployed  within  plain  view  of  each  other,  and 
the  skirmishers  opened  with  their  carbines,  in  the  dashing  and 
picturesque  style  that  makes  a  cavalry  fight  so  pretty  a  sight  at 
its  outset.  Yery  little  harm  is  done,  but  the  long  lines  of 
horsemen  go  trotting  on,  waving  to  and  fro  as  the  individuals 
halt  to  take  aim,  fire  their  pieces,  and  trot  on,  loading  as  they 
go.  At  the  first  gentle  knoll  that  presents  itself  on  either  side, 
the  batteries  gallop  up,  and  unlimber  on  the  crest,  opening  fire 
and  mingling  their  crashing  reports  with  the  sharp  crack  of  the 
rifles.  Not  much  smoke,  the  order  is  too  open,  and  the  breeze 
strong,  the  bright  sunlight  and  clear  air  of  the  autumn  day 
aiding  to  inspire  every  one  to  do  his  best.  It  is  exciting,  ro- 
mantic, intoxicating.  The  little  white  puffs  of  smoke  on  the 
skirmish  line,  the  dark  bodies  following  in  rear,  all  fringed 
with  the  steel  of  their  drawn  sabres,  the  little  groups  of  general 
17 


258  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

officers  and  their  staffs  at  regular  intervals  in  the  three  mile 
line,  the  white  clouds  round  the  four  opposing  batteries  as 
points  of  peculiar  interest. 

Rosser's  position  for  his  main  body  was  well  chosen,  and 
as  his  pickets  fell  back  and  revealed  it,  this  became  evident. 
He  occupied  a  low  but  abrupt  range  of  hills  on  the  south 
bank  of  Tom's  Run,  and  had  posted  his  dismounted  men  behind 
stone  fences  at  the  base  of  the  ridge.  A  second  line  of  barri- 
cades crowned  the  ridge,  also  defended  by  dismounted  men. 
On  the  summit  he  had  six  guns  in  position  strongly  supported, 
and  he  had  the  great  advantage  of  being  able  to  see  all  of 
Ouster's  movements. 

And  now  occurred  one  of  those  little  incidents  that  stamp 
the  innate  romance  of  Ouster's  character  on  his  biography,  like 
the  echo  of  his  famous  last  speech  at  the  Academy,  "  Let's  have 
a  fair  fight,  boys."  Here  it  was,  fair  and  square  and  no  favor, 
perhaps  the  first  in  the  war.  No  infantry  to  bother  the  horse, 
numbers  about  equal,  his  first  fight  as  a  division  commander, 
and  Rosser  in  sight.  Out  rode  Ouster  from  his  staff,  far  in 
advance  of  the  line,  his  glittering  figure  in  plain  view  of  both 
armies.  Sweeping  off  his  broad  sombrero,  he  threw  it  down 
to  his  knee  in  a  profound  salute  to  his  honorable  foe.  It  was 
like  the  action  of  a  knight  in  the  lists.  A  fair  fight  and  no 
malice. 

On  the  ridge  before  him  he  had  seen  Rosser,  his  classmate 
at  the  academy,  with  whom  he  had  held  many  a  wordy  contest 
in  days  of  old,  and  who  had  been  his  great  rival  at  "  the  Point." 
Rosser  had  but  just  come  to  the  valley  and  was  already  hailed 
as  its  savior.  He  saw  Ouster  and  turned  to  his  staff,  pointing 
him  out,  "  You  see  that  officer  down  there,"  said  he.  "  That's 
General  Ouster,  the  Yanks  are  so  proud  of,  and  I  intend  to 
give  him  the  best  whipping  to-day  that  he  ever  got.  See  if 
I  don't." 

And  he  smiled  triumphantly  as  he  looked  round  at  his  gal- 
lant Southern  cavaliers. 


WOODSTOCK    RACES.  259 

Then  Ouster  lifted  the  hat  and  clapped  it  on  his  head, 
turned  to  his  line  of  men,  and  the  next  moment  the  Third 
Division  was  sweeping  on  at  a  trot,  the  flaming  scarlet  necktie 
and  bright  curls  of  Ouster  before  all,  followed  by  his  staff,  all 
with  swords  out.  Now  the  pace  quickens.  Rosser's  and  Lomax's 
guns  open  furiously  at  shorter  range,  and  the  rattling  of  vol- 
leys rolls  along  the  Confederate  line.  The  bullets  go  patter- 
ing around,  whistling  overhead,  knocking  up  the  dirt,  killing  or 
wounding  a  few  horses  and  men,  but  doing  surprisingly  little 
damage,  all  things  considered.  The  trot  has  become  a  gallop, 
and  as  the  pattering  of  bullets  becomes  heavier,  a  wild  savage 
yell  breaks  from  every  throat  in  that  long  wave  of  cavalry,  and 
away  they  go,  the  lines  lost  in  confused  clumps  of  horsemen, 
with  waving  sabres,  the  horses  crazy  with  excitement,  leaping 
half  out  of  their  skins  as  they  race  for  the  Confederate  bat- 
teries and  lines  of  cavalry. 

Custer's  attack,  arranged  in  full  sight  of  Rosser,  yet  proved 
triumphantly  successful.  One  brigade  in  front,  another  to  the 
right,  the  third  to  the  left,  they  swept  on  at  a  charge,  not  heed- 
ing the  fire,  curled  round  Rosser's  flanks  in  a  moment,  and  be- 
fore he  could  tell  what  had  happened,  had  him  enclosed  in  & 
semi-circle  of  charging  horse.  Yain  all  his  efforts  when  his 
flanks  were  threatened.  Had  the  attack  been  made  on  foot  he 
might  have  had  time  to  think,  but  the  sudden  and  impetuous 
rush  of  a  whole  mounted  division  completely  demoralized  the 
Confederates.  Despite  Rosser's  efforts,  away  they  went  in  the 
wildest  confusion,  driven  back  at  a  gallop  for  nearly  two  miles, 
when  one  brigade,  shamed  by  the  frantic  appeals  of  their  leader, 
made  a  desperate  stand,  and  the  lately  fugitive  battery  opened  a 
furious  fire,  which  staggered  Custer's  advance  and  threw  it  into 
momentary  confusion.  Rosser  was  not  whipped  yet.  Seizing 
his  moment,  he  charged  with  his  remaining  brigades  and  forced 
Custer's  advance  back  half  a  mile,  when  Custer's  battery  of  four 
guns  made  its  appearance,  and  checked  Rosser  again. 

Now  was  Rosser's  time  to  fight,  and  now  was  the  time  he 


260  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

missed  it.  Disappointed  in  his  charge,  he  again  trusted  to  a 
defensive  battle,  while  Ouster  reformed  his  three  brigades  for  a 
second  grand  charge,  and  once  more  advanced  at  the  trot  in  a 
long  sweeping  line  of  steel. 

Ill  fared  it  with  Rosser  and  his  men  then  that  they  received 
the  charge  at  a  halt,  and  trusted  to  fire  for  their  defence. 
Through  the  dust,  turmoil,  and  confusion  of  the  Northern 
charge,  could  be  seen,  far  in  advance,  another  cloud  of  dust,  out 
of  which  the  glittering  horseshoes  are  shining,  as  the  squadrons 
flee  from  the  charge.  The  Confederates  were  thrown  into  im- 
mediate confusion,  and  behind  them  was  nothing  but  an  open 
field,  as  far  as  Mount  Jackson,  twenty-six  miles  away.  Every 
gun  opposite  Ouster  is  taken,  and  only  one  of  Lomax's  escapes, 
by  being  limbered  up  in  desperate  haste,  and  taken  off  over  the 
hill  at  full  speed.  It  was  no  longer  a  fight.  "  Woodstock 
races  "  had  begun.  All  the  way  to  Woodstock,  now  at  a  gallop, 
anon  at  a  trot,  occasionally  at  a  walk,  to  breathe  the  reeking 
horses,  the  Union  lines  swept  on  with  scarcely  a  pause,  the 
Confederates  fleeing  before  them  like  sheep. 

Sheridan  sums  up  the  victory  in  a  portion  of  a  sentence, 
stating  that  "  the  enemy  was  defeated  with  the  loss  of  all  his 
artillery  but  one  piece,  and  everything  else  which  was  carried 
on  wheels.  The  rout  was  complete,  and  was  followed  up  to 
Mount  Jackson,  a  distance  of  some  twenty-six  miles." 

Torbert  says,  "  The  First  division  (Brigadier-General  Mer- 
ritt)  captured  five  pieces  of  artillery  (all  they  had  on  the  road  ex- 
cept one),  their  ordnance,  ambulance,  and  wagon  trains,  and  sixty 
prisoners.  The  Third  division  (Brigadier-General  Ouster)  cap- 
tured six  pieces  of  artillery  (all  they  had  on  the  back  road)  all 
of  their  headquarter  wagons,  ordnance,  ambulance,  and  wagon 
trains.  There  could  hardly  have  been  a  more  complete  victory 
and  rout.  The  cavalry  totally  covered  themselves  with  glory, 
and  added  to  their  long  list  of  victories  the  most  brilliant  one 
of  them  all,  and  the  most  decisive  the  country  has  ever  wit- 
nessed. Brigadier-Generals  Merritt  and  Ouster,  and  Coloneli 


WOODSTOCK    RACES.  261 

Lowell  and  Pennington  commanding  brigades,  particularly  dis- 
tinguished themselves My  losses  in  this  engagement 

will  not  exceed  sixty  killed  and  wounded,  which  is  astonishing 
when  compared  with  the  results.  The  First  division  returned 
to  Woodstock  and  camped  for  the  night,  the  Third  returned 
about  six  miles  and  camped  for  the  night." 

Thus  ended  "  Woodstock  Races,"  the  first  pitched  battle  in 
which  the  Third  division  took  part  under  Ouster's  command. 
As  always,  before  and  after,  he  and  Merritt  were  in  close  ri- 
valry as  to  distance  and  results,  but  Ouster  was  just  a  little 
ahead.  The  completeness  of  the  victory  was  owing  to  two 
things,  the  open  ground,  and  the  vicious  cavalry  school  in  which 
Rosser  and  his  command  had  been  reared.  All  through  the 
Yirginia  campaign,  the  Confederate  cavalry  displayed  the  same 
taste  for  fire-arms,  and  the  same  distaste  and  contempt  for  the 
sabre  as  a  weapon.  In  the  West  the  case  was  even  worse,  for 
the  cavalry  in  that  vicinity  abandoned  their  sabres  entirely, 
and  trusted  to  nothing  but  fire-arms.  Out  in  the  woods,  this 
method  of  warfare  is  possible,  but  on  a  plain  suicidal.  The 
only  place  in  Yirginia  besides  the  Valley,  where  open  fields 
exist,  adapted  for  mounted  cavalry  fighting,  is  around  Brandy 
Station,  where  the  sabre  had  always  proved  triumphant.  Ros- 
ser, in  common  with  most  of  the  Confederate  officers,  distrusted 
the  sabre,  which  was  rarely  used  by  the  Confederate  cavalry- 
after  Stuart's  death,  and  not  enough  during  his  life. 

Ouster,  on  the  other  hand,  was  never  more  in  his  element 
than  in  a  sabre  charge,  and  the  same  thing  was  true  of  the 
whole  of  the  First  and  Third  divisions,  especially  the  former 
Ouster's  influence  soon  gave  the  same  taste  to  the  latter,  and 
they  became  excessively  fond  of  rapid  mounted  work,  wherein 
pistol,  carbine  and  sabre  were  used,  one  with  the  other,  with 
the  happiest  effect.  The  moral  impetus  of  that  day  of  charges 
never  left  the  Third  division.  Henceforth  they  became  imbued 
with  a  certain  contempt  for  the  Confederate  cavalry.  They  had 
found  the  certain  way  to  drive  it  in  confusion.  It  never  after- 


262 


GENERAL   GEORGE  A.  CUSTER. 


The  time  was  coming,  and 


wards  gave  them  serious  trouble, 
not  far  distant  either,  when  the  cavalry  of  the  Shenandoah 
Army  was  to  measure  itself  with  a  more  stubborn  foe,  the 
infantry,  and  be  the  means  of  achieving  the  last  and  most 
glorious  victory  of  all  at  Cedar  Creek,  only  ten  days  later. 
Meanwhile,  let  us  leave  it  to  its  hard  earned  repose,  after 
"  Woodstock  Kaces." 


CHAPTER  II. 

CEDAE     CKEEK. 

FOE  about  ten  days  after  "  Woodstock  Kaces,"  the  cavalry 
and  army  in  general  enjoyed  comparative  qniet.  Sheridan 
and  Grant  were  in  correspondence  as  to  further  movements,  and 
it  was  almost  determined  by  the  latter  that  Sheridan  should 
continue  his  advance  and  operate  on  Charlottesville  and  Gor- 
donsville,  through  Manassas  Gap.  Sheridan,  on  the  other  hand, 
wished  to  send  back  the  Sixth  Corps  to  Grant ;  and  on  the  10th 
of  October,  it  actually  started  and  marched  toward  Front  Royal, 
on  its  way  to  "Washington.  On  the  12th,  it  was  at  Ashby's 
Gap ;  but  the  same  day  news  came  that  Early  had  once  more 
advanced  to  Fisher's  Hill.  The  Federal  army  was  encamped 
at  Cedar  Creek,  near  Strasburg,  and  the  Sixth  Corps  was  re- 
called. On  the  13th,  Rosser,  not  yet  discouraged,  came  down 
on  the  extreme  right  of  the  army,  and  drove  in  Ouster's  pickets. 
He  had  three  brigades  of  cavalry  and  one  of  infantry,  but  re- 
tired when  Ouster  moved  out  of  camp.  From  thence  to  the 
18th,  all  was  quiet.  Merritt  and  Ouster  sent  frequent  recon- 
noissances  up  the  pike  and  the  back  road,  but  found  no 
enemy  nearer  than  Fisher's  Hill.  The  Confederate  cavalry  was 
in  the  Luray  Valley,  and  occasionally  annoyed  the  extreme 
right  of  the  army.  Everything  seemed  to  point  in  Wright's 
opinion  to  a  quiet  sulky  enemy,  with  a  possible  attack  on  their 
right  rear.  On  the  16th,  Sheridan  was  summoned  to  Washing- 
ton to  see  Secretary  Stanton.  As  he  was  at  Manassas  Gap,  and 
about  taking  the  train,  he  received  a  note  from  General  Wright 
of  the  Sixth  Corps,  who  was  left  in  command  of  the  army.  It 


264  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

enclosed  a  dispatch  which  the  signal  officers  had  just  read  off 
the  Confederate  signal  flags  on  Three  Top  Mountain,  near 
Fisher's  Hill.  It  ran  thus  : 

tl  To  Lieutenant  General  Early : 

£e  ready  to  move  as  soon  as  my  forces  join  you,  and  we 
will  crush  Sheridan. 

LoNGSTKEET, 

Lieutenant  General" 

The  Union  cavalry  was  at  this  time  moving  toward  Front 
Royal,  preparatory  to  going  through  Manassas  Gap,  on  a  raid 
towards  Gordonsville.  Wright  asked  that  it  might  be  recalled, 
as  he  expected  an  attack  on  his  right.  Sheridan  \vas  inclined 
to  believe  the  dispatch  a  ruse,  as  it  turned  ont  afterward  to  be. 
He  sent  back  the  cavalry,  however,  told  Wright  to  be  careful, 
and  proceeded  to  Washington,  from  whence  he  returned  to  Win- 
chester on  the  night  of  the  18th  October. 

During  the  same  night,  Early,  plucky  and  enterprising  to 
the  last,  a  general  who  fully  deserved,  if  he  did  not  attain,  good 
fortune,  left  Fisher's  Hill,  crossed  the  Shenandoah,  and  came 
down  on  Wright  just  where  he  was  least  expected,  on  the  almost 
unguarded  left  of  the  Federal  army.  Powell,  with  the  Second 
Cavalry  division,  small  as  it  was,  should  have  been  there.  In 
Sheridan's  last  dispatch,  dated  the  16th,  he  had  distinctly  told 
Wright  to  "close  in  Colonel  Powell,"  who  was  then  at  Front 
Royal.  Powell  was  not  closed  in.  One  brigade  of  his  skeleton 
force,  commanded  by  Colonel  Moore  was  moved  near  the  in- 
fantry, the  only  cavalry  on  that  side  of  the  army. 

Early  attacked  at  dawn,  nothing  between  him  and  Wright's 
camps  but  a  line  of  infantry  pickets,  only  a  few  hundred  yards 
out.  He  swept  them  away  like  chaff,  fell  on  Crook's  demoral- 
ized camps,  drove  his  half-dressed  men  in  utter  rout,  then  fall- 
ing on  the  Nineteenth  Corps  in  front,  drove  that,  and  finally 
crushed  the  left  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  next  in  line.  In  less  than 
an  hour,  Wright's  army  was  all  driven  in  confusion,  twenty- 


CEDAR    CREEK.  265 

four  guns  taken,  the  camps  in  possession  of  the  enemy,  and  the 
Confederate  line,  in  an  enveloping  crescent  of  flame,  was  press- 
ing on,  driving  the  scattered  remains  in  confusion  toward  Win- 
chester. 

The  onty  force  left  untouched  was  the  cavaliy,  on  the  ex- 
treme right  of  the  army,  and  the  only  infantry  division  not 
broken  to  pieces  was  Getty's,  of  the  Sixth  Corps.  "Wright  had 
been  thus  far  completely  deceived.  Expecting  an  attack  on 
one  flank,  he  had  received  it  on  the  other,  and  by  10  o'clock 
the  battle  was  virtually  over.  Between  9  and  10,  Wright,  see- 
ing his  first  mistake,  tried  to  remedy  it  by  ordering  the  cavalry 
to  the  left  of  the  army,  against  Torbert's  opinion.  The  latter, 
however,  obeyed  the  order,  but,  on  his  own  responsibility  de- 
tached three  regiments  on  the  flank  he  was  leaving,  to  protect 
it.  The  enemy  had  been  trying  Ouster's  pickets  on  the  extreme 
right,  since  daylight,  but  without  success,  being  evidently  in 
small  force  there.  When  the  Union  cavalry  left,  he  began  to 
press  harder,  and  the  three  regiments  were  put  to  their  utmost 
efforts  to  keep  Rosser  from  breaking  in,  and  capturing  the 
streams  of  fugitives  going  to  the  rear  from  the  infantry. 

Meantime,  Moore's  little  brigade,  which  we  noticed  as  be- 
ing the  only  cavalry  on  the  left  of  the  Union  army,  had  -been 
cut  off  from  the  rest  in  the  first  attack,  and  was  confronted  by 
Lomax's  brigade,  stronger  than  himself.  In  no  wise  daunted, 
the  plucky  Moore  sent  back  his  trains  to  Winchester,  and  boldly 
attacked  the  Confederate  infantry  in  rear,  till  Lomax  attacked  him 
in  turn.  Then  he  formed  across  the  pike,  and  stubbornly  con- 
tested every  foot  of  ground  all  the  way  to  Middletown,  thus 
saving  the  trains  and  fugitives  from  being  broken  in  upon  by 
Lomax,  just  as  the  three  regiments  on  the  other  flank  were  do- 
ing with  Rosser. 

Merritt  and  Custer,  recalled  from  the  right  and  put  in  on 
the  left,  flung  themselves  on  the  advancing  infantry,  and  stayed 
the  course  of  Early's  victory.  Colonel  Powell,  with  the  rest  of 
his  division,  had  joined  Moore  by  this  time,  and  the  strange 


266  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CTJSTER. 

spectacle  was  beheld  of  six  or  seven  thousand  cavalry,  ivith  a 
few  batteries,  holding  in  check  and  repulsing  charge  after  charge 
from  an  army  of  nearly  twenty  thousand  infantry  flushed  with 
victory,  and  acting  as  a  shelter,  behind  which,  at  several  miles 
distance,  Wright's  broken  infantry  was  hastily  re-forming.  The 
only  infantry  on  the  line  with  Ouster  and  Merritt  was  Getty's 
division  of  the  Sixth  Corps.  On  this  line  the  enemy  was  held 
till  12  o'clock,  by  which  time  Wright  had  restored  a  semblance 
of  order  in  the  rear,  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  battle  was  turning. 
From  that  time  till  2  o'clock,  Early  ceased  to  advance,  and  at 
2,  General  Sheridan  arrived  on  the  ground,  re-formed  his  whole 
line,  and  finally  ordered  the  advance  which  culminated  in  that 
crushing  defeat  of  Early,  so  famous  in  history. 

In  the  meantime,  let  us  see  what  Early  had  been  doing. 
His  first  conception  and  execution  of  the  battle  had  been  mas- 
terly. He  had  completely  surprised  Wright,  and  practically 
annihilated  all  the  Union  infantry  but  a  single  division.  This 
and  the  cavalry,  ten  thousand  men  at  most,  were  all  that  was 
left  to  oppose  Early's  infantry,  strengthened  by  Kershaw's  arrival 
to  at  least  eighteen  thousand  men,  while  the  Confederate  cav- 
alry, still  four  or  five  thousand  strong,  was  untouched.  Yet 
Early  ceased  to  advance,  and  his  men  began  to  plunder  the 
Union  camps,  giving  his  enemy  time  to  recuperate  and  reor- 
ganize. For  this  conduct  the  general  offers  the  excuse  that  his 
men  were  uncontrollable,  and  that  to  their  plundering  solely  the 
after  disaster  was  attributable.  A  calm  review  of  the  battle 
points  to  another  cause,  Early's  improper  use  of  his  horse. 
Had  he  concentrated  it  at  first  on  his  right,  he  could  have 
k>yrept  away  the  feeble  resistance  of  Moore's  brigade,  and  cut  in 
on  all  the  stragglers  and  trains  that  continued  their  flight  quite 
unmolested.  Had  he  done  that,  the  two  hours  delay  of  his  in- 
fantry would  not  have  mattered.  Infantry  are  not  supposed  to 
pursue  a  defeated  foe. 

As  it  was,  the  same  stragglers  that  under  a  vigorous  pursuit 
of  cavalry  would  have  surrendered  by  whole  brigades,  were 


CEDAR    CREEK  267 

gathered  up  and  re-formed  by  "Wright,  and  subsequently  by 
Sheridan.  When  the  latter  arrived,  the  rout  was  over,  and 
"Wright  was  entitled  to  claim  that  he  had  retrieved  his  first 
misfortune,  and  was  ready  to  advance  once  more. 

Sheridan's  arrival,  and  his  immense  enthusiasm,  effected  a 
wonderful  change  in  the  beaten  army.  Much  of  the  work  of 
reorganization  was  already  effected,  but  there  was  little  hope 
that  an  advance  would  be  made.  A  stand,  and  a  stubborn 
defence  of  what  was  left,  was  the  utmost  that  could  apparently 
be  hoped  for.  It  required  the  magic  of  Sheridan's  name  and 
genius  to  transform  defeat  into  such  a  complete  victory.  The 
enemy  was  skirmishing  without  much  vigor,  but  preparing  for 
a  new  advance.  Early  had  gathered  up  most  of  his  plunderers. 
Sheridan's  first  step  was  to  send  his  cavalry  to  its  true  post,  on 
the  flanks.  It  had  been  holding  the  infantry  long  enough. 
Accordingly,  Ouster's  division  was  called  out  and  sent  off  to 
the  extreme  right,  while  the  rest  of  the  Sixth  Corps  moved  up 
to  fill  the  gap.  Merritt  was  sent  off  to  the  extreme  left,  and 
the  Nineteenth  corps  moved  up  to  take  his  place.  There  was 
but  little  left  of  Crook's  two  divisions,  but  what  there  was  went 
in  with  the  rest,  and  the  stragglers  began  to  pour  in  from  the 
rear  once  more.  From  two  till  four  they  kept  coming  in,  and 
Getty's  line  was  prolonged  further  and  further,  and  hasty 
breastworks  being  thrown  up. 

About  three,  Early's  troops,  flushed  with  victory,  resumed 
their  advance.  They  assaulted  the  centre  of  the  line,  and  were 
repulsed.  Their  line  was  longer  than  Sheridan's,  especially  on 
the  right,  showing  that  fresh  troops  must  have  come  in  there. 
~No  sooner  was  the  assault  repulsed,  and  the  battle  again  lan- 
guishing, than  Sheridan  ordered  a  general  advance,  at  4  P.  M., 
October  19th,  1864.  That  order  may  be  said  to  have  sounded 
the  death  knell  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  for  it  was  the 
signal  for  the  almost  instant  and  total  destruction  of  its  last 
aggressive  army  in  Yirginia.  The  only  parallel  to  the  utter 


268  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

ruin  of  Early,  is  found  in  that  of  Hood's  army,  two  months 
later  by  Thomas  at  Nashville. 

It  was  moreover,  as  sudden  as  the  rout  of  the  cavalry  of 
Rosser  and  Lomax  at  "  Woodstock  Races,"  but  with  this  differ- 
ence :  Rosser  and  Lornax  saved  most  of  their  men  alive,  only 
losing  their  guns  and  wagons.  Good  horses  and  spurs  saved 
the  rest.  At  Cedar  Creek,  Early's  infantry  was  not  so  lucky. 
It  was  scooped  in  by  hundreds.  Just  what  Early  had  failed 
to  do  at  9  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Sheridan  did  at  4  in  the 
evening.  He  used  his  cavalry  as  it  should  be  used,  and  com- 
pleted his  victory. 

The  history  of  the  last  advance  is  thus  told  by  Sheridan  : 
"  The  attack  was  brilliantly  made,  and,  as  the  enemy  was 
protected  by  rail  breastworks  and  stone  fences,  his  resistance 
was  very  determined.  His  line  of  battle  overlapped  the  right 
of  mine,  and  by  turning  with  this  portion  of  it  on  the  flank  of 
the  Nineteenth  Corps,  caused  a  slight  momentary  confusion. 
This  movement  was  checked,  however,  by  a  charge  of  McMil- 
lan's brigade  on  the  reentering  angle,  and  the  enemy's  flanking 
party  cut  off.  It  was  at  this  stage  of  the  battle  that  Custer  was 
ordered  to  charge,  with  his  whole  division,  but  though  the  order 
was  promptly  obeyed,  it  was  not  in  time  to  capture  the  whole 
of  the  force  thus  cut  off,  and  many  escaped  across  Cedar  Creek. 
Simultaneously  with  this  charge,  a  combined  movement  of  the 
whole  line  drove  the  enemy  in  confusion  to  the  creek,  where, 
owing  to  the  difficulties  of  crossing,  his  army  became  routed." 

Torbert's  account  explains  more  fully  the  part  taken  by 
the  cavalry.  "In  the  general  advance,  Brigadier-General 
Custer,  commanding  Third  Division,  left  three  regiments  to 
attend  to  the  cavalry  in  his  front,  and  started  with  the  balance 
of  his  division  to  take  part  in  the  advance  on  the  enemy's 
infantry.  Thus  the  cavalry  advanced  on  both  flanks,  side  by 
side  with  the  infantry,  charging  the  enemy's  lines  with  an 
impetuosity  they  could  not  stand.  The  rebel  arrny  was  soon 
routed  and  driven  across  Cedar  Creek  in  confusion.  The 


CEDAR    CREEK.  209 

cavalry,  sweeping  on  both  flanks,  crossed  Cedar  Creek  about 
the  same  time,  charged  and  broke  the  last  line  the  enemy 
attempted  to  form  (it  was  now  after  dark)  and  put  out  at  full 
speed  for  their  artillery  and  trains." 

The  captures  were  forty-five  guns  (twTenty-four  being  TjTnion 
guns,  lost  in  the  morning  and  now  recaptured)  besides  weapons, 
horses,  prisoners,  and  battle-flags.  Only  night  saved  the  whole 
of  Early's  army  from  capture.  From  thenceforth  it  may  be 
said  to  have  ceased  to  exist  as  an  organized  body  of  any  import- 
ance, Lee  ceased  to  make  any  more  efforts  to  save  it.  and 
all  that  there  was  of  any  value  in  the  troops  composing  it  was 
recalled  to  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  especially  Kershaw's 
division. 

The  battle  of  Cedar  Creek  completed  the  noteworthy  com- 
mencement of  Ouster's  fame  as  a  cavalry  division  leader. 
Woodstock  Races  and  Cedar  Creek  showed  his  abilities  to  give 
weight  to  a  charge,  obstinacy  to  a  defence.  In  all  his  valley 
experience,  he  and  Merritt  were  in  constant  rivalry  as  to  results, 
and  a  comparison  of  their  losses  and  captures  will  show  just 
how  they  stood.  It  comes  from  Torbert's  report. 

The  First  division  lost,  during  the  whole  campaign,  186 
killed,  778  wounded,  594  missing,  total  1558.  The  Third  divis- 
ion lost  67  killed,  385  wounded,  321  missing,  total  773.* 

The  captures  were  as  follows : — First  division,  29  guns, 
12  caissons,  36  wagons,  40  ambulances,  etc.,  306  horses  and 
mules,  and  14  battle-flags. 

Third  division  29  guns,  30  caissons,  44  wagons,  23  ambu- 
lances, etc.,  602  horses  and  mules  and  6  battle-flags. 

*  The  smaller  proportion  of  loss  was  probably  due  to  the  more  rapid 
style  of  fighting  adopted  in  the  Third  division,  but  largely  also  to  the  fact 
that  in  the  early  part  of  the  campaign  it  generally  operated  as  an  unit, 
while  the  First  was  pretty  often  cut  up  in  detachments,  on  one  occasion 
losing  nearly  the  whole  of  a  single  regiment,  that  was  cut  off  and  surrounded 
while  guarding  an  ambulance  train.  The  assailants  were  Mosby's  gueril- 
las and  two  regiments  of  Ransom's  cavalry,  and  the  regiment  lost  nearly 
200  men,  the  rest  cutting  their  way  out. 


270  GENERAL   GEORGE    A.   CUSTER 

During  this  winter,  Ouster  received,  for  his  brilliant  services 
in  the  campaign,  the  brevet  of  Major-General.  Merritt  was 
similarly  decorated,  and  Colonels  Gibbs  of  the  Regular  brigade, 
and  Devin,  of  the  Second  brigade,  First  division,  were  made 
brigadiers.  Both  were  comparatively  elderly  men,  and  deserved 
their  promotion.  Colonel  Devin  had  been  the  senior  colonel 
of  the  cavalry  corps,  and  in  command  of  his  brigade,  as  early 
as  January,  1863.  General  Gibbs  was  an  old  regular  cavalry 
officer  of  many  years  experience.  At  the  close  of  the  war, 
Devin  was  brevetted  major-general  in  the  regular  army,  and 
made  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  Eighth  cavalry,  at  the  same 
time  that  Custer  and  Merritt  received  the  same  rank  in  the 
Seventh  and  Tenth  cavalry  respectively.  Merritt  is  now 
Colonel  of  the  Fifth  Cavalry.  He  graduated  from  "West  Point 
the  year  before  Custer.  Devin's  regiment  was  the  Sixth  New 
York  cavalry,  to  which  he  was  promoted  in  November,  1861,  hav- 
ing before  been  captain  in  the  First  New  York  Militia  cavalry. 


NOTE.  At  the  close  of  this  campaign,  the  flags  captured  by  the  cavalry 
were  sent  to  Washington  in  Ouster's  charge,  carried  by  the  different  men 
who  had  taken  them.  Custer,  on  his  arrival  in  Washington,  where  Mrs. 
Custer  had  been  during  the  campaign,  hurried  away  to  find  her.  By  a 
curious  instance  of  cross  purposes,  Mrs.  Custer  went  to  the  War  Depart- 
ment on  purpose  to  see  him,  hearing  of  his  coming  with  the  flags.  She  was 
kindly  received  by  Mr.  Stanton,  but  was  dreadfully  frightened  when  she 
found  herself  among  strangers  and  that  her  husband  was  not  there.  To  add 
to  her  confusion,  in  came  the  sergeants  with  the  captured  flags,  and  a  great 
deal  of  speechifying  followed,  ending  by  Mr.  Stanton  publicly  introducing 
her  to  the  brave  fellows  as  the  wife  of  their  beloved  general.  While  much 
embarrassed,  the  dear  little  lady  acquitted  herself  splendidly,  and  said  some- 
thing appropriate  to  each.  During  the  winter  she  was  able  to  remain  with 
the  general  at  his  headquarters  near  Winchester. 


CHAPTER    III. 
THE    LAST    EAID. 

DUKING  the  fall  and  winter  of  1864r-5,  after  the  battle  of 
Cedar  Creek,  nothing  of  importance  occurred,  the  army 
of  Sheridan  being  concentrated  around  Winchester.  The  Sixth 
Corps  was  sent  away  to  join  Grant,  and  Merritt's  division  was 
sent  through  Chester  Gap  to  raid  on  the  interior.  He  met  the 
enemy  near  Gordonsville,  took  a  couple  of  guns,  destroyed  the 
railroad,  and  returned.  Custer  raided  out  to  Harrisonburg  and 
returned  about  the  same  time,  the  middle  of  December.  Both 
columns  suffered  very  much  from  the  cold,  and  no  more  move- 
ments were  made  during  January,  the  cavalry  receiving 
recruits,  doing  its  best  to  feed  up  its  horses,  and  get  ready  for 
spring  work. 

On  the  5th  February,  Lieutenant-Colonel  "Whittaker  of  the 
First  Connecticut  cavalry,  Custer's  division,  went  out  with 
Colonel  Young,  Sheridan's  chief  of  scouts,  and  they  succeeded 
in  capturing  the  renowned  Harry  Gilmor,  the  most  active  and 
enterprising  partisan  chief  of  whom  the  Confederates  could 
boast,  after  Mosby.  The  latter  had  by  this  time  ceased  to  be 
capable  of  serious  mischief;  and  Gilmor's  capture  cleared  Sheri- 
dan's rear. 

He  began  to  think  it  was  time  to  advance,  and  called  in  all 
his  cavalry  from  cantonments  around  Winchester,  starting  out, 
on  the  27th  February,  on  the  last  raid  to  be  made  by  Sheri- 
dan's cavalry.  The  chief  took  with  him  Merritt,  now  Brevet 
Major-general,  as  chief  of  cavalry.  Brigadier-General  Devin, 
commanded  the  First  division,  4,787  men,  and  Brevet  Major- 


272  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

General  George  A.  Caster  commanded  the  Third,  4,600  men. 
Each  division  had  one  section  of  artillery,  and  the  train  con- 
sisted of  three  baggage  wagons,  eight  ambulances,  twenty  am- 
munition wagons,  and  about  three  miles  of  pack  mules.  The 
horses  were  in  good  flesh,  and  each  carried  thirty  pounds  of 
grain,  with  five  days'  rations  for  the  men  and  coffee  and  sugar 
for  ten  days.  One  extra  wagon,  laden  with  coffee  and  sugar, 
accompanied  the  force,  and  that  was  all  the  train,  except  eight 
pontoons. 

As  it  turned  out,  all  the  lightness  and  strength  of  the  col- 
umn was  needed.  Its  destination  was  no  less  a  place  than 
Lyuchburg,  and  thereafter  it  was  to  march  into  North  Carolina, 
to  join  Sherman,  who  was  then  moving  north.  This  part  of 
the  programme  was  afterwards  altered,  through  the  impossibil- 
ity of  crossing  the  James  River,  the  bridges  being  destroyed. 
Failing  Lynchburg,  the  orders  were  to  destroy  all  that  was  left 
of  the  Virginia  Central  Railroad  and  the  James  River  Canal, 
then  to  return  to  Winchester.  These  orders  Sheridan  took  the 
liberty  to  exceed,  by  joining  Grant,  just  as  the  latter  needed 
him  worst. 

On  the  27th  February,  1865,  the  great  raiding  column,  with 
a  total  strength,  including  teamsters  and  artillerymen,  of  nine 
thousand  four  hundred  and  eighty  four  men,  started  up  the  val- 
ley. Before  it  was  the  valley  pike,  a  splendid  hard  road,  on 
which,  in  one  or  two  spots,  there  was  actually  dust :  on  each  side 
were  broad  fields,  softened  by  the  early  spring  thaw  into  quag- 
mires, in  which  the  horses  sunk  over  their  fetlocks.  This  pike 
lasted  to  Harrisonburg,  and  beyond,  some  seventy  miles,  followed 
"  dirt  roads,"  in  red  Virginia  clay.  The  first  day's  march  was 
to  Woodstock,  thirty  miles,  and  nothing  of  interest  occurred. 
All  day  long  the  steady  clatter  of  hoofs  was  almost  uninter- 
rupted, a  bright  sky  overhead,  the  men  talking  and  singing, 
everybody  in  high  spirits.  Occasionally,  on  the  side  roads,  on 
either  flank,  a  glimpse  could  be  caught  of  small  parties  of 
horsemen  in  grey,  keeping  pace  with  the  column  and  eridently 


THE    LAST    RAID  iJTb 

watching  its  movements.  Once,  a  few  men  left  the  column  to 
chase  the  nearest  of  these  gentry,  who  kept  almost  within  car- 
bine range,  but  the  state  of  the  fields  prevented  active  pursuit, 
and  the  enemy  were  left  unmolested.  They  were  a  few  of 
Mosby's  guerillas,  latterly  joined  by  some  of  Kosser's  cavalry, 
but  no  damage  was  done  by  or  to  them.  Sheridan's  policy  to 
the  guerillas  in  general  was  to  leave  them  alone.  They  served, 
as  he  naively  tells  us-  in  his  reports,  as  "  a  very  good  provost 
guard  for  his  army,"  and  prevented  straggling.  Next  morning, 
at  daybreak,  the  column  moved  on,  twenty-nine  miles  further, 
to  within  nine  miles  of  Harrisonburg.  At  daybreak  of  the 
1st  of  March,  the  advance  pressed  on  through  Harrisonburg  and 
Mount  Crawford,  to  Kline's  Mills.  The  advance  that  day  was 
given  to  Ouster's  division,  and  the  march  was  long  and  weari- 
some, the  mud  beginning  to  be  troublesome.  Devin's  rear  did 
not  get  into  camp  till  four  in  the  morning.  Next  day,  by 
right,  he  should  have  had  the  advance,  but  work  was  growing 
nearer  now,  and  Sheridan  told  Ouster  to  press  on.  Rosser's 
men  had  come  out  during  the  day,  and  tried  to  burn  a  bridge 
over  one  of  the  forks  of  the  Shenandoah.  Rosser  had  about 
three  hundred  men.  Colonel  Capehart's  brigade,  of  Ouster's 
division,  came  up  in  time,  swam  the  river  above  the  bridge, 
charged  Rosser,  sent  him  flying,  saved  the  bridge,  and  cleared 
the  way  for  their  comrades.  Kline's  Mills  are  seven  miles 
from  Staunton,  where  Early  had  his  headquarters  ;  and  he,  poor 
fellow,  seeing  his  rest  so  rudely  disturbed,  left  Staunton  and 
went  to  Waynesboro',  ten  miles  further  on,  leaving  word  at 
Staunton  that  he  was  "coming  back  to  fight."  Now  it  \vas 
that  a  man  of  rapid  decision  and  fiery  energy  like  Ouster  was 
worth  his  weight  in  gold.  A  slower  and  more  methodical  man 
would  have  utterly  failed  in  the  task  set  him  next  day.  It 
was  to  reach  Waynesboro'  seventeen  miles  off,  in  the  midst  of 
a  driving  rainstorm,  on  a  dirt  road,  rnud  up  to  the  horses' 
knees  everywhere,  and  up  to  their  bellies  in  the  mud  holes,  to 

18 


274  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

cross  a  river  of  unknown  depth,  and  to  attack  and  whip  Early 
who  had  an  unknown  force. 

He  did  it  with  the  triumphant  success  that  always 
marked  his  independent  efforts.  He  had  three  brigades,  each 
about  1,500  strong,  commanded  by  Colonels  Wells,  Penning- 
ton,  and  Capehart;  and  Devin  was  to  follow  with  Gibbs', 
Fitzhugh's  and  Stagg's  brigades,  of  Merritt's  old  division. 
Sheridan's  record  is  brief  and  to  the  point.  "  General  Ouster 
found  General  Early  as  he  had  promised,  at  Waynesboro',  in 
a  well  chosen  position,  with  two  brigades  of  infantry,  and  some 
cavalry  under  General  Kosser,  the  infantry  occupying  breast- 
works. Ouster,  without  waiting  for  the  enemy  to  get  up 
courage  over  the  delay  of  a  careful  reconnoissance,  made  his 
dispositions  for  attack  at  once,  sending  three  regiments  around 
the  left  flank  of  the  enemy,  which  was  somewhat  exposed 
by  being  advanced  from,  instead  of  resting  upon,  the  bank 
of  the  river  in  his  immediate  rear;  he,  with  the  other  two 
brigades,  partly  mounted  and  partly  dismounted,  at  a  given 
signal  boldly  attacked  and  impetuously  carried  the  enemy's 
works,  while  the  Eighth  New  York  and  First  Connecticut 
cavalry,  who  were  formed  in  columns  of  fours,  charged  over  the 
breastworks,  and  continued  the  charge  through  the  streets  of 
Waynesboro',  sabring  a  few  men  as  they  went  along,  and  did  not 
stop  until  they  had  crossed  the  South  Fork  of  the  Shenandoah, 
which  was  immediately  in  General  Early's  rear,  where  they 
formed  as  foragers,  and  with  drawn  sabres  held  the  east  bank 
of  the  stream.  The  enemy  threw  down  their  arms  and  surren- 
dered, with  cheers  at  the  suddenness  with  which  they  were 
captured.  The  general  officers  present  at  this  engagement 
were  Generals  Early,  Hosser,  Long,  Wharton,  and  Lilley  ;  and  it 
has  always  been  a  wonder  to  me  how  they  escaped,  unless  they 
hid  in  obscure  places  in  the  houses  of  the  town."  Ouster 
pushed  on  after  Early's  trains,  and  did  not  halt  until  he  got  to 
the  Blue  Ridge. 

The  results  of  this  capture,  made  by  Ouster,  single-handed, 


THE    LAST    RAID.  275 

were  eleven  guns,  complete  with  caissons,  teams,  etc.,  two 
hundred  wagons,  sixteen  hundred  prisoners,  and  seventeen 
battle-flags.  He  had  fully  balanced  his  account  of  rivalry  with 
the  First  division,  and  passed  it  fairly.  His  loss  was  insignifi- 
cant, owing  entirely  to  the  dash  and  rapidity  of  his  fighting. 
That  night  he  crossed  the  Blue  Eidge  and  encamped  on  the 
other  side,  in  full  view  of  that  mysterious  land  which  had 
been  a  sealed  book  for  the  Federal  army,  the  country  where 
lay  Charlottesville,  Gordonsville,  Columbia,  the  upper  James, 
never  visited  since  the  short  and  hasty  raid  of  Stoneman  at  the 
time  of  Chancellorsville,  and  then  only  hastily  skimmed,  in  fear 
and  trembling.  Thanks  to  Ouster,  it  was  now  open  to  our 
forces  in  every  direction,  with  not  an  enemy  nearer  than  Peters- 
burg, and  the  end  was  coming  fast. 

Devin's  division  camped  at  "Waynesboro'  that  night$  and  the 
cavalry  corps  was  divided.  The  horses  had  been  suffering  fear- 
fully from  grease-heel  and  scratches,  ever  since  they  had  left 
the  pike  and  entered  the  mud  roads.  The  great  fatigue,  the 
poor  food,  and  finally  the  change  from  oats  to  corn,  when  they 
used  up  their  first  forage  and  lived  off  the  country,  was  running 
them  lame  by  fifties  and  hundreds.  Only  the  toughest  were 
able  to  march  well  enough  to  be  trusted  on  a  further  raid 
through  the  mud  of  the  low  countries,  and  the  next  day's  work 
to  Charlottesville  promised  to  be  worse  than  the  road  to 
"Waynesboro'.  It  was  necessary  to  send  back  the  Confederate 
prisoners  and  train  to  Winchester,  and  with  that  object  a  col- 
umn of  1,500  men,  under  Colonel  Thompson,  First  New 
Hampshire  cavalry,  was  detached  at  Waynesboro',  and  ordered 
back  to  Winchester.  Colonel  Thompson  went  off,  followed  ^y 
Rosser,  who  made  a  fierce  attack  on  him  at  Mount  Jackson, 
thirty  miles  from  Winchester,  trying  to  rescue  the  prisoners. 
Rosser  failed  to  do  this ;  and  lost  instead  some  of  his  own 
men,  whom  Thompson  took  safely  in  with  .him. 

The  valley  being  tranquil,  Sheridan  resumed  his  march, 
Ouster  ahead  as  usual.  The  young  general  did  not  seem  to  like 


276  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

to  give  up  the  advance,  rule  or  no  rule,  and  Sheridan  indulge< 
him.  Ouster  inarched  to  Charlottesville,  and  was  met  outside 
the  town  hy  a  polite  deputation,  headed  by  the  Mayor,  who 
brought  him  the  keys  of  the  public  buildings.  Here  the  whole 
command  rested  two  days,  till  the  train  could  be  brought  up, 
the  roads  being  in  horrible  condition.  The  two  divisions,  now 
reduced  to  about  eight  thousand  men,  all  told,  enjoyed  them- 
selves hugely  at  Charlottesville,  forage  and  food  being  plentiful. 
Parties  were  sent  out  to  destroy  the  railroads,  and  did  so  in  the 
most  effectual  manner,  but  the  necessary  delay  caused  Sheridan 
to  abandon  all  idea  of  reaching  Lynchburg. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  the  real  business  of  the  raid  began. 
Merritt  took  the  First  division,  went  up  the  James  River  Canal 
to  Scottsville,  and  returned  to  Columbia.  Sheridan  took  Ouster's 
division  to  Amherst  Court  House.  Each  column  on  its  way 
destroyed  every  piece  of  public  property  likely  to  be  of  use  to 
the  enemy,  blew  up  the  locks  of  the  canal,  ruined  it  utterly, 
burned  the  flour  mills  and  factories,  and  made  a  dash  for  the 
bridges  at  Dugaldsville  and  Hardwicksville.  It  was  Sheridan's 
intention,  had  he  saved  the  bridges,  to  have  crossed  the  river, 
struck  for  Appomattox  Court  House,  and  so  forced  Lee  to  come 
out,  and  probably  surrender,  a  month  earlier  than  he  afterwards 
did.  But  the  bridges  were  burned  before  he  could  get  there, 
and  he  was  left  complete  master  of  all  the  country  north  of  the 
James.  He  could  no  longer  get  at  the  enemy,  nor  could  the 
latter  get  at  him  either.  When  the  columns  united  at  New- 
market, on  the  James  River,  Sheridan  finally  determined  on 
his  grand  stroke  of  joining  Grant.  His  plan  involved  march- 
ing down  the  north  bank  of  the  James,  destroying  the  canal 
as  he  went. 

Only  one  danger  remained.  The  railroad  from  Richmond  to 
Gordonsville  remained  open  for  some  distance,  and  it  was  prob- 
able that  Lee  might  send  out  a  heavy  force  of  infantry,  to  crush 
Sheridan.  Ouster  and  Devin  were  ordered  to  spread  out  in 
different  directions,  and  cut  this  road  as  near  Richmond  as  they 


THE    LAST    RAID.  277 

could  get.  They  accomplished  the  feat  successfully,  and  Sher- 
idan's scouts  soon  brought  him  news  that  showed  him  what  he 
hud  escaped  by  not  crossing  the  James.  It  turned  out  that 
Pickett's  division  of  infantry  and  Fitzhugh  Lee's  cavalry  were 
waiting  for  him  on  the  Southside  Railroad,  but  that  no  move- 

O  ' 

ment  had  been  made  from  Richmond  to  the  north. 

When  Ouster  struck  the  Gordonsville  Railroad  at  Fredericks- 
hall,  he  came  on  some  very  agreeable  intelligence  in  the  tele- 
graph office.  Jt  informed  him  that  the  irrepressible  Early  was 
not  either  dead  or  sleeping.  The  telegram  was  from  Early  to 
Lee.  stating  that  he  was  following  Sheridan  with  two  hundred 
cavalry,  and  intended  to  .strike  him  in  rear  about  daylight.  The 
news  tickled  Ouster  immensely.  He  at  once  dispatched  a  regi- 
ment after  the  unfortunate  Early,  caught  and  destroyed  his 
party,  and  nearly  took  Early  himself,  the  latter  swimming  the 
South  Anna  to  escape,  accompanied  by  a  single  orderly,  after  a 
campaign  in  which  he  lost  all  his  army,  every  piece  of  artillery, 
and  all  his  trains. 

Through  the  country  to  the  north  of  Richmond,  Ouster  and 
Merritt  now  roamed  at  will  for  more  than  a  week.  On  the 
14th  March,  Ouster's  scouting  parties  burned  a  railway,  within 
eleven  miles  of  Richmond  itself,  while  Merritt  burned  the 
bridges  over  the  North  and  South  Anna  Rivers.  By  this  time 
Sheridan's  scouts  had  reached  Grant,  and  returned  with  the 
welcome  news  that  supplies  awaited  the  cavalry  at  Whitehouse 
Landing  on  the  Peninsula.  The  way  there  was  open.  Lee  was 
at  Petersburg,  on  the  other  side  of  the  James,  and  could  not  send 
much  force  through  to  the  north  of  Richmond,  but  what  he 
had  he  sent.  Another  telegram  was  captured,  dated  at  Hanover 
Junction.  It  was  from  Longstreet,  addressed  to  a  Colonel 
Haskell,  presumably  a  cavalry  officer  hovering  round  Sheridan. 
It  directed  Haskell  to  "  follow  the  enemy  if  he  goes  east,''  and 
to  observe  whether  he  struck  for  the  Rapidan  or  the  Peninsula. 
Next  day  Ouster  and  Devin  struck  Ashland,  to  the  northwest 
of  Richmond,  on  the  Gordonsville  road.  Prisoners  taken 


278  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

reported  Pickett's  and  Johnson's  divisions  of  infantry,  at  least 
12,000  men,  with  Fitzhugh  Lee's  cavalry  division  of  4,000  men, 
only  four  miles  off,  waiting  to  bag  Sheridan,  Longstreet  in  com- 
mand. This  was  all  Sheridan  wanted  to  know.  By  his  feints 
he  had  drawn  the  slow  moving  infantry  far  away  from  'White- 
house  Landing,  which  is  on  the  Pamunkey  River,  on  the  north 
Bide  of  the  Peninsula.  He  pretended  an  attack  with  Penning- 
ton's  brigade  of  Ouster's  division,  and  moved  off  towards  the 
Whitehouse.  Longstreet  soon  saw  it  was  no  use  for  him  to 
follow  with  infantry,  and  Fitzhugh  Lee  did  not  dare,  single 
handed,  his  force  being  so  far  inferior  to  Sheridan's.  The 
latter  took  his  time,  reaching  Whitehouse  on  the  19th  March, 
to  be  welcomed  by  gunboats  and  supplies. 

Longstreet  returned  to  Lee.  He  knew  how  much  he  was 
wanted.  The  end  was  coming  faster  and  faster.  Sheridan 
rested  at  Whitehouse  five  days,  feeding  his  horses  on  all  the 
oats  they  could  eat.  Supplies  were  prodigal,  and  with  reason. 
The  government  had  saved  nearly  a  month's  subsistence  for 
ten  thousand  men,  and  the  Confederates  had  during  the  whole 
raid  fed  Sheridan's  men  on  the  fat  of  the  land.  On  the 
24th  March,  the  refreshed  column  started,  crossed  the  Penin- 
sula, and  reached  the  James,  filed  over  the  long  pontoon 
bridge,  and  finally  on  the  26th,  went  into  camp  at  the  rear  of 
Grant's  army,  which  lay  in  front  of  Petersburg.  Th,e  last  raid 
was  over,  and  Ouster  was  coming  to  that  brief  and  brilliant 
campaign  which  was  to  complete  his  glory,  and  leave  him  a  full 
major-general  at  twenty-six  years  of  age. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
FIVE  FOKKS. 

ON  the  27th  of  March  the  cavalry  corps  went  into  camp 
behind  the  extreme  left  of  Grant's  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
at  Hancock  Station.  This  station  was  the  terminus  of  the 
military  railroad,  which  ran  from  flank  to  flank  of  the  besiegers, 
occupying,  as  they  did,  a  line  of  nearly  fifteen  miles  in  length. 
There  they  had  lain  in  front  of  Lee's  lines  at  Petersburg  for 
some  nine  weary  months,  in  the  monotony  of  siege  operations, 
wherein  incessant  picket  firing  and  equally  incessant  artillery 
duels  by  day,  were  alternated  with  pauses  of  sulky  repose,  after 
a  more  than  common  expenditure  of  ammunition.  The  only 
reliefs  to  the  monotony  had  been  found  in  the  occasional 
attempts  of  the  Federals  to  extend  their  left  wing  and  turn  Lee's 
right.  These  attempts  had  taken  place  at  various  intervals,  the 
most  desperate  and  successful  having  been  made  by  the  Second 
Corps,  under  the  lead  of  Hancock.  This  cause  led  to  the  nam- 
ing of  the  last  station  of  the  military  railroad  after  that  dashing 
corps  commander. 

So  far  Lee  had  succeeded  in  maintaining  his  main  position 
intact,  in  spite  of  the  inferior  numbers  with  which  he  confronted 
Grant.  His  skillful  use  of  fortifications  made  his  lines  impreg- 
nable, and  he  was  able  to  hold  them  one  against  ten,  with  little 
difficulty  or  danger.  Thus  he  could  always  spare  for  the  threat- 
ened flank  sufficient  force  to  repel  any  assault  and  prevent  the 
turning  of  his  position.  The  country  on  that  flank  was  for  some 
distance  much  like  the  Wilderness  he  had  found  so  favorable 


280  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

for  defence — a  desolate  land  of  scrub  woods,  abandoned  tobacco 
fields  and  dirt  roads,  where  the  defence  and  attack  were  alike 
depressing  to  the  spirits,  and  where  knowledge  of  the  country 
was  the  one  point  of  importance. 

When  Sheridan,  with  Ouster's  and  Devin's  divisions,  went 
into  camp  at  Hancock  Station,  he  received  an  accession  offeree. 
The  old  Second  Cavalry  division,  once  Gregg's,  was  restored  to 
its  old  comrades,  this  time  under  the  command  of  General 
Crook.  Poor  Crook  was,  at  the  moment  of  joining,  under  a 
cloud.  He  had  done  very  well  in  the  Valley,  under  Sheridan's 
command,  till  late  in  the  winter.  Then,  owing  to  inexcusable 
negligence,  he  was  one  night  snapped  up  in  his  headquarters 
by  a  party  of  guerillas,  carried  off,  and  made  a  prisoner.  At 
the  close  of  the  winter  he  was  exchanged,  and  found  himself  at 
Petersburg,  where  he  was  given  the  command  of  this  little 
division. 

The  curious  and  very  unphilosophical  grades  of  rank  in  the 
Federal  army  at  that  time,  as  contrasted  with  those  of  the  Con- 
federates, was  illustrated  by  the  number  of  major-generals  in  the 
cavalry  corps.  Sheridan,  Crook,  Merritt,  and  Custer,  were  all 
major-generals,  the  last  two  being  brevets  assigned.  Devin  and 
Gibbs  were  brigadiers.  The  assignment  to  command  of  each 
was  curious.  Sheridan  seemed  to  have  a  sort  of  roving  com- 
mission to  go  where  he  pleased,  and  Merritt  was  in  the  same 
interesting  condition.  Devin,  Custer  and  Crook  each  had  a 
division,  though  each  held  a  different  rank,  the  first  a  brigadier, 
the  second  a  brevet  major-general,  the  third  a  full  major-gen- 
eral. Gibbs,  although  of  the  same  rank  as  Devin,  had  only  a 
brigade,  and  all  the  other  brigade  commanders  under  Custer 
and  Devin  were  colonels.  Crook's  division  was  the  only  one 
that  was  properly  and  philosophically  officered,  having  three 
brigadiers  for  the  brigades,  and  a  major-general  for  the  division. 

Apart  from  all  these  confusions  of  rank,  the  anomalous 
position  of  Merritt  in  the  campaign,  as  well  as  that  of  Sheridan, 
was  marked.  Nominally  Merritt  had  been  commander  of  Custer 


FIVE    FORKS.  281 

and  Devin,  but  inasmuch  as  both  seemed  to  be  able  to  take 
care  of  themselves,  he  really  became  very  much  like  the  fifth 
wheel  on  a  caisson,  only  useful  in  case  of  accidents.  Actually, 
he  was  most  of  the  time  occupied  as  a  sort  of  dry  nurse  for 
Devin,  who  was  a  slow  and  cautious  officer,  new  to  the 
control  of  a  division,  and,  in  the  mixed  movements  of  the  follow- 
ing campaign,  very  apt  to  get  confused  and  miss  opportunities. 
Devin  was  one  of  those  safe,  steady  men .  who  always  like 
to  keep  their  enemy  straight  in  front,  and  who  lose  their  heads 
if  they  find  themselves  surrounded.  For  a  stubborn  defence 
or  straight  ahead  movement  no  one  was  better,  but  he  always 
did  best  where  he  could  see  his  whole  battle-field.  In  the 
midst  of  such  haphazard  combinations  as  distinguished  the 
campaign  before  Gettysburg,  so  long  as  Devin  was  united  to 
the  division  to  which  his  brigade  was  attached,  he  did  splen- 
didly ;  and  under  the  fostering  care  of  John  Buford,  who 
knew  well  how  to  develop  his  officers,  the  steady  old  colonel  of 
volunteers,  all  guiltless  of  West  Point  as  he  was,  became  a  first- 
rate  brigade  commander,  who  could  be  trusted  out  alone  on  his 
own  responsibility. 

For  such  a  series  of  movements  as  distinguished  the  Five 
Forks  campaign  to  Appomattox,  Devin  was  too  slow,  and  when 
compared  to  the  brilliant  keen-witted  Ouster,  appeared  to  singu- 
lar disadvantage,  save  at  the  battle  of  Five  Forks,  where  his 
division  had  nothing  to  do  but  straight  bull-dog  fighting.  He 
utterly  lacked  that  keen  instinct,  which  seemed  inborn  in 
Ouster,  that  told  him  where  an  enemy  might  be  safely  pushed, 
and  when  the  most  reckless  audacity  would  pay.  While  Devin 
was  reconnoitring  and  getting  ready  to  fight,  Ouster  was  already 
half  through  his  battle ;  and  before  Devin  was  fairly  engaged, 
on  several  occasions  he  found  Ouster  had  snatched  away  the 
prize  from  under  his  very  nose,  gaining  glory,  guns,  and  flags, 
with  little  comparative  danger,  while  Devin  was  wondering 
what  it  was  all  about,  and  when  the  enemy  were  going  to 
charge.  The  trouble  was  that  Devin  was  old,  and  Custet 


282  .       GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

young.  The  quick  wit  of  the  latter  made  him  invincible  ;  and 
Merritt,  who  was  paralyzed  by  the  divided  nature  of  his  com- 
mand, appeared  to  the  same  disadvantage  as  Devin.  The  result 
of  the  whole  campaign  was  that  Ouster  was  invariably  triumph- 
ant. Everything  he  did  succeeded,  failure  seemed  unknown 
to  him,  and  the  surrender  at  Appomattox  left  him  with  the 
highest  individual  fame  as  a  cavalry  commander  of  any  man  ex- 
cept Sheridan.  His  name  and  figure,  when  only  a  division  com- 
mander, were  better  known  all  through  the  Union,  and  attracted 
more  compliments  from  Confederates,  than  those  of  any  corps 
commander  then  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  we  question 
much  whether  at  that  time  there  was  not  far  more  curiosity  to 
see  Ouster  than  either  Meade,  Hancock,  Burnside,  or  Hooker, 
or  indeed  any  one  short  of  Grant,  Sherman,  and  Sheridan. 
Ouster  came  right  behind  them  in  the  popular  favor,  and  en- 
thusiasm ;  and  it  was  mainly  owing  to  his  series  of  brilliant 
successes  in  this,  his  last  campaign  against  a  civilized  foe. 

Of  course  this  fact  (popular  favor)  attracted  much  envy  to 
Ouster,  and  much  detraction  from  him.  Hardly  a  cavalry  officer 
outside  of  his  own  commands  but  was  intensely  jealous  of  him, 
and  detraction  was  ready  to  belittle  all  of  his  exploits.  A  great 
deal  of  this  was  due  to  the  boasting  and  sarcastic  remarks  of 
his  injudicious  friends,  who  could  not  be  satisfied  with  praising 
their  own  chief  without  depreciating  others.  This  caused  a 
good  deal  of  bitter  feeling  at  the  time  ;  and,  added  to  the  fact 
that  part  of  Ouster's  success  in  the  last  campaign  was  due  to 
his  perception  of  the  demoralization  of  the  enemy,  gave  rise  to 
many  sneers  at  Ouster's  captures,  which  were  ascribed  by  hia 
detractors  to  mere  luck,  without  serious  fighting.  A  cool  and 
candid  examination  of  the  evidence  however,  shows  that  "  Ous- 
ter's luck"  was  peculiar  to  Ouster  himself,  and, coming  toother 
men,  would  have  been  lost.  It  consisted  mainly  in  the  quickness 
with  which  he  seized  every  opportunity  as  soon  as  it  occurred,  and 
this  quickness  was  entirely  owing  to  the  difference  of  his  method 
of  directing  a  battle  from  that  adopted  by  most  general  officers. 


FIVE    FORKS.  283 

The  prevalent  custom  among  commanders,  whether  of  com- 
panies, regiments,  brigades,  divisions,  corps  or  armies,  when 
their  commands  are  in  a  battle,  is  to  take  post  in  rear  of  the 
centre  of  the  line,  whence  they  can  see  all  or  most  of  the  line 
of  battle  of  their  own  men,  and  be  able  to  order  in  reserves  to 
any  threatened  part  of  the  line.  For  a  defensive  position  this 
is  well,  and  if  an  eminence  can  be  secured  for  the  commander, 
from  which  he  can  survey  the  field,  so  much  the  better.  If  the 
country  is  open  and  the  enemy  in  plain  sight  from  the  com- 
mander's post,  nothing  better  could  be  desired.  The  ideally 
perfect  position  for  such  a  general  would  be  up  in  a  balloon, 
from  whence  he  could  see  both  armies  spread  out  as  on  a  chess 
board,  and  direct  the  operations  of  his  own  by  telegraph.  Un- 
fortunately, no  means  has  yet  been  found  by  which  a  balloon 
can  be  anchored  at  a  great  elevation,  in  any  weather  except  a 
dead  calm,  and  consequently  the  balloon  plan  has  been  aban- 
doned, lofty  hills  being  preferred.  Some  commanders,  like  Mc- 
Clellan  at  Antietam,  take  the  highest  ground  in  the  neighbor- 
hood, no  matter  how  far  back  it  is,  and  trust  to  their  glasses  to 
tell  them  of  the  movements.  This  again,  is  only  possible  in  an 
open  country.  In  a  heavily  wooded  place,  such  as  the  Wilder- 
ness or  the  vicinity  of  Five  Forks,  no  chief,  in  rear  of  the  centre 
of  his  line,  can  learn  anything  of  what  is  going  on,  save  by 
listening  to  the  firing  and  requiring  constant  reports  to  be  sent 
in  from  the  skirmish  line. 

There  is,  however,  another  position,  which  may  be  taken  by 
a  leader  in  any  country  and  which  offers  special  advantages  in 
a  closely  wooded  one.  This  position  was  the  one  habitually 
taken  by  Ouster.  It  was  up  with  ike  skirmish  line  itself,  keep- 
ing in  constant  motion  from  end  to  end  of  the  line.  This  position 
has  many  advantages  over  the  rear  centre  post.  The  general 
sees  more,  and  knows  by  experience  over  what  ground  his  men 
are  going.  He  sees  as  much  as  any  one  can,  for  he  is  nearest 
to  the  enemy.  If  the  latter  falters  or  presses,  he  is  on  the  spot, 
and  gives  suitable  orders,  vivavoce,  not  through  an  aide-de-camp. 


284:  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

The  only  orders  he  needs  to  send,  are  those  which  go  to  the 
reserves  in  rear.  Moreover,  his  constant  presence  is  a  great 
encouragement  to  the  soldiers,  who  value  kind  words  exactly 
in  proportion  to  the  rank  of  the  person  from  whom  they  come. 
The  general  who  shares  their  dangers  they  are  ready  to  adore, 
after  one  or  two  battles,  as  Ouster  always  found. 

The  objections  to  this  position  for  a  general  are  two.  First, 
it  is  fatiguing,  and  uses  up  horses  very  fast.  Second,  the  gen- 
eral may  get  shot.  These  risks  Ouster  always  took,  along  with 
Sheridan,  Phil.  Kearny,  and  one  or  two  others  in  the  army  who 
followed  the  same  plan.  To  be  always  in  the  advance,  and 
always  in  rapid  motion,  was  their  secret.  It  showed  them 
the  opportunities,  the  moment  they  occurred.  This  was  the 
secret,  the  real  secret,  of  Ouster's  wonderful  success  in  Sheridan's 
last  campaign,  and  the  difference  between  him  and  Devin. 
"While  the  latter  was  watching  his  own  line,  Ouster  was  watch- 
ing that  of  the  enemy.  Who  shall  deny  that  his  laurels  were 
fairly  won  ? 

It  was  a  fine  sight  to  see  Ouster  and  his  staff  on  the  field, 
during  that  last  campaign.  The  appearance  of  the  leader  had 
slightly  changed,  since  he  was  brevetted  major-general.  The 
old  blue  shirt,  with  its  star  in  the  corner,  remained,  but  the 
velvet  jacket  was  replaced  by  a  blue  sack  with  major-generaPs 
shoulder  straps,  and  his  trousers  were  now  of  the  regulation  sky- 
blue.  The  cavalier  hat,  long  curls,  and  flaunting  red  necktie, 
were  as  conspicuous  as  ever,  and  every  man  in  the  division  had 
apparently  mounted  the  same  insignia,  with  an  attempt  to  imi- 
tate the  careless  grace  of  their  leader.  There  were  more  shocks 
of  long,  shaggy,  unkempt  hair  in  the  Third  Division  than  any- 
where else  in  the  army.  As  for  neckties,  Ouster's  division  could 
be  recognized  a  mile  off,  by  its  fluttering,  scarlet  handkerchiefs, 
and  they  w^ere  to  be  met  with  all  over  the  country. 

With  his  forces  under  this  leadership,  Sheridan  left  camp 
on  the  29th  of  Harch,  starting  out  to  the  extreme  left  of  the 
army.  It  was  Grant's  first  intention  that  the  cavalry  should 


FIVE    FORKS.  285 

only  make  a  raid  in  Lee's  rear,  cut  the  Soutbside  Railway,  and, 
after  ravaging  the  country,  join  Sherman's  force.  It  was  ex- 
pected that  this  raid  would  be  a  long  and  weary  one,  and  Sheri- 
dan weeded  his  force  of  all  weak  and  broken  down  horses  and 
dismounted  men,  who  were  left  at  Petersburg.  It  will  give 
some  idea  of  how  tremendously  severe  the  last  raid  through 
the  mud  had  been  on  Sheridan's  horses,  to  note  the  numbers 
he  now  took  with  him.'  The  First  and  Third  divisions  had 
started  from  Winchester,  a  month  before,  9484  strong.  They 
had  been  weeded  of  1500  men  at  Waynesboro,  leaving  about 
8000  men ;  and  now  all  they  could  muster  was  5700  men,  all 
told,  fit  for  a  march.  To  this  5700  was  added  Crook's  3300 
men,  and  at  a  later  date  McKenzie's  skeleton  cavalry  division 
from  the  Army  of  the  James,  1000  strong.  This  made  Sheri- 
dan's total  cavalry  force  10,000  men,  and  to  his  command  was 
subsequently  added  the  Fifth  Corps.  Sheridan  was  no  longer 
attached  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  He  took  his  orders 
direct  from  Grant,  without  the  interposition  of  Meade,  and  the 
fact  of  his  having  been  made  a  major-general  in  the  regular 
army  made  him  senior  to  every  one  but  Meade.  Grant  gave 
him  a  sort  of  general  command  over  the  left  wing  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  during  the  subsequent  operations. 

On  the  29th  March,  the  cavalry  moved  out  of  the  lines, 
striking  off  to  the  southwest.  The  first  night  they  crossed 
Hatcher's  Hun,  and  moved  on  in  the  direction  of  Dinwiddie 
Court  House,  which  was  reached  by  Devin,  who  had  the  ad- 
vance, about  5  o'clock.  Devin  and  Crook  went  into  camp  there. 
Custer  was  left  behind  at  Hatcher's  Run  (called  Rowanty  Creek 
there,  having  been  joined  by  Gravelly  Run).  It  had  begun  to 
rain,  the  roads  were  horrible,  the  creek  was  only  bridged  by 
pontoons,  and  it  was  supposed  that  Fitzhugh  Lee's  cavalry  was 
off  to  the  south,  ready  to  pounce  on  Sheridan's  trains  if  he  saw 
an  opportunity.  It  turned  out  that  this  was  an  error.  The 
Confederate  cavalry  was  really  to  the  north,  inside  of  Lee's 
lines,  on  the  very  right  of  his  army.  Sheridan,  by  his  rapid 


286  GENERAL   GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

march,  had  left  a  gap  of  about  ten  miles  between  himself  and 
the  head  of  the  Union  column  of  infantry.  This  was  composed 
of  the  Fifth  Corps,  near  Ouster,  and  the  Second  Corps  next 
behind  it. 

For  a  clear  understanding  of  what  follows,  a  rough  formu- 
lated diagram  of  the  country,  showing  the  general  direction  of 
points  of  subsequent  importance,  will  be  found  of  use.  It  is 
taken  from  General  Warren's  sketch,  annexed  to  his  subsequent 
vindication  of  himself.  [See  map,  end  of  chapter.] 

In  this  sketch  the  curves  are  roughly  indicated,  but  it  will 
show  the  directions  in  straight  lines,  with  sufficient  accuracy. 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  March,*  Sheridan  sent 
Devin,  together  with  Davies'  brigade  of  Crook's  force,  from 
Dinwiddie,  due  north,  to  gain  Five  Forks,  on  the  White  Oak 
road.  Sheridan  himself  remained  behind,  to  help  out  Custer 
and  the  trains,  a  job  which  was  not  over  at  dark  of  the  30th. 
Devin  came  to  Five  Forks,  and  found  the  enemy  in  such  force 
that  he  could  not  dislodge  him.  It  rained  all  day,  and  Devin's 
pickets  were  lighting  all  the  time,  but  made  no  impression. 

The  position  on  the  morning  of  the  31st  was  this.  [See  map.] 
Sheridan  was  at  Dinwiddie,  about  seven  miles  from  the  head 
of  the  infantry,  over  roads  so  muddy  that  the  distance  must  be 
doubled  to  give  an  idea  of  the  time  necessary  for  help  to  reach 
him.  Grant's  column  was  curlinground  Lee's  left,  but  the  latter 
saw  an  opportunity  for  a  brilliant  stroke.  It  was  to  send  down 
a  heavy  force  by  the  White  Oak  road  to  Five  Forks,  smash 
Devin,  roll  him  back  on  Sheridan,  and  crush  the  latter,  separa- 
ting him  from  Grant  by  entering  the  gap  between  them.  To 
do  this,  Lee  detached  Pickett's  division,  part  of  Johnson's,  and 
all  the  Confederate  Cavalry.  The  whole  force  was  about 

*  During  the  night  of  the  29th  March,  Grant  changed  his  mind  as  to 
Sheridan's  ultimate  disposition,  and  sent  him  word  to  that  effect.  He  had 
passed  the  flank  of  Lee's  army.  Instead  of  sending  him  off  to  ravage  the 
country  and  join  Sherman,  Grant  now  ordered  him  to  turn  on  Lee's  right 
flank.  This  order  was  the  one  that  sent  Devin  to  Five  Forks,  and  determined 
the  issue  of  the  campaign. 


FIVE    FORKS.  287 

11,000  men.  The  only  trouble  was,  Lee  did  it  too  late. 
Had  he  struck  Devlin  and  Sheridan  on  the  30th,  the  Fifth 
Corps  was  still  out  of  supporting  distance.  On  the  evening  of 
the  31st,  it  was  within  five  miles  of  Sheridan. 

He  tried  it  on  the  31st,  in  the  style  in  which  Lee  always 
delivered  his  attacks.  It  was  carefully  and  secretly  prepared, 
and  executed  about  two  in  the  afternoon.  Striking  Devin, 
whose  total  force  did  not  exceed  four  thousand  men,  of  which 
one-fourth  were  horse-holders,  the  fighting  being  dismounted, 
the  Confederates  drove  him  out  of  the  woods  into  the  road  to 
Dinwiddie,  with  crushing  force.  They  formed  a  perfect  horse- 
shoe of  fire  around  the  little  division,  and  resistance  was  useless. 
It  was  made,  however,  with  that  savage  obstinacy  peculiar  to 
dismounted  cavalry,  covering  the  retreat  of  their  horses.  The 
men  held  on  till  the  beasts  were  out  of  danger,  rallied  and 
charged  again  and  again,  and  finally  emerged  in  the  fields, 
repulsed  but  not  conquered,  having  saved  every  horse  and  gun, 
and  without  the  loss  of  a  prisoner. 

This  was  the  last  brilliant  move  Lee's  army,  or  any  portion 
of  it,  ever  made.  This  dashing  corps  of  eleven  thousand  men, 
starting  from  the  White  Oak  road,  first  drove  back  the  head 
of  the  Fifth  Corps,  then  swung  over  and  beat  Devin,  followed 
him  down  the  road  and  charged  Crook,  and  was  only  brought 
to  a  final  halt  in  front  of  Dinwiddie  Court  House,  by  the  rest  of 
the  cavalry  corps,  deployed  in  the  open  fields,  dismounted. 
Devin's  division  was  separated  from  the  rest.  Custer  brought 
up  two  brigades  from  the  belated  train,  and  with  three  others 
managed  to  hold  the  victorious  foe  till  night,  when  Pickett 
rested  on  his  arms  in  front  of  Dinwiddie  Court  House. 

Such  was  the  position  at  nightfall  of  the  31st.  Sheridan 
was  isolated,  and  Pickett  was  in  front  of  him,  but  a  glance  at 
the  diagram  will  show  that  Pickett  was  also  isolated  from  Lee, 
arid  that  "Warren,  with  the  Fifth  Corps,  was  right  behind 
Pickett.  All  Warren  had  to  do  was  to  move  down  the  Boydton 
plank  road,  to  strike  the  enemy  directly  in  the  rear. 


288  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

Sheridan  saw  this  plainly  enough,  and  sent  another  officer  to 
Warren,  telling  him  to  "  attack  Pickett  at  daylight."  It  appears, 
from  General  Warren's  "Narrative,"  that  Sheridan  misconceived 
Warren's  position,  imagining  that  he  was  about  two  miles 
nearer  to  Five  Forks  than  he  really  was.  Actually,  the  bulk 
of  the  Fifth  corps  was  nearly  six  miles  off,  but  Warren's  head- 
quarters were  only  four  miles  from  Sheridan's,  on  the  Boydton 
plank  road.  We  have  been  careful  to  take,  in  regard  to  the 
subsequent  battle,  the  exact  statements  of  fact  of  General  War- 
ren as  true,  and  it  seems  quite  clear  that  the  difficulty  which 
ensued  between  the  two  generals  was  one  of  temperament 
wholly.  Warren  was  a  cool,  cautious,  methodical  man,  whose 
training  as  an  engineer  had  assisted  to  make  him,  like  JVfcClellan, 
careful  and  painstaking.  He  did  his  very  best,  but  his  tem- 
perament rendered  it  an  absolute  impossibility  for  Warren  to 
do  anything  in  a  hurry.  Sheridan,  on  the  other  hand,  was  rapid 
and  impetuous,  and  his  contact  with  such  a  totally  dissimilar 
character  as  Warren  was  sure  to  bring  difficulty,  unless  indeed 
the  latter,  like  Devin,  was  willing  to  obey  orders  blindly,  no 
matter  what  the  consequences  to  himself.  This,  however,  was 
just  what  Warren's  character  again  rendered  him  incapable  of 
doing.  Being  a  polished  and  perfectly  educated  soldier,  who 
•had  graduated  high  at  West  Point,  he  set  a  value  on  his  own 
notion  of  how  a  thing  should  be  done,  and  this  is  very  evident 
in  his  "  Narrative."  When  Sheridan  asked  hirn  to  hurry,  he 
replied  in  effect  that  he  was  doing  the  best  he  could ;  he  differed 
in  opinion  from  Sheridan  as  to  the  proper  place  of  a  general  on 
the  battle-field  ;  and  whenever  the  opinions  of  the  two  came  in 
conflict,  as  they  did  on  almost  every  point  of  real  importance, 
Warren  stuck  to  his  own  opinion,  and  tacitly  implied  that  he 
was  going  to  do  as  he  pleased.  This  fact  develops  itself  in  his 
subsequent  "  Narrative,"  in  one  very  important  point,  on  which 
we  have  already  touched  in  speaking  of  the  difference  between 
Ouster  and  Devin. 

Sheridan's  idea  of  the  proper  place  of  a  general  was  at  the 


FIVE    FORKS.  289 

front,  in  rapid  motion,  where  lie  could  see  for  himself.  "War- 
ren's idea  was  that  of  rear  of  the  centre,  and  out  of  fire.  He 
justifies  it  in  the  following  sentence  in  his  narrative.  "  While 
giving  orders  thus,  I  did  not  think  it  proper  to  leave  my  place 
in  the  open  field,  because  it  was  one  where  my  staft' officers,  sent 
to  different  parts  of  the  command,  could  immediately  find  me 
on  their  return,  and  thus  I  could  get  information  from  all  points 
at  once;  and  utilize  the  many  eyes  of  my  staff  and  those  of  my 
subordinate  commanders,  instead  of  going  to  some  special  point 
myself,  and  neglecting  all  others." 

This  sentence  shows  the  radical  difference  between  the  two 
men.  It  was  a  clash  of  wills,  and  Warren  would  not  yield. 
Sheridan  sent  word  to  him,  that  night,  where  the  cavalry  was, 
and  where  the  enemy  was ;  also  that  he,  Warren,  was  behind 
the  enemy.  He  concluded,  "  I  will  hold  on  here.  Possibly  they 
may  attack  Ouster  at  daylight :  if  so,  attack  instantly,  and  in 
full  force.  Attack  at  daylight  anyhow." 

He  pointed  out  that  by  so  doing  Sheridan  and  Warren  could 
bag  the  whole  of  Pickett's  isolated  force.  The  message  reached 
Warren  at  4.50  A.  M.  April  1st ;  too  late  for  obedience.  The 
Fifth  Corps  could  not  get  to  Sheridan  by  daylight,  as  the  near- 
est brigade  was  four  miles  off,  and  the  sun  rose  at  six.  It 
seems  too,  that  although  Sheridan  knew  Warren  was  under  his 
orders,  Warren  did  not.  It  was  not  till  an  hour  and  a  half 
after  receipt  of  Sheridan's  order  that  Warren  received  one  from 
Meade,  the  immediate  commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
directing  him  "  to  report  to  Sheridan." 

As  it  happened,  no  harm  was  done.  Pickett  was  just  as  as- 
tute as  Sheridan.  He  saw  his  danger,  and  quietly  left  in  the 
morning,  falling  back  to  Five  Forks,  where  he  held  a  line  of 
breastworks  to  the  north  of  the  White  Oak  road  ;  and  there 
the  cavalry  followed  him.  The  position  was  some  three  miles 
to  the  north  of  Dinwiddie,  and  about  three  miles  and  a  half 
to  the  west  of  Warren.  The  latter  did  not  join  Sheridan,  un- 
der his  orders,  till  eleven  o'clock.  One  can  fancy  how  this  must 
19  J 


290  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

have  irritated  the  impatient  cavalry  leader.  His  men  had  been 
out  since  six  o'clock,  pushing  Pickett  back  to  Five  Forks,  and 
here  was  Pickett  before  him,  separated  by  a  gap  of  about 
five  miles  from  Lee's  army,  while  Warren,  with  15,000  men, 
ready  to  occupy  that  gap,  was  letting  the  precious  moments 
slip.  It  seemed  almost  impossible  that  Pickett  could  be  fool 
enough  to  stay  where  he  was,  to  be  trapped  ;  and  it  was  much 
more  reasonable  to  suppose,  from  his  obstinate  attitude,  that 
Leo  was  bringing  up  more  forces  behind,  to  serve  Sheridan  as 
he  had  served  Devin.  In  such  a  case,  an  ugly  and  dishearten- 
ing check  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  such  as  had  happened 
so  often  before,  was  pretty  certain. 

When  at  last  Warren  was  up,  Sheridan  did  not  hurry  him 
unduly.  McKenzie's  little  division  reported  to  the  general  at 
the  same  time,  coming  down  the  White  Oak  road,  and  brought 
the  news  that  the  country  in  that  direction  was  clear,  so  that  it 
was  settled  that  the  gap  between  Lee  and  Pickett  really  ex- 
isted. Sheridan  sent  back  HcKenzie  to  Dinwiddie  as  a  reserve, 
and  to  guard  the  trains,  while  Ouster  and  Devin,  under  Mer- 
ritt's  orders,  proceeded  to  assault  the  works  at  Five  Forks, 
threatening  especially  to  turn  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy. 
2STot  till  one  o'clock  did  Sheridan  deem  the  attack  sufficiently 
serious  to  hold  the  enemy ;  then  he  sent  word  to  Warren  to 
bring  up  his  infantry,  which  was  lying  about  half  a  mile  from 
the  works.  It  was  ordered  to  advance  in  the  following  order : 

Ay  res  and  Crawford's  divisions  in  the  first  line,  and  Grif- 
fin's behind  Crawford,  were  to  strike  the  left  of  Pickett's  line, 
and  sweep  down  behind  the  breastworks,  while  Custer  and 
Devin  were  to  charge  home  in  front.  Crook  was  not  engaged. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  Custer  and  Devin,  with  only  5,700 
men,  had  been  fighting  and  driving  the  enemy  all  the  morn- 
ing, and  that  the  Fifth  Corps  had  not  yet  struck  a  blow  that 
day.  Imagine  then,  the  impatience  with  which  Sheridan  saw 
Warren  bringing  up  his  corps  of  15,000  men,  the  order  given 
at  one  o'clock,  and  he  not  ready  till  four.  Three  whole  hours 


FIVE    FORKS.  291 

consumed  in  putting  a  single  corps,  already  massed,  into  line 
of  battle,  were  more  than  enough,  and  we  can  see  the  sarcasm 
of  the  remark  which  Sheridan  made  to  him,  as  Warren  reports 
in  the  "  Narrative."  "  General  Sheridan  expressed  to  me  his 
apprehension  that  our  cavalry,  which  continued  to  fire  :n  the 
enemy,  would  use  up  all  their  ammunition  before  my  troops 
would  be  ready.  I  informed  him  that  they  would  not  all  be  in 
position  before  four  p.  M." 

Here  the  difference  of  the  two  men  was  again  manifest. 
Sheridan  was  all  hurry,  with  no  such  word  as  "  impossible  "  ; 
Warren,  with  a  constitutional  inability  to  hurry,  was  finding  so 
many  things  impossible. 

At  last,  however,  Warren  was  ready,  and  advanced.  After 
that  he  had  no  more  trouble.  With  a  simultaneous  charge, 
Pickett's  men  and  Wise's  brigade  were  swept  out  of  existence 
as  an  organized  body,  and  Five  Forks  was  won.  As  soon  as 
Warren  entered  the  fight,  Sheridan  at  once  possessed  twenty 
thousand  men  to  Pickett's  ten,  and  the  surrender  of  the  Con- 
federate infantry  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  When  the  Fifth 
Corps  charged,  Custer  and  Devin  followed  suit,  swept  over  the 
breastworks,  and  captured  all  the  guns  and  battleflags  in  the 
works.  Pickett  was  no  longer  a  division  commander. 

No  sooner  was  the  fight  fairly  over,  than  Sheridan  sent  a 
curt  note  to  Warren. 

"  Major- General  Warren,  commanding  the  Fifth  Army 
Corps,  is  relieved  from  duty,  and  will  report  at  once  for  orders 
to  Lieutenant  General  Grant,  commanding  armies  United 
States." 

It  came  like  a  thunderbolt  to  Warren.  He  had  evidently 
not  expected  it.  He,  even  in  his  "  Narrative,"  seems  to  be 
seriously  impressed  with  the  idea  that  the  victory  at  Five  Forks 
was  owing  to  his  exertions,  and  that  he  had  done  his  whole 
duty,  for  which  he  should  have  been  praised.  He  complains, 
in  this  "Narrative,"  of  the  peculiar  hardship  and  injustice  of 
relieving  him,  at  the  very  moment  when  he  had  done  his  work 


292  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

and  was  triumphantly  successful.  After  a  careful  examination 
and  comparison  of  his  account  with  that  of  Sheridan,  the  con- 
duct of  the  latter  is  easy  to  explain.  Sheridan  was  above  all 
things  a  practical  soldier,  with  little  solicitude  for  any  one's 
feelings,  in  a  matter  where  success  was  involved.  When  he 
found,  as  he  early  did,  that  he  and  Warren  could  not  pull 
together,  there  is  little  doubt  that  he  determined  to  relieve  him, 
as  he  had  the  power  to  do.  But  to  have  relieved  Warren  from 
command  at  the  commencement  of  a  movement  like  this — an 
assault  in  force — would  have  been  very  perilous.  Had  he  been 
suddenly  removed,  it  would  have  involved  a  change  of  leaders, 
all  through  the  corps,  unfamiliar  officers,  and  a  prospect  of  fail- 
ure, with  a  perfect  certainty  of  delay,  even  greater  than  Warren 
caused.  Through  Sheridan's  own  activity  in  reaching  Dinwid- 
die  Court  House  in  a  single  day,  he  had  gained  time  on  the 
enemy,  and  Lee's  hesitation  to  abandon  Petersburg  had  given 
him  more.  It  was  clear  that  the  cavalry  could  hold  Pickett  sta- 
tionary till  night,  and  a  single  hour  was  time  enough  to  consum- 
mate the  victory  of  Five  Forks,  once  the  combined  attack  was 
made.  Sheridan  weighed  his  chances  and  calculated  that  he 
would  have  just  about  enough  time,  even  if  he  gave  Warren  his 
own  way,  which  he  did.  Success  attained,  he  had  no  further 
need  to  keep  Warren,  and  every  reason  to  get  rid  of  him.  In 
the  further  prosecution  of  the  campaign,  activity  and  hearty 
cooperation  were  absolutely  necessary,  and  neither  of  these  was 
to  be  looked  for  from  Warren.  Sheridan  wanted  a  man  who 
would  obey  orders,  not  dispute  them,  and  Warren's  weakness 
lay  in  the  latter  direction.  By  the  sudden  exercise  of  arbi- 
trary power,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Sheridan  made  a  bitter 
enemy  of  Warren,  and  excited  much  ill-feeling  in  the  whole 
Fifth  Corps,  but  the  practical  success  of  the  future  movements 
in  pursuit  justified  him  to  the  country.  Rightly  considered,  the 
relief  of  Warren  was  no  discredit  to  that  officer,  as  a  soldier 
employed  in  scientific  warfare.  He  was  as  good  a  commander 
as  he  had  ever  been,  but  in  the  pursuit  of  Lee,  scientific  warfare 


FIVE    FORKS.  293 

was  not  needed  so  much  as  unremitting  activity.  The  enemy 
had  little  or  no  force  left  to  fight  in  open  country ;  the  only 
difficulty  was  to  catch  him.  Warren  was  an  engineer,  Sheri- 
dan a  huntsman,  and  the  latter  needed  more  huntsmen,  not 
engineers.  The  best  proof  that  Warren's  relief  was  not  re- 
garded by  Grant  as  an  indication  of  incapacity,  was  afforded  by 
Warren's  almost  immediate  assignment  to  the  command  of  the 
Department  of  the  Mississippi.  He  was  as  good  as  ever  for  any 
purpose,  except  the  one  for  which  Sheridan  needed  him,  that 
was  all. 

We  have  been  somewhat  lengthy  in  our  account  of  the  diffi- 
culty between  Warren  and  Sheridan  at  Five  Forks,  because  it 
is  essential  to  the  complete  understanding  of  the  campaign  in 
which  Ouster  bore  so  important  a  part.  Another  thing  must 
be  taken  into  account  in  estimating  the  subsequent  operations, 
to  explain  the  difference  between  the  cavalry  and  infantry. 

When  Sheridan  arrived  at  Petersburg,  he  came  from  a 
campaign  in  the  open  field,  wherein  intrenchments  had  played  no 
part.  He  was  used  to  activity,  as  were  his  cavalry.  He  found 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  enfeebled  by  a  long  siege,  of  which 
the  effects  are  well  known.  They  disincline  men  to  long 
marches  and  active  exertions.  What  was  a  mere  bagatelle  to 
Sheridan's  riders,  was  a  terribly  long  march  to  the  infantry,  fresh 
from  winter  quarters,  out  of  condition  and  heavily  loaded  as 
they  were.  Infantry  generals  are  so  much  used  to  being  ham- 
pered by  the  exhaustion  of  their  men,  that  they  are  apt  to  sink 
down  and  pronounce  a  long  march  "  impossible,"  especially  at 
the  beginning  of  a  campaign.  It  needed  all  the  fiery  energy  of 
Sheridan  and  the  example  of  the  cavalry  to  nerve  the  infantry 
up  to  their  work.  They  would  fight  as  well  as  ever,  but  had 
got  out  of  the  habit  of  marching ;  and  it  was  marching  that  was 
now  needed.  Moreover,  so  used  was  the  whole  army  to  en- 
countering a  foe  rendered  formidable  by  fortifications,  and 
always  ready  to  fight,  that  it  was  not  dreamed  of  by  any,  till 
some  days  after,  that  Lee  was  on  his  way  to  surrender.  Besides 


294:  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

Grant,  Sheridan  seems  to  have  been  the  only  man  who  had  the 
idea,  and  it  was  he  who  suggested  it  to  Grant,  in  his  laconic 
dispatch,  "  I  think,  if  things  are  pushed,  Lee  will  surrender." 
The  still  more  laconic  reply  of  Grant  is  equally  well  known — 
"  Push  things."  Sheridan  did  push  them,  and  his  right  arm 
was  Ouster. 

4 

The  present  chapter,  while  part  of  the  life  of  Ouster,  has 
unavoidably  wandered  away  from  him  to  the  principal  actors  in 
the  battle  of  Five  Forks.  Ouster's  division  had  not  had  the 
advance  on  the  march  to  Dinwiddie,  and  the  difficulties  with 
road  and  train  had  kept  it  back  to  Rowanty  Creek,  all  of  the 
thirtieth  of  March,  and  till  evening  of  the  thirty-first.  Even 
then,  only  two  of  Ouster's  brigades  were  able  to  get  up  to  help 
Crook's  two  brigades  and  one  of  Devin's,  and  it  was  these  five 
brigades  that  held  Pickett's  entire  force  that  evening.  In  the 
morning  of  the  first  of  April,  Ouster  and  Devin  did  all  the 
fighting  in  advance,  Crook  being  held  in  reserve.  Ouster's  di- 
vision held  the  extreme  left  of  the  line,  threatening  Pickett's 
right.  The  fighting  was  dismounted,  and  quite  severe,  the  cav- 
alry driving  back  the  enemy  from  two  lines  of  defence  to  the 
last  breastwork  at  Five  Forks.  Here  they  stopped,  a  lull  tak- 
ing place  in  the  fight  at  noon,  till  one  o'clock,  when  the  assault 
was  resumed  and  seriously  pressed. 

The  dismounted  lines  of  skirmishers  never  dreamed  but 
what  it  was  their  duty  to  carry  the  works  unassisted,  and  with 
that  notion,  savage  over  the  reverses  of  the  day  previous,  they 
made  two  desperate  charges  over  the  tangled  brushwood,  piled 
in  front  of  the  works,  right  in  the  teeth  of  the  rebel  infantry. 
The  heaviest  fire  fell  on  Devin,  who  occupied  the  centre,  but 
Ouster's  men,  by  their  audacity  in  trying  to  turn  Pickett's 
flank,  suffered  nearly  as  heavily.  It  was  their  bitter  and  deter- 
mined assaults  that  caused  Sheridan's  sarcastic  remark  to  War- 
ren about  the  ammunition.  When  at  last  the  rolling  volleys  of 
the  Fifth  Corps,  to  the  right  of  the  enemy,  showed  they  were 
really  at  work,  the  excitement  of  the  cavalry  rose  once  more. 


Cavalry  Road  to  Five  Forks 

Hoavw 


296  FIVE    FORKS. 

Twice  they  had  been  repulsed  before  the  fearful  fire  from  the 
works,  but  now  they  rose  again.  Their  eagerness  was  changed 
to  a  perfect  frenzy,  a  moment  later,  when  Sheridan  himself, 
with  his  battle  flag  behind  him,  and  all  his  staff,  came  gal- 
loping down  the  line,  through  a  storm  of  bullets,  waving  his 
sword  and  pointing  onwards.  In  a  moment,  every  brigade 
commander  caught  the  impulse  and  dashed  forward,  while  Ous- 
ter, his  red  necktie  and  golden  curls  shining  like  a  star,  galloped 
out  in  front  of  his  line,  and  rode  right  at  the  breastwork.  Such 
a  yell  was  never  heard  as  then  burst  from  the  whole  line  of 
men,  as  they  swept  forward.  The  volleys  of  the  enemy  were 
answered  by  a  perfect  hell  fire  from  the  carbines,  and  the  works 
were  taken  with  a  rush. 

What  a  spectacle  presented  itself  then  !  A  crowd  of  fleeing 
men  in  grey,  running  wildly  and  confusedly  together  from  side 
to  side,  while  a  long  line  of  fire  and  smoke  was  coming  through 
the  woods  from  the  right,  sweeping  away  the  hapless  Confed- 
erates. 

Only  for  a  moment  that  sight  was  seen,  and  the  next  the 
grey-coated  crowds  were  throwing  down  their  arms  and  waving 
their  handkerchiefs,  or  any  thing  white,  in  token  of  surrender. 

The  battle  was  over,  the  Confederate  infantry  annihilated. 
"What  was  left  of  the  cavalry  made  its  escape  to  the  left  of  Cus- 
ter,  and  struck  off  to  the  west,  followed  by  McKenzie's  and 
Custer's  men,  for  about  six  miles,  after  dark. 

The  last  fight  had  been  fought.  The  pursuit  was  now  to 
begin,  and  Custer  had  the  advance. 


CHAPTER  V. 
APPOMATTOX. 

night  of  the  1st  of  April  was  passed  in  serious  work, 
_JL  and  events  were  still  in  a  doubtful  condition.  Lee's  main 
army,  of  unknown  strength,  was  still  intact,  and  Pickett's  defeat 
was  after  all  only  the  capture  of  a  detachment.  Sheridan 
was  on  Lee's  flank,  with  25,000  men,  including  cavalry 
and  Fifth  Corps,  but  they  were  facing  west,  while  Lee's 
main  force  was  at  Petersburg,  to  the  northeast,  and  probably 
not  more  than  five  miles  off.  Obviously,  it  was  still  possible 
for  Lee  to  crush  Sheridan  in  the  morning,  if  he  turned  on  him 
with  all  his  force.  Sheridan  perceived  this  so  clearly  that  he 
at  once  sent  back  two  divisions  of  the  Fifth  Corps  to  open 
connection  with  the  Second,  and  to  face  toward  Petersburg. 
They  found  the  advance  of  the  Second  Corps  before  they  had 
gone  two  miles  on  the  "White  Oak  road.  That  night,  the 
sound  of  heavy  guns  was  incessant  from  Petersburg,  all  night 
long,  and  at  4  A.  M.  increased  to  a  tempest.  At  daybreak,  came 
the  news  that  Wright,  with  the  Sixth  Corps,  had  assaulted 
Lee's  lines  in  front,  found  them  to  be  wreakly  guarded,  that 
Petersburg  was  taken,  and  that  Lee  had  evacuated  all  his  posi- 
tions, and  was  moving  away  to  the  open  country,  in  the  hope 
of  joining  Johnston  for  an  offensive  campaign. 

On  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  April,  the  pursuit  began.  The 
cavalry  pushed  on  to  the  westward,  and  reached  Ford  Station, 
on  the  railroad  from  Petersburg  to  Lynchburg.  In  order  to 
understand  the  further  movements  of  the  pursuit,  a  clear  idea 
of  the  country  is  necessary. 


298  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

Previous  to  the  battle  of  Five  Forks,  Lee's  lines  were  nearly 
north  and  south,  running  between  Petersburg  and  Richmond,  a 
distance  of  nearly  twenty  miles.  His  army  was  now  concen- 
trated and  moving  west.  There  were  two  railroads  crossing 
the  country  he  was  in.  One  ran  from  Richmond,  southwest  to 
Danville,  North  Carolina,  known  as  the  "  Danville  road."  The 
other  ran  from  Petersburg,  nearly  due  west,  to  Lynchburg. 
These  roads  crossed  each  other  at  Burke's  Station,  some  forty 
miles  west  of  Petersburg.  Lee's  first  plan  was  to  move  on  the 
Danville  road,  so  as  to  get  to  North  Carolina  and  join  Johnston. 
The  way  to  block  his  game  was  for  the  cavalry  and  Fifth  Corps 
to  push  for  Burkesville,  throw  themselves  in  his  way,  entrench, 
and  fight,  to  give  time  for  the  rest  of  the  army  to  come  up  and 
take  Lee  in  rear.  On  the  2d  of  April,  Custer,  in  advance, 
reached  Ford  Station,  about  half-way  to  Burke's  Station,  on 
the  Lynchburg  road.  On  the  3d,  the  Union  cavalry  pur- 
sued its  march.  Nothing  -was  met  but  Fitzhugh  Lee's  cav- 
alry, which  gave  way  wherever  struck.  Lee's  main  army  was 
pressing  on  in  a  parallel  line,  some  six  or  seven  miles  north, 
toward  Amelia  Court  House,  on  the  Danville  road.  This  place 
is  about  ten  miles  northeast  of  Burke's ;  Custer  and  Devin 
pursued  the  road  to  Burke's,  but  Crook  and  McKenzie  were 
sent  out  towards  Amelia  Court  House,  along  with  the  Fifth 
Corps,  and  soon  found  the  enemy's  infantry  and  trains.  Lee 
was  come  to  the  turn  of  his  fortune.  He  was  encumbered  by 
an  enormous  train,  full  of  all  that  accumulation  of  rubbish  that 
marks  the  exit  of  troops  from  winter  quarters.  He  had  been 
compelled  to  leave  in  such  a  hurry  that  this  train  was  perfectly 
an  manageable,  and  entirely  unfit  to  go  on  campaign.  Grant 
was  able  to  move  out  with  only  the  pick  of  his  troops  and 
trains,  leaving  the  rest  in  safety  at  his  lines  before  Petersburg. 
Lee  had  to  take  everything,  good  and  bad,  or  leave  it  to  be 
captured. 

The  result  was  quickly  visible  to  the  cavalry  and  Fifth 
Corps.  The  enemy  was  completely  demoralized.  Prisoners 


APPOMATTOX.  299 

dropped  in  by  dozens,  fifties  and  hundreds,  giving  themselves 
up  without  resistance,  wagons  were  found  abandoned,  and — 
surest  sign  of  all — guns,  limbers,  and  caissons/^Z  of  ammuni- 
tion, were  found  all  along  the  road.  Ouster  pushed  on,  and  by 
the  evening  of  the  fourth,  cavalry  and  Fifth  Corps  had  struck 
the  Danville  Road,  and  interposed,  at  a  village  called  Jeters- 
ville,  between  Lee  and  Burke's  Junction.  Sheridan  arrived  at 
Jetersville  at  dusk,  and  learned  without  doubt  that  Lee  was  at 
Amelia  Court  House,  hardly  five  miles  off.  The  Second  Corps 
was  moving  right  in  Lee's  rear,  and  the  Sixth  Corps  was  com- 
ing up  between  the  Fifth  and  Second. 

That  night  was  Lee's  last  chance.  It  was  a  desperate  one 
at  best ;  but  the  Lee  of  Chancellorsville,  who  had  Stonewall 
Jackson  to  back  him,  would  have  seized  it.  The  chance  was  to 
march  down  on  Sheridan  with  all  his  force,  and  crush  him  out 
of  the  wa}7,  then  go  ahead  to  Danville.  This  Lee  feared  to  do. 
He  was  still  encumbered  with  his  long  train,  and  the  worst 
part  of  his  position  was,  that  the  train  carried  no  rations.  His 
army  was  already  short  of  food.  Sheridan  that  very  night  in- 
tercepted a  despatch  from  the  sorely  tried  Confederate  general 
to  the  commissaries  at  Danville  and  Lynchburg,  ordering 
200,000  rations  to  be  sent  to  Burkesville.  They  never  reached 
there.  Next  morning  Lee,  finding  his  road  to  Burkesville 
barred,  stretched  out  for  Lynchburg,  directly  across  country, 
hoping  to  strike  the  railroad  at  Appomottax  Court  House,  forty 
miles  from  Amelia. 

Sheridan  had  first  curled  around  Lee's  right  at  Five  Forks, 
compelling  him  to  fall  back.  Now  he  had  again  curled  round, 
blocked  his  southern  road,  and  left  his  only  way  open  to  the 
west.  Very  soon  he  was  to  bar  even  that  way. 

During  the  fifth  of  April,  the  cavalry  and  Fifth  Corps  lay 
quiet  at  Jetersville.  Crook  was  sent  out  on  the  left,  to  the 
northwest,  to  find  what  the  enemy  was  doing.  Davies'  brigade 
of  his  division  struck  a  wagon  train,  going  west  towards  Ap- 
pomattox,  by  way  of  Deatonsville.  It  was  guarded  by  cavalrv. 


300  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

Davies  took  the  train  and  five  guns.  In  the  afternoon,  Lee 
came  down  and  attacked  Jetersville,  but  without  vigor.  His 
old  pluck  was  gone.  He  simply  desired  to  gain  time  by  the 
demonstrations,  to  get  his  trains  off.  The  road  to  the  west  was 
still  free.  Had  Sheridan  staid  at  Jetersville,  Lee  might  have 
got  off  yet. 

That  evening,  the  rest  of  the  army  came  up  from  Petersburg 
and  the  Fifth  Corps  was  taken  from  Sheridan,  to  be  replaced  by 
the  old  Sixth,  with  which  he  had  fought  in  the  valley.  This 
was  done  at  Meade's  request,  as  we  are  informed  in  Sheridan's 
report. 

On  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  April,  the  Second,  Fifth  and 
Sixth  Corps  struck  north  towards  Amelia  Court  House,  only 
to  find  that  Lee  had  gone,  and  was  already  past  Deatonsville, 
and  near  Farmville,  on  the  road  to  Appomattox. 

Away  went  the  cavalry  after  him,  Crook  leading,  Custer  and 
Devin  following.  It  was  only  five  miles  to  Deatonsville  ;  arid 
there,  in  the  bright  spring  morning,  the  whole  Confederate  army 
was  to  be  seen,  its  trains  stretching  for  miles  and  miles,  trying 
to  escape.  Close  to  Deatonsville  ran  the  little  stream  known  as 
Sailor's  Creek,  which  gave  its  name  to  the  fight  that  followed. 
Now  was  the  time  to  catch  Lee's  trains,  and  capture  at  least  his 
rear  guard.  If  the  whole  Confederate  army  stopped  to  fight,  so 
much  the  better.  The  Union  infantry  was  moving  off  towards 
Amelia  Court  House,  but  a  dispatch  reaching  it,  the  direction 
of  the  columns  was  speedily  changed,  and  it  only  remained  for 
Sheridan's  cavalry  to  hold  Lee  long  enough  for  the  infantry  to 
catch  up. 

Sheridan's  method  of  action  was  very  simple,  as  he  records 
it  in  his  report.  "  Crook  was  at  once  ordered  to  attack  the 
trains,  and  if  the  enemy  was  too  strong,  one  of  the  divisions 
would  pass  him,  while  he  held  fast  and  pressed  the  enemy,  and 
attack  at  a  point  farther  on,  and  this  division  was  ordered  to  do 
the  same,  and  so  on,  alternating,  and  this  system  of  attack 
would  enable  us  finally  to  strike  some  weak  point.  This  result 


APPOMATTOX.  301 

was  obtained  just  south  of  Sailor's  Creek,  and  on  the  high 
ground  over  that  stream.  Ouster  took  the  road,  and  Crook  and 
Deviu  coming  up  to  his  support,  sixteen  pieces  of  artillery  were 
captured,  and  about  four  hundred  wagons  were  destroyed,  while 
three  divisions  of  the  enemy's  infantry  were  cut  off  from  their 
line  of  retreat." 

The  description  that  follows  of  the  part  taken  by  Custer's 
division  in  this  fight  is'  taken  from  the  account  of  one  of  Cus- 
ter's staff  officers.  It  is  so  picturesque  and  life-like  as  to  be 
worth  full  quotation : 

Early  on  the  morning  above  mentioned  our  command  was 
watering  and  massing,  when  a  staff  officer  from  General  Wesley 
Merritt,  then  commanding  the  cavalry  corps,  came  with  orders 
directing  General  Ouster  to  move  forward  at  once  with  his  com- 
mand and  attack  the  enemy's  wagon  train  at  a  certain  point  which 
he,  the  staff  officer,  would  designate.  General  Ouster,  turning  to 
his  staff,  selected  me  to  convey  the  order  to  cease  watering  the 
command  and  direct  the  different  brigade  commanders  to  forward 
their  commands  at  a  trot.  When  I  reached  the  road  again,  after 
having  delivered  the  order,  I  found  General  Ouster  at  the  head  of 
his  column,  returning.  I  learned  from  him  afterward  that  he 
had  gone  forward,  as  directed,  but  did  not  like  the  position  desig- 
nated as  the  attacking  point,  and  seeing  in^  the  distance  a  position, 
in  his  opinion,  more  desirable,  he  rode  forward  just  in  time  to 
meet  the  Confederates  placing  a  battery  of  nine  guns  in  position. 
He  immediately  charged  the  battery,  capturing  the  nine  guns  be- 
fore they  could  be  placed  in  position,  and  with  the  guns  he  took  800 
prisoners.  Still  charging,  a  mile  beyond,  he  cut  the  enemy's  wagon 
train,  capturing  and  destroying  nearly  1,000  wagons.  Returning 
lie  rook  up  his  position  in  a  sort  of  a  ravine.  Here  he  re-formed 
his  command  for  the  very  active  work  that  was  to  follow.  Just 
over  the  brow  of  the  hill  the  enemy  had  thrown  up  earthworks  be- 
hind which  was  stationed  the  Confederate  General  Kershaw,  one  of 
the  best  generals  commanding  the  finest  division  of  the  Confederate 
army.  All  day,  until  dark,  General  Ouster  was  charging  these  works, 
always  retreating  to  and  re-forming  his  command  in  the  ravine  first 
selected.  He  knew  they  must  give  way  sooner  or  later,  as  the 
Sixth  Corps  were  doing  excellent  execution  just  beyond  and  would 
soon  bave  their  flank  turned.  About  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 


302  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

I  rode  out  toward  our  battery,  which  had  been  in  position  all  day 
shelling  the  enemy.  My  attention  was  attracted  to  a  large  batch 
of  prisoners  off  to  the  left  of  our  position,  and,  my  curiosity  being 
somewhat  excited,  I  rode  out  to  the  guard  for  the  purpose  of 
inquiring  whether  there  were  any  distinguished  officers  among  the 
captives.  But  a  short  distance  from  me,  mounted  on  a  thorough- 
bred mare,  I  saw  what  I  at  once  knew  to  be  a  rebel  officer  of  dis- 
tinguished rank.  In  a  moment  his  eye  caught  mine,  and  he 
beckoned  me  to  come  within  the  enclosure,  as  he  desired  to  talk 
with  me.  I  did  so,  and  the  following  conversation  ensued  : — 

"  Are  you  not  one  of  General  Ouster's  staff  ?  " 

"  I  am,  sir  ;  a  surgeon,  however." 

"  Sir,  I  desire  to  surrender  my  sword  to  General  Ouster.  A 
non-commissioned  officer  is  continually  demanding  it,  but  I  con- 
sider that  I  have  the  right  to  request  the  privilege  of  surrender- 
ing it  to  a  commissioned  officer." 

"  Whom  have  I  the  honor  of  addressing  ?  "  I  asked. 

"  My  name,"  said  he,  "is  Kershaw — General  Kershaw,  sir." 

"  General,"  I  said,  "  I  am  glad  to  meet  you.  I  assure  you, 
sir,  we  always  had  great  respect  for  you  and  your  command  when 
you  confronted  us  in  the  valley." 

"  I  look  upon  General  Ouster  as  one  of  the  best  cavalry  officers 
that  this  or  any  other  country  ever  produced.  I  shall,  indeed, 
consider  it  an  honor  to  surrender  my  sword  to  him."  He  contin- 
ued, "Ever  since  the  battle  of  Cedar  Creek,  when  he  and  General 
Sheridan  embraced  each  other  after  the  battle,  I  have  had  a  most 
perfect  admiration  for  the  man.  I  read  a  full  account  of  it  in 
the  New  York  Herald  some  days  after  the  engagement.  All 
through  to-day's  battle  I  directed  my  men  to  concentrate  their  fire 
upon  his  headquarters  flag,  knowing  he  was  there  always  at  the 
front.  While  I  should  have  deprecated  tho  idea  of  killing  a  man 
so  brave,  good  and  efficient,  yet  I  knew  it  was  my  only  hope." 

"  General,"  I  said,  "  you  merely  succeeded  in  killing  his  best 
horse.  Now,  if  you  will  accompany  me  outside  the  guard,  I  will 
take  you  over  to  Woodruff's  Battery,  and  leave  you  in  charge  of 
its  commanding  officer,  while  I  communicate  your  desires  to  Gen- 
eral Ouster." 

In  company  with  two  or  three  other  rebel  generals  of  minor 
importance,  he  followed  me.  As  General  Ouster  was  then  mak- 
ing another  charge,  I  awaited  the  result.  It  was  the  last  and 
proved  to  be  the  grandest  success  of  the  day,  as  the  balance  of  the 
enemy's  command  surrendered. 


APPOMATTOX.  303 

The  capture  of  the  day  was  upward  of  7,000  prisoners,  thirty- 
seven  battleflags,  and  a  large  number  of  guns.  The  Third  Cav- 
alry division  at  no  time  during  the  day  had  more  than  600  en- 
gaged against  the  enemy.  As  General  Ouster  was  returning  from 
the  charge  with  his  prisoners,  battleflags,  etc.,  I  rode  forward  and 
met  him.  After  congratulating  him,  I  communicated  the  desires 
of  General  Kershaw.  The  general  seemed  very  much  pleased, 
and  rather  accelerated  his  movement  in  direction  of  the  battery. 
In  presenting  his  sword  General  Kershaw  was  exceedingly  com- 
plimentary in  his  remarks.  After  the  surrender  General  Ker- 
shaw and  friends,  by  invitation,  spent  the  night  with  Ouster  and 
his  staff,  and  in  the  morning  they  were  sent  to  the  rear  with  the 
rest  of  the  prisoners. 

This  account  gives  a  very  fair  idea  of  Sailors  Creek.  Ous- 
ter was  its  grandest  figure.  Crook  struck  the  enemy  first, 
and  then  Devin,  but  neither  could  make  an  impression,  and 
did  uot  demonstrate  seriously.  Custer  passed  Devin,  and  took 
up  the  first  real  attack,  charging  again  and  again,  mounted.* 
All  the  while,  the  infantry  was  coming  up.  When  Custer  was 
hotly  engaged,  Devin  was  withdrawn,  and  sent  an  still  further, 
but  only  one  of  his  brigades  charged  mounted.  This  was 
Stagg's  Michiganders,  Custer's  old  brigade.  As  Devin  left, 
the  Sixth  Corps  came  up.  Succor  had  been  delayed  a  long  time 
by  Meade's  withdrawal  of  the  Fifth  Corps.  In  the  morning,  the 
Second,  Fifth  and  Sixth  Corps  had  started  to  the  north,  the  Sec- 
ond nearest  Sheridan,  the  Fifth  next,  the  Sixth  furthest  of  all. 
Instead  of  ordering  in  the  Second  to  help  Sheridan,  Meade  trans- 

*  It  was  in  one  of  these  desperate  charges  that  Tom  Custer,  the  general's 
brother,  took  with  his  own  hand,  his  second  flag  within  ten  days.  Tom  had 
been  a  private  soldier  in  an  Ohio  infantry  regiment,  in  which  he  enlisted  at 
the  age  of  sixteen.  The  general  procured  him  a  commission  in  the  Michigan 
cavalry  in  the  winter  of  1864,  and  put  Tom  on  his  staff,  where  he  was  serv- 
ing at  Sailor's  Creek.  In  the  charge  Tom  leaped  the  breastworks,  seized 
the  flag,  and  at  the  same  moment  was  shot  by  the  color-bearer,  the  bullet 
entering  his  cheek  and  going  right  through  out  of  the  back  of  his  neck. 
Nothing  daunted,  Tom  shot  the  color-bearer,  took  the  flag  and  got  back  safely, 
when  the  doctor  ordered  him  to  the  rear.  His  previous  flag  was  taken  at 
Namozin  Church. 


304  GENERAL   GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

ferred  the  Sixth  all  the  way  over  from  right  to  left,  thus  losing 
valuable  time,  according  to  his  own  report.  When  it  came  into 
action  however,  as  with  the  Fifth  at  Five  Forks,  it  finished  the 
battle  in  a  very  short  time.  Humphreys,  with  the  Second 
Corps,  also  joined  in,  at  a  further  point  to  the  north,  on  his  own 
•esponsibility.  All  through  the  campaign  indeed,  he  seems  to 
lave  acted  with  more  energy,  without  orders,  than  any  of  the 
corps  commanders. 

When  Humphreys  came  up,  Lee's  rear  guard  was  sur- 
rounded. One  of  Stagg's  Michigan  men,  in  the  last  charge, 
went  right  over  the  Confederate  breastworks,  and  dashed  through 
their  whole  line,  reaching  Sheridan,  who  was  on  the  other  side, 
hurrying  up  the  infantry.* 

General  Ewell  and  all  his  corps  were  taken  bodily,  and  so 
ended  the  battle  of  Sailor's  Creek.  Sheridan  says,  "  I  have 
never  ascertained  exactly  how  many  prisoners  were  taken  in 
this  battle.  Most  of  them  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  cavalry, 
but  they  are  no  more  entitled  to  claim  them  than  the  Sixth 
Corps,  to  which  command  equal  credit  is  due  for  the  good  re- 
sults of  this  engagement." 

That  night,  nearly  the  whole  of  the  old  Army  of  the  Yalley 
encamped  together  by  Sailor's  Creek.  Sheridan,  Merritt,  Cus- 
ter,  Deviu,  Crook,  and  Wright,  were  all  there,  and  their  old 
success  had  attended  them. 

Next  morning,  away  went  the  cavalry  again,  after  Lee, 
Crook  in  advance.  By  this  time,  another  corps  had  come  up, 
Ord,  with  the  little  Army  of  the  James,  once  Butler's  command. 
Sheridan,  still  thinking  Lee  was  as  bold  as  ever,  and  knowing 
well  that  the  Confederate  leader's  objective  point  must  be  Dan- 
ville, if  he  hoped  to  join  Johnston,  imagined  that  he  would 
cross  the  Lynchburg  railroad,  and  move  south  through  the 
open  country. 

In  the  morning  of  the  7th  April,  therefore,  he  sent  Custer 

Sheridan's  Report.    This  incident  would  seem  almost  incredible  did  not 
Sheridan  personally  vouch  for  it. 


APPOMATTOX.  305 

and  Devin  off,  under  Merritt's  command,  to  the  southwest, 
away  from  the  railroad,  to  Prince  Edward  Court  House.  Crook 
was  pushed  directly  after  Lee,  in  the  direction  of  Farmville, 
which  lies  due  north  of  Prince  Edward  Court  House,  and  some 
seven  miles  therefrom. 

It  turned  out  that  Sheridan  had  overrated  Lee's  boldness, 
and  still  more  his  supplies.  The  Confederate  leader  was  only 
intent  on  his  western  road  to  Appomattox,  where,  at  last,  pro- 
visions awaited  him.  Crook  struck  him  at  Farmville,  and  at- 
tacked him  with  his  division,  but  it  proved  too  weak  to  capture 
the  whole  rebel  army,  and  was  driven  back,  badly  punished, 
General  Gregg,  one  of  the  brigade  commanders,  being  taken 
prisoner.  As  it  happened,  he  was  only  held  for  a  couple  of 
days. 

Devin  and  Custer  arrived  at  Prince  Edward  Court  House, 
to  find  the  country  deserted. 

The  part  taken  by  Custer  shall  be  told  by  Custer's  surgeon, 
already  quoted. 

Nothing  of  importance  in  the  way  of  an  engagement  occurred 
until  the  afternoon  of  the  8th.  Among  the  prisoners  captured  was 
one  who  seemed  to  be  well  posted  and  desired  to  give  information. 
From  him  the  general  learned  that  the  enemy  were  loading  four 
trains  of  cars  at  Appomattox  station  with  artillery,  ammunition, 
etc.  Just  as  we  had  learned  these  facts  a  staff  officer  came  from 
General  Merritt  directing  General  Custer  to  halt,  mass  his  com- 
mand and  rest.  By  the  same  staff  officer  General  Custer  sent  his 
compliments  and  requested  him  to  state  to  General  Merritt  what 
he  had  heard  from  this  prisoner,  and  say  to  General  Merritt  that 
"  unless  I  get  further  orders  from  him  I  shall  continue  my  march 
and  capture  those  trains  of  cars."  Immediately  after  the  depart- 
ure' of  General  Merritt's  staff  officer  General  Custer  despatched  two 
of  his  own  staff  officers  to  reconnoitre.  They  quickly  returned, 
reporting  everything  as  the  prisoner  had  stated.  "We  were  now 
only  two  miles  away  from  the  station.  General  Custer  directed 
two  regiments  of  the  division  to  move  forward  at  a  trot  as  advance 
guard.  The  balance  of  the  command  followed  at  the  same  gait. 
The  advance  had  orders  to  charge  the  station  the  moment  they 
20 


306  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

caine  in  sight  of  it  and  capture  the  trains.  As  we  were  nearing 
the  station,  and  surely  not  a  mile  away,  an  exciting  incident  oc- 
curred which  I  must  stop  a  moment  to  relate,  as  it  helps  to  illus- 
trate the  noble  character  of  the  man  of  whom  I  am  writing.  Two 
young  ladies  came  running,  screaming,  down  the  walk  leading  to 
the  road,  from  a  large  and  elegant  mansion. 

"  They  are  robbing  us  !  "  "  They  are  robbing  and  trying  to 
murder  us  ! "  they  screamed  with  all  their  might.  General  Ous- 
ter without  saying  a  word,  stopped  short,  and,  quickly  dismount- 
ing, ran  up  the  walk  just  in  time  to  catch  a  man  in  United  States 
uniform  running  from  the  front  door.  With  his  fist  he  almost 
annihilated  the  miserable  scalawag.  Then,  running  through  the 
house,  he  caught  another  making  his  exit  from  the  rear  door. 
Catching  up  an  axe,  he  threw  it,  hitting  the  brute  in  the  back  of 
his  head,  thus  quickly  disposing  of  the  two  wretches.  In  a  mo- 
ment he  was  in  his  saddle  again,  and  after  hurriedly  directing 
Captain  Lee,  the  provost  marshal,  to  place  a  guard  on  the  prem- 
ises, he  charged  down  the  road  at  terrific  speed,  capturing  the  four 
trains  in  less  than  five  minutes  after  this  event.  Now  commenced 
a  brisk  cannonading  from  some  rebel  guns  near  the  station.  Gen- 
eral Custer,  through  colored  prisoners,  learned  of  their  position, 
and,  although  he  was  advised  by  one  of  his  brigade  commanders 
and  other  officers  not  to  attempt  their  capture  that  night,  he  at 
once  dismounted  his  command,  as  he  was  obliged  to  go  through 
the  woods  and  heavy  undergrowth,  and  caught  up  his  headquarters 
flag,  saying,  "  I  go  ;  who  will  follow,"  and  the  result  was  that,  after 
hard  fighting,  some  thirty  guns  were  brought  in  by  hand  that  night. 
The  next  morning  General  Lee  surrendered.  The  flag  of  truce — 
a  towel  on  a  pole — was  brought  to  the  command  of  General 
George  A.  Custer,  and  to  him  the  desire  of  General  Lee  to  sur- 
render was  first  communicated.  The  towel  is  still  in  possession 
of  the  family,  along  with  many  other  relics  of  that  noted  event.* 

This  account  is  confirmed  by  Sheridan's  report,  and  the 
action  closes  Ouster's  career  during  the  war.  The  incidents  of 

*  This  famous  towel,  the  flag  of  truce  which  so  suddenly  terminated  a 
bloody  four  years'  war,  is  still  in  Mrs.  Ouster's  possession,  together  with  the 
little  table  on  which  the  agreement  was  signed.  Both  are  accompanied  by 
letters  of  authentication,  and  were  given  to  Custer  by  Sheridan,  as  the  most 
proper  person  to  possess  them,  he  having  been  first  in  the  pursuit  all  the 
time,  and  having  received  the  first  flag. 


APPOMATTOX.  307 

the  surrender  are  too  well  known  to  need  enlarging  on.  Once 
more,  by  his  wide  sweep,  Sheridan  had  headed  Lee,  and  the 
slower  infantry,  following  directly,  had  come  up  in  time  to  bag 
the  game  the  cavalry  had  brought  to  bay.  In  all  the  pursuit, 
Ouster  had  been  the  foremost  and  he  was  fairly  entitled  to 
wear  his  laurels,  for  by  his  audacity  he  had  taken  more  trophies 
than  any  man  in  the  army.  "We  can  hardly  close  this  part  of 
Iris  life  better  than  by  a  literal  copy  of  his  farewell  order  to  the 
Third  Division,  written  the  same  day.  It  rings  like  one  of 
.Napoleon's : 

HEADQUARTERS  THIRD  CAVALRY  DIVISION. 

APPOMATTOX  COURT  HOUSE,  VA.,  April  9,  1865. 
Soldiers  of  the  Third  Cavalry  Division  : 

With  profound  gratitude  toward  the  God  of  battles,  by  whose 
blessings  our  enemies  have  been  humbled  and  our  arms  rendered 
triumphant,  your  Commanding  General  avails  himself  of  this  his 
first  opportunity  to  express  to  you  his  admiration  of  the  heroic 
manner  in  which  you  have  passed  through  the  series  of  battles 
which  to-day  resulted  in  the  surrender  of  the  enemy's  entire  army. 

The  record  established  by  your  indomitable  courage  is  unpar- 
alleled in  the  annals  of  war.  Your  prowess  has  won  for  you  even 
the  respect  and  admiration  of  your  enemies.  During  the  past  six 
months,  although  in  most  instances  confronted  by  superior  num- 
bers, you  have  captured  from  the  enemy,  in  open  battle,  one 
hundred  and  eleven  pieces  of  field  artillery,  sixty-five  battle-flags, 
and  upwards  of  ten  thousand  prisoners  of  war,  including  seven  gen- 
eral officers.  Within  the  past  ten  days,  and  included  in  the  above, 
you  have  captured  forty-six  field-pieces  of  artillery  and  thirty- 
seven  battle-flags.  You  have  never  lost  a  gun,  never  lost  a  color, 
and  have  never  been  defeated  ;  and  notwithstanding  the  numer- 
ous engagements  in  which  you  have  borne  a  prominent  part, 
including  those  memorable  battles  of  the  Shenandoah,  you  have 
captured  every  piece  of  artillery  which  the  enemy  has  dared 
to  open  upon  you.  The  near  approach  of  peace  renders  it 
improbable  that  you  will  again  be  called  upon  to  undergo  the 
fatigues  of  the  toilsome  march,  or  the  exposure  of  the  battle-field  ; 
but  should  the  assistance  of  keen  blades,  wielded  by  your  sturdy 
arms,  be  required  to  hasten  the  coming  of  that  glorious  peace  for 


308  GENERAL    GEORGE  A.  CUSTER. 

which  we  have  been  so  long  contending,  the  General  command- 
ing is  firmly  confident  that,  in  the  future  as  in  the  past,  every 
demand  will  meet  with  a  hearty  and  willing  response. 

Let  us  hope  that  our  work  is  done,  and  that,  blessed  with  the 
comforts  of  peace,  we  may  be  permitted  to  enjoy  the  pleasures  of 
home  and  friends.  For  our  comrades  who  have  fallen,  let  us 
ever  cherish  a  grateful  remembrance.  To  the  wounded,  and 
to  those  who  languish  in  Southern  prisons,  let  our  heartfelt 
sympathy  be  tendered. 

And  now,  speaking  for  myself  alone,  when  the  war  is  ended 
and  the  task  of  the  historian  begins — when  those  deeds  of  daring 
which  have  rendered  the  name  and  fame  of  the  Third  Cavalry 
Division  imperishable,  are  inscribed  upon  the  bright  pages  of  our 
country's  history,  I  only  ask  that  my  name  may  be  written  as 
that  of  the  Commander  of  the  Third  Cavalry  Division. 

G.  A.  CUSTER, 

Brevet  Major  General  Commanding. 
OFFICIAL  : 

L.  W.  BARNHART, 

Captain  and  A.  A.  A.  G. 

Ouster  had  his  wish.  It  is  as  commander  of  the  Third  Cav- 
alry Division  that  his  name  will  be  cherished  as  long  as  there 
are  survivors  of  the  war.  When  that  memorable  flag  of  truce 
came  into  his  lines  it  was  an  honor  well  deserved  that  he  should 
be  the  first  to  receive  it,  and  none  more  fitting  than  he  to  keep 
it,  for  as  Sheridan  said  in  his  letter  accompanying  it,  "  I  know 
no  one  whose  efforts  have  contributed  more  to  this  happy  result 
than  those  of  Ouster." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  GREAT  PARADE. 

r~TlHE  negotiations  for  surrender  and  the  tedious  operation 
_l_  of  paroling  Lee's  army  occupied  several  days,  and  then 
the  cavalry  started  on  their  return  to  Petersburg,  living  on  the 
country  as  they  proceeded.  So  great  had  been  the  hurry  of 
the  last  nine  days,  that  supplies  were  short,  and  the  trains  had 
not  arrived  with  forage.  They  were  met,  however,  at  Notta- 
way  Court  House,  where  also  something  else  was  met,  in  the 
shape  of  a  dispatch  which  thrilled  the  whole  country  and  army 
with  horror  and  indignation.  It  conveyed  the  news  of  the  as- 
sassination of  President  Lincoln,  at  a  theatre  in  Washington,  by 
John  Wilkes  Booth.  At  the  same  time  came  news  that  Sher- 
man had  been  outwitted  by  Johnston  in  the  latter's  surrender, 
and  that  the  capitulation  was  annulled.  Then  came  fresh  orders. 
The  work  of  the  cavalry  was  not  qnite  over  yet,  and  away  they 
went  again  to  the  Roanoke,  marching  rapidly  towards  John- 
ston's army.  The  advance  had  actually  reached  the  Roanoke, 
and  looked  into  North  Carolina,  when  the  order  was  recalled. 
Johnston  had  surrendered  on  the  same  terms  as  Lee,  and  the 
war  was  over. 

Once  more  the  cavalry  corps  took  up  its  march  for  Peters- 
burg, which  was  readied  without  special  incident.  There  it 
remained  a  few  days,  resting,  and  then  parted  forever  from  its 
beloved  chief.  Sheridan  was  called  to  Washington,  and  ordered 
away  to  Texas.  The  work  of  the  volunteer  army  was  done,  but 
that  of  the  regulars  was  only  just  commencing.  The  last 
glimpse  the  volunteers  caught  of  Sheridan  was  when  he  rode 


310  GENERAL   GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

through  their  camps,  as  they  lay  above  Petersburg,  just  before 
his  departure.  Little  did  the  men  dream  they  would  never  see 
him  again,  or  they  would  have  been  crazy  with  excitement.  As 
it  was,  the  sight  of  "  Little  Phil "  brought  them  out  from  their 
tents  to  look  at  him,  but  it  was  remarkable  that  little  cheering 
greeted  his  progress.  The  men  looked  happy  to  see  him,  and 
he  conversed  freely  as  he  passed  along,  but  all  the  cheering 
business  seemed  to  have  died  out  of  the  cavalry  corps  except  in 
action.  None  the  less  their  love  and  confidence  in  their  leader 
was  greater  than  any  other  chief  had  known,  since  McClellan's 
removal,  and  Sheridan  never  encouraged  cheers,  rarely  bowed 
in  response,  generally  laughed  at  the  men  who  cheered  him,  or 
made  some  good  humored  "chaffing"  response. 

After  some  days'  rest  at  Petersburg,*  the  cavalry  corps  under 
the  command  of  General  Crook,  started  on  its  homeward  way 
by  easy  stages,  passing  through  the  long  sought  city  of  Rich- 
mond in  parade  style.  How  proud  they  all  felt,  few  can  re- 
alize but  those  who  marched  with  them.  Their  toils  were  over 
and  they  were  going  home  to  be  disbanded ;  that  was  in  every 
one's  heart.  Some  regret  at  the  loss  of  a  life  of  excitement  and 
adventure  troubled  a  few,  but  as  a  rule  every  one  was  thinking 
of  home  and  civil  life.  The  column  passed  through  Richmond, 
gazed  at  by  curious  crowds,  and  thence  over  the  back  country, 
where  the  men  had  raided  and  fought  so  often.  They  passed 
Trevillian  Station,  and  found  the  ruined  railroad  just  as  they 

*  No  one  needed  this  rest  more  than  Ouster,  whose  work  during  the  past 
campaign  had  been  tremendous.  It  was  one  of  his  peculiarities  that  when 
under  strong  sunitement  he  could  do  with  very  little  sleep  or  food,  but  the 
last  campaign  had  nearly  worn  even  his  iron  frame  out.  His  portrait,  taken 
just  after  the  surrender,  shows  the  effect  of  the  hard  work  in  his  gaunt,  hag- 
gard appearance.  Petersburg  restored  him,  however.  He  was  met  by  Mrs. 
Ouster  before  he  got  there,  the  brave  little  woman  being  the  first  Northern 
woman  who  went  out  on  the  Southside  Railroad,  after  the  surrender  of  Rich- 
mond. Together  with  Mrs.  Pennington,  wife  of  one  of  Ouster's  brigade 
commanders,  Mrs.  Ouster  made  the  whole  of  the  march  to  Washington 
with  the  cavalry  corps,  the  ladies  riding  on  horseback  at  the  head  of  the 
column,  where  the  author  first  saw  Mrs.  Ouster. 


THE    GREAT    PARADE.  311 

had  left  it  a  year  before,  crossed  Rappahannock  Bridge,  the  old 
battle  grounds  at  Brandy  Station,  and  camped  on  the  Bull  Run 
battle  field.  Every  where  the  landscape  was  full  of  memories, 
sad  and  joyful,  glorious  or  disastrous,  but  every  where  they  were 
now  sources  of  pleasure.  They  visited  all  the  old  friends  they 
had  made  at  the  different  places  where  they  had  sojourned  du- 
ring four  years  of  strife,  these  wandering  raiders,  and  congratu- 
lated each  other  that  the' "  war  was  over."  Then  at  last  they 
reached  Alexandria,  and  were  dispersed  all  over  the  landscape, 
some  in  the  very  camps  they  had  occupied  in  1861  or  1862, 
when  they  were  first  mounted  and  sent  to  the  front. 

For  several  days  the  different  regiments  rested  in  their 
camps,  and  then  they  were  ordered  over  the  river,  to  take 
ground  near  Washington.  Clothing  awaited  them  by  the  car 
load,  provisions  were  plentiful,  they  drew  everything  needful  to 
make  a  good  appearance.  For  the  first  time  in  years  they  be- 
gan to  experience  the  pleasant  part  of  a  soldier's  life,  the  pomp 
and  circumstance  of  war,  with  all  its  glitter  and  glory.  Then 
at  last  came  the  order  for  the  grand  parade  at  Washington. 
The  whole  Army  of  the  Potomac,  with  Sheridan's  cavalry  at  the 
head  of  the  column,  was  to  pass  in  review  before  the  President, 
through  the  streets  of  Washington,  and  Sherman's  army  was  to 
follow  next  day,  in  the  same  ceremonies. 

And  what  a  review  that  was  !  The  first,  and  it  may  be  well 
hoped  the  last,  of  its  kind  in  America,  the  passage  of  two  ar- 
mies of  veterans,  who  had  fought  for  four  years,  in  such  a  series 
of  battles  as  had  not  been  seen  in  Europe  for  half  a  century. 
There  was  no  sham  about  that  parade.  Every  man  was  a 
veteran  soldier.  It  might  have  been  swelled  to  much  larger 
proportions  if  need  be,  for  every  regiment  had  been  joined, 
since  it  reached  its  safe  camp,  by  crowds  of  recruits,  malinger- 
ers, quartermaster's  men,  and  all  those  who  had  been  left  back 
at  Remount  Camp.  But  in  the  review,  as  a  rule,  only  those 
who  had  shared  in  the  last  campaign  took  part,  and  the  camps 
were  left  behind  full  of  men.  There  you  might  see  regiments 


312  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

reduced  to  a  single  squadron,  tattered  banners  muffled  in  crape 
for  the  President's  death,  but  every  man  a  veteran.  The  uni- 
forms were  neat  and  quiet.  Every  man  wore  the  undress  uni- 
form, blouse  and  fatigue  cap,  in  which  the  army  was  arrayed 
for  work.  The  only  difference  was  that  all  were  neat  and  clean, 
boots  inside  trowsers,  sergeants'  stripes  fresh  and  new,  brighfc 
brass  letters  and  numbers  on  every  cap,  buttons  brightly 
brushed  up. 

In  the  parade,  as  in  the  pursuit,  Ouster  had  the  advance, 
and,  not  to  be  behind  his  men,  he  had,  for  the  first  time,  doffed 
his  careless  attire,  and  wore  a  full-dress  major-general's  coat, 
over  the  collar  of  which  his  bright  curls  played  merrily.  The 
broad  hat  was  the  only  remnant  of  his  old  careless  yet  dandified 
costume.  He  submitted  to  regulations  otherwise. 

The  route  of  the  column  was  from  the  east  of  Washington 
to  the  Capitol,  where  it  turned  to  the  right  and  swept  straight 
up  Pennsylvania  Avenue.  At  this  turning  point,  the  regiments 
of  cavalry  successively  drew  their  sabres  as  they  passed,  and 
here  the  crowd  be^an. 

O 

Such  a  crowd  as  that  was,  will  never  be  seen  again.  They 
seemed  to  be  crazy  with  joy,  and  they  shouted  and  hurrahed  at 
every  fresh  regiment.  There  was  a  perfect  jam  on  the  side- 
walks, and  halfway  into  the  road,  and  every  window  was 
crammed.  Girls  in  white,  in  large  bands,  were  singing  sweet 
songs  of  welcome  and  throwing  flowers  and  garlands  to  the 
soldiers. 

The  girls  thought  how  gallant  the  soldiers  looked  :  they  lit- 
tle dreamed  how  nearly  divine  they  appeared  to  the  soldiers,  who 
had  not  seen  a  pretty  girl  for  so  long.  Still  it  was  these  very 
floral  angels  that  caused  Ouster's  mishap  at  this  place,  a  mishap 
which  attracted  more  attention,  admiration,  and  cheering  to 
him  than  anything  else  could  have  done.  It  is  thus  described 
by  one  of  the  bystanders,  who  calls  it  "  One  glimpse  of  Caster," 
and  the  incident  is  correctly  told  in  the  main.* 
*  Detroit  Evening  News 


THE    GREAT    PARADE.  313 

One  bright  May  morning  in  1865,  when  the  very  sky  seemed 
brighter  and  the  air  lighter  and  purer  for  the  exultant  sense  of  the 
fact  that  the  war  was  over  and  that  thousands  had  gathered  under 
the  shadow  of  the  capitol's  dome  to  welcome  the  nation's  children — 
the  dust-stained,  battle-scarred  veterans  of  the  Union  army — the 
writer  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  brave,  yellow-haired  chief,  whose 
fate  has  so  recently  thrilled  the  hearts  of  all  who  admire  true 
heroism  and  sublime  courage.  Never  can  the  picture  made  by 
the  gallant  Ouster  that  day  be  forgotten.  Soon  after  the  formal 
head  of  the  line,  Provost-Marshal  Gen.  Patrick,  had  ridden  down 
the  broad  avenue,  bearing  his  reins  in  his  teeth  and  his  sabre  in 
his  only  hand,  and  had  passed  by  a  few  rods,  a  cry  was  raised, 
"  See  him  ride  !  "  "  That's  Ouster  and  his  raiders,"  and  like  a 
flash  came  a  gallant  Arab*  horse  up  the  avenue,  bearing  in  its 
headlong  gallop  a  young  officer,  on  whose  shoulders  shone  the  stars 
of  a  major-general,  and  as  Ouster  dashed  past  the  President's 
stand  and  the  stand  for  the  wounded  soldiers,  the  latter  caught 
up  the  shout,  and  such  a  scene  as  followed  !  The  gallant  cripples 
staggered  to  their  feet  or  crutches  and  hailed  him  with  cheer  after 
cheer,  and  then  looked  about  for  his  gallant  followers — but  they 
were  not  there.  The  secret  soon  became  plain.  Soon  after  the 
column  had  set  in  toward  Pennsylvania  Avenue  a  bevy  of  white- 
clad  maidens,  stationed  near  the  side  of  the  street  (there  were  300 
of  them),  had,  as  the  brave  fellow  drew  nigh,  risen  simultaneously, 
and  bursting  into  the  song,  "  Hail  to  the  Chief,"  each  threw  a 
bouquet  or  wreath  at  him.  It  was  the  first  surprise  he  ever  had, 
but  instead  of  dodging  the  floral  missiles  he  began  trying  .to  catch 
them.  The  sudden  rush,  the  pelting  of  bouquets  and  the  peal  of 
the  300  voices  frightened  his  steed,  and  before  he  could  gather  up 
the  reins  the  excited  animal  had  made  the  rush  we  saw  from  the 
other  end  of  the  Avenue.  As  the  gallant  general  flew  past  the 

*  Quite  a  history  belongs  to  this  horse.  He  was  a  thoroughbred  "  four 
mile  racer,"  who  had  run  thirty -three  races,  of  which  he  had  won  twenty-six. 
Just  before  Appomattox  surrender,  Ouster's  scouts  captured  this  horse, 
who  was  named  "  Don  Juan,"  from  the  stable  on  the  stud  farm,  and  brought 
him  to  Ouster.  The  horse  was  regularly  appraised  as  captured  property, 
contraband  of  war,  and  sold  to  Ouster  by  the  Quartermaster,  Ouster  holding 
the  receipt.  The  horse  was  a  magnificent  dark  bay  stallion,  of  a  most  furi- 
ous temper.  Ouster  sent  him  home  to  Monroe,  and  had  him  exhibited  at  the 
State  fair,  where  "Don  Juan"  killed  a  groom.  The  horse  finally  dropped 
dead  in  his  stall  of  heart-disease  a  year  later. 


314:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

President's  stand  he  bethought  him  to  salute  Johnson  and  Gen. 
Grant,  but  in  doing  so,  in  the  rush  his  sabre  caught  in  his  wide 
hat,  and  sabre  and  head-gear  fell  to  the  ground.  Then,  with  his 
long,  yellow,  curly  hair  floating  out  behind,  he  settled  himself  in 
the  saddle  as  if  he  grew  there,  and  by  one  of  the  most  magnificent 
exhibitions  of  horsemanship  he  in  a  moment  reined  in  the  flying 
charger,  and  returned  to  meet  his  troops.  An  orderly  had  picked 
up  his  hat  and  sword,  and  pulling  the  hat  down  over  his  eyes 
Ouster  dashed  back  past  the  assembled  thousands,  and  soon 
reappeared  at  the  head  of  his  division.  Will  those  of  us  who  saw 
that  last  grand  review  ever  forget  those  two  pictures — Ouster 
conquering  his  runaway  horse,  and  Ouster  at  the  head  of  {.he  well 
"  dressed  "  lines  of  the  most  gallant  cavalry  division  of  the  age, 
as  with  the  hot  flush  of  victory  yet  visible  on  their  bronzed  faces, 
he  led  it  through  the  capital  at  a  gallop  march  ?  It  was  but  a 
momentary  vision,  but  one  that  has  fixed  itself  iipon  at  least  ono 
memory  in  indelible  lines. 

That  very  evening,  Ouster  was  going  to  fresh  labors  in  the 
Southwest,  while  his  old  comrades  were  to  disperse  to  their 
homes:  the  close  of  the  review  was  also  the  close  of  his  connec- 
tion with  the  Third  Cavalry  division.  As  soon  as  the  column 
left  the  front  of  the  Grand  Stand  it  filed  oft'  toward  its  old  en- 
campment, and  was  drawn  up  on  the  familiar  parade  ground ; 
then  the  officers  of  that  proud  little  division  were  summoned 
to  the  front  to  take  their  last  leave  of  their  beloved  general. 
The  solemnity  and  mutual  affection  of  that  parting  has  been 
beautifully  described  by  one  of  the  participants  :  it  was  such  a 
leave-taking  as  comes  to  few  in  a  lifetime,  like  the  parting  by 
death  of  near  relatives,  sad  and  solemn.  When  it  was  over, 
Ouster  rode  slowly  down  the  line  and  off  the  ground,  while 
many  of  the  rough  men  in  the  ranks  could  not  cheer  for  the 
choking  in  their  throats.  He  passed  from  their  view  as  a  be- 
loved chief,  and  all  felt,  as  we  feel  to-day,  that  never  shall  we 
look  on  his  like  again. 


SIXTH  BOOK.— AFTER   THE  WAR. 

CHAPTER    I. 
THE  VOLUNTEERS  IN  TEXAS. 

close  of  the  war  found  the  forces  of  the  United  States 
JL  in  a  very  curious  and  anomalous  position.  The  sudden 
collapse  of  the  rebellion,  while  it  took  every  one  by  surprise, 
still  had  its  disadvantageous  side.  The  armed  occupation  of 
the  Southern  States  that  followed  the  surrender  of  Lee,  assumed 
the  attitude  not  so  much  of  a  fair  conquest  as  of  a  mere  mili- 
tary progress.  There  was  no  more  fighting  to  do.  The  same 
men  who  had  been  so  stubborn  up  to  the  9th  of  April,  sud- 
denly abandoned  all  hope,  and  voluntarily  dispersed  to  their 
homes,  in  apparent  peace  and  quietness. 

Then  it  was  found  that  the  real  strain  on  the  wheels  oi 
government  was  to  begin.  The  United  States  was  not  a 
kingdom,  but  a  republic ;  and  a  large  party  of  the  people  held 
that  just  as  soon  as  the  population  of  the  revolted  States  chose 
to  cease  armed  opposition  to  the  government,  they  were  enti- 
tled to  resume  their  old  relations  with  the  general  body  of  the 
nation,  with  all  rights  unimpaired.  To  these  views  another 
party  objected  that  self-preservation  was  the  first  law  of  nations, 
as  well  as  of  nature,  and  higher  than  any  written  constitution  ; 
and  that  it  was  manifest  folly  to  invite  men  who  had  fought 
the  general  government  till  all  hope  was  lost,  to  become  legisla- 
tors for  their  conquerors.  Thus  the  few  months  next  after  the 
surrender  of  Lee  witnessed  the  two  new  parties  taking  shape. 
One  was  the  "constitution  party,"  headed  by  the  President,  the 


316  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    OUSTER. 

other  was  the  "  expediency  party,"  which  held  the  majority  of 
Congress  in  both  houses. 

The  uncertainty  and  excitement  of  the  contest  that  ensued 
had  its  effect  on  the  army,  and  especially  on  that  portion 
of  the  volunteers  that  remained  in  the  service.  As  long  as 
the  war  lasted, -these  men  had  been  to  all  intents  and  purposes 
regular  troops.  Their  term  of  service,  their  pay,  rations,  dress 
and  privileges  were  the  same,  and  it  was  difficult  to  distinguish 
one  from  the  other,  in  the  case  of  old  regiments.  So  long 
as  the  duration  of  the  war  was  uncertain,  the  feelings  and 
esprit  do  corps  of  the  volunteer  service  were  identical  with 
those  of  the  regulars.  They  were  simply  soldiers,  and  entirely 
different  from  militia,  who  are  always  looking  forward  to  the 
termination  of  their  brief  terms  of  service,  as  a  release  from 
irksome  slavery. 

The  close  of  the  war  changed  all  this,  as  if  by  magic.  At 
once  it  became  the  universal  desire  of  the  volunteers  "  to  go 
home."  They  were  enlisted  "  for  three  years  or  during  the  war," 
and  the  war  was  over :  they  ought  to  be  disbanded  forthwith 
and  sent  home.  This  was  the  universal  logic  of  their  reasoning, 
and  it  must  be  admitted  that  it  was  sound  on  the  premises. 
The  only  trouble  was,  who  should  decide  that  the  war  was 
over.  The  President  at  one  time  undertook  the  job,  and 
was  formally  rebuked  by  Congress,  after  which  followed  the 
long  contest  between  the  Executive  and  Legislative  branches  of 
the  government,  culminating  in  the  President's  impeachment, 
and  terminating  in  the  election  of  General  Grant.  But  in  the 
meantime,  the  close  of  the  year  1865  and  the  early  part  of 
1866  were  distinguished  by  uncertainty  and  disorder,  which  to 
a  great  extent  affected  the  troops  in  the  field. 

After  the  surrenders  of  Lee  and  Johnston,  there  still  re- 
mained a  third  army  to  the  Confederacy,  and  towards  this 
Jefferson  Davis  was  making  his  way  when  he  was  captured. 
This  army  was  commanded  by  Kirby  Smith,  the  very  man 
who  had  brought  up  the  Confederate  brigade  which  decided  the 


THE    VOLUNTEERS    IN    TEXAS.  317 

battle  of  Bull  Run.  His  numbers  were  larger  than  those  of 
either  Lee  or  Johnston,  his  force  well  equipped,  and — most  favor- 
able circumstance  of  all — the  State  of  Texas  in  which  he  was 
stationed  was  entirely  untouched  by  the  war,  and  offered  excel- 
lent strategic  positions  for  a  defensive  fight.  There  is  little 
doubt  that  had  Davis,  with  his  indomitable  pride  and  energy, 
succeeded  in  reaching  Kirby  Smith,  the  two  might  have  contin- 
ued the  war  for  some  time  to  come,  with  a  fair  prospect  of 
making  an  independent  slave  State  out  of  Texas.  The  capture 
of  Davis,  however,  put  an  end  to  any  such  schemes,  and  Kirby 
Smith,  in  his  turn,  peaceably  surrendered  his  army  to  General 
Sheridan. 

On  the  events  of  the  surrender  and  subsequent  occupation 
of  Texas  we  do  not  intend  to  dwell,  save  so  far  as  they  concern 
Ouster  and  the  volunteers,  and  especially  the  latter.  In  the  state 
of  uncertainty  which  still  prevailed  as  to  the  ultimate  state  of 
affairs  in  the  South,  it  was  found  necessary  to  retain  a  consid- 
erable force  under  arms,  to  meet  expected  insurrections.  It  was 
fully  anticipated  that  the  ex-Confederates  would  resolve  them- 
selves into  bands  of  guerillas,  and  harass  the  country.  In  order 
to  guard  against  this  possibility,  considerable  forces  retained  their 
army  organization  in  brigades  and  divisions,  and  were  stationed 
at  railroad  junctions  and  other  strategic  points,  instead  of  being 
scattered  at  small  company  posts  through  the  country.  These 
forces  were  largely  composed  of  volunteers.  Any  other  arrange- 
ment would  have  been  an  impossibility.  The  regular  army, 
which  had  entered  the  war  less  than  16,000  strong,  hardly  mus- 
tered that  number  now,  after  all  its  recruiting,  and  was  totally 
unequal  to  the  task  of  holding  such  an  immense  territory  as  now 
demanded  military  occupation. 

But  the  volunteers,  almost  without  exception,  were  clamor- 
ous to  be  discharged  and  sent  home.  The  officers,  who  were 
receiving  good  pay  and  doing  easy  duty,  were  comparatively 
reconciled  to  their  lot,  but  the  men  were  sullen  and  discontented. 
The  weakness  of  the  volunteer  organization,  which  had  not  re- 


318  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

vealed  itself  during  the  war,  became  plain  now.  It  was  only 
a  temporary  make-shift,  after  all,  and  the  close  of  the  war 
showed  it.  The  same  men  who  in  campaign  had  been  docile 
soldiers,  in  perfect  discipline,  became  once  more  the  same  self- 
opinionated  mob  which  had  been  beaten  at  Bull  Run.  The 
men  resumed  their  functions  as  citizens,  began  to  think  and  to 
grumble,  disputing  orders,  disobeying  them,  and  fast  sinking 
into  a  state  of  demoralization  that  would  appear  incredible  when 
compared  with  the  experience  of  a  few  months  back,  were  it  not 
recorded.  During  the  war,  it  seemed  as  if  America  had 
become  a  military  nation.  Peace  revealed  the  fact  that  it  had 
not  done  any  such  thing.  Some  million  of  citizens,  under  the 
pressure  of  national  pride  and  self-preservation,  had  consented 
to  play  the  part  of  soldiers  while  necessity  existed.  Now  they 
had  done  their  work,  were  heartily  sick  of  the  unnatural  life,  and 
wanted  to  return  to  a  natural  one. 

The  disgust  and  anger  of  the  volunteers  who  were  retained 
in  the  service  was  further  increased  by  the  disbandment  of  so 
many  of  their  comrades.  Most  of  the  eastern  regiments  were 
mustered  out,  and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  entirely  broken 
up,  while  the  regiments  retained  in  service  were  generally  from 
the  West.  This  was  in  consequence  of  their  being  nearer  to 
the  dangerous  places  in  the  southwest,  and  in  no  sense  a  dis- 
crimination against  them,  but  they  would  not  listen  to  explana- 
tions. They  heard  of  their  friends  who  had  gone  home,  who 
were  now  in  business  and  prosperous,  while  they  felt  only  too 
keenly  that  they  were  wasting  their  own  time,  that  opportuni- 
ties were  slipping  away  and  could  never  be  replaced,  and  that 
by  the  time  they  got  home  all  the  avenues  to  employment 
might  be  filled,  and  they  turned  out  to  starve.  All  this  grum- 
bling and  discontent  increased  daily  among  the  volunteers,  while 
among  the  regulars  it  was  unknown. 

A  calm  retrospect  of  the  facts,  at  this  late  day,  ten  years 
after  the  event,  shows  the  cause  to  be  very  simple.  The  real 
trouble  was  that  the  volunteer  organization,  coming  as  it  did 


THE    VOLUNTEERS    IN    TEXAS.  319 

from  the  individual  States,  was  merely  a  temporary  Joan  to  the 
United  States.  New  York,  or  New  Jersey,  or  Michigan,  or 
Illinois,  as  the  case  might  be,  had  lent  the  government  a  regi- 
ment bodily,  officers  and  all,  for  a  certain  purpose,  and  the  men 
.keenly  realized  that  the  purpose  was  accomplished.  They  en- 
listed to  end  the  war,  not  to  help  in  reconstruction.  A  new 
force  was  needed  for  this.  In  a  regular  regiment,  with  differ- 
ent traditions,  the  case  was  different.  The  men  enlisted  to 
serve  their  time  out  individually.  The  organization  was  fixed 
and  perennial.  No  matter  if  every  man  in  the  regiment  was 

killed:  something  invisible, — the United  States  regiment 

— remained  :  all  it  needed  was  to  be  recruited.  With  the  volun- 
teers it  was  different :  they  could  not  be  recruited  :  the  war 
was  over,  and  there  was  no  authority  for  them  to  recruit  under. 
As  the  men  deserted,  the  regiments  dwindled.  Then  consoli- 
dation was  tried,  but  with  even  worse  effect.  The  members  of 
the  old  regiments  had  a  bond  of  union,  esprit  de  corps.  It 
kept  many  a  man  from  desertion,  for  fear  of  disgracing  his  old 
command,  that  carried  the  name  of  so  man}7  battles  on  its  flag. 
For  the  new  regiment,  the  "  provisional  "  organization,  they 
cherished  no  feeling  but  dislike.  Even  the  officers  hated  it. 
They  secretly  sympathized  with  the  men,  and  connived  at  dis- 
order, or  only  checked  it  feebly.  The  new  regiments  dwindled 
away  even  more  rapidly  than  the  old.  The  only  thing  that 
kept  most  of  the  men  in  the  service  was  the  fact  that  the  gov- 
ernment owed  them  many  months'  pay,  and  that  they  did  not 
care  to  forfeit  that  by  desertion.  At  last  the  government  was 
obliged  to  give  up  the  attempt  to  make  professional  soldiers  of 
the  volunteers,  and  to  do  what  it  should  have  done  at  first, 
increase  the  regular  army.  The  last  of  the  volunteers  were  not 
discharged,  however,  till  the  spring  of  1866.  During  this  time, 
Ouster  found  his  hands  pretty  full,  as  far  as  discipline  was  con- 
cerned. He  was  first  sent  from  Washington,  after  the  great 
parade,  to  follow  Sheridan  to  Texas.  Mrs.  Ouster  was  able  to 
travel  with  him,  and  his  old  staff  accompanied  him.  At  the 


320  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

time  Ouster  left  for  the  Southwest,  he  was  very  much  pulled 
down  by  the  tremendous  labor  which  he  had  imposed  on  him- 
self during  the  last  campaign,  and  the  relaxation  of  the  present 
journey  was  very  pleasant  to  him.  Before  he  had  arrived  at 
New  Orleans,  the  news  of  Kirby  Smith's  surrender  announced 
that  all  was  safe,  so  that  he  was  no  longer  obliged  to  hurry ; 
and  the  trip  was  consequently  delightful.  For  the  first  time  in 
his  life  Ouster  was  tasting  the  sweets  of  a  major-general's  life, 
which  he  had  not  hitherto  enjoyed.  With  a  large  staff,  free 
transportation,  plenty  of  horses,  ample  pay,  his  family  with 
him,  travelling  luxurious,  he  began  to  enjoy  life  thoroughly. 

The  party  went  from  Washington  by  railroad  to  Parkers- 
burg,  on  the  upper  Ohio,  where  they  took  one  of  the  great  luxu- 
rious western  river  boats,  and  thence  travelled  down  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  all  the  way  to  New  Orleans.  Of  all  methods  of 
travel,  this  is  perhaps  the  pleasantest,  on  account  of  the  ample 
and  commodious  quarters,  the  beauty  of  the  scenery  passed 
through,  and  the  length  of  time  occupied  in  the  passage,  just 
sufficient  to  form  pleasant  acquaintances.  There  is  always 
ample  room  on  the  three  or  four  different  decks  for  all  the 
exercise  one  needs,  the  dinner  table  is  plentifully  and  well  sup- 
plied, the  evenings  are  enlivened  by  a  band  of  music  in  the 
main  saloon,  while  the  passengers  almost  invariably  get  up  a 
dance.  It  resembles  life  on  an  ocean  steamer,  without  the 
formidable  drawback  of  sea-sickness,  and  is  altogether  delight- 
ful. Ouster  and  his  little  wife  found  it  entirely  so. 

Hitherto  their  life  had  been  strange  and  peculiar.  To  Ous- 
ter, with  his  earnest,  impatient  temperament,  his  different  steps 
of  promotion  had  brought  little  of  luxury  and  enjoyment,  but  a 
great  deal  of  hard  work,  which  had  at  last  completely  worn  him 
out.  He  owns  as  much  in  a  letter  written  home  to  his  sister 
from  Petersburg,  just  after  Appomattox  surrender.  He  says 
that  he  feels  completely  exhausted,  and  needs  rest  badly.  Dur- 
ing the  easy  marches  back  to  Washington,  together  with  his 
little  wife,  he  obtained  some  rest,  and  this  long  pleasant  boat 


THE    VOLUNTEERS    IN    TEXAS.  321 

journey  was  another  resting  time.  He  enjoyed  it  with  a  per- 
fect dreamy  delight,  such  as  he  had  never  felt,  and  all  the  more 
because  he  could  riot  help  feeling  that  he  had  earned  it. 

Arrived  at  New  Orleans,  he  stepped  ashore  a  new  man,  fit 
for  any  amount  of  work,  and  already  tired  of  rest.  He  was  sent 
up  the  river  to  Alexandria,  Louisiana,  there  to  take  charge  of  a 
division  of  cavalry,  gathered  from  the  Western  States.  Here 
his  troubles  commenced.  Very  few  of  these  troops  had  been 
in  action  to  any  great  extent.  They  were  green  regiments,  and 
therefore  all  the  harder  to  discipline.  For  all  that,  Ouster  set 
to  work  at  them,  as  he  had  with  his  Michigan  Brigade  in  old 
days,  and  established  the  most  rigorous  discipline  from  the  first. 
The  sort  of  success  he  had  was  not  very  gratifying,  however :  no 
one  could  have  hoped  that  in  those  days.  The  trouble  lay  in 
the  penny-wise,  pound-foolish  policy  of  Congress,  which  pre- 
ferred the  temporary  employment  of  half  a  million  of  discon- 
tented volunteers,  to  the  authorization  at  once  of  a  permanent 
standing  army  of  a  hundred  thousand  regulars,  such  as  could 
then  have  been  organized  in  three  weeks.  To  Ouster,  with  his 
memories  of  the  perfect  adoration  extended  to  him  by  his  for- 
mer commands,  the  present  experience  was  very  trying.  The 
men  under  his  orders  all  hated  him  furiously.  He  needed  a 
battle  to  make  them  love  him,  and  there  were  no  more  battles 
to  be  fought.  His  charging  days  were  over. 

What  he  could  do  he  did,  to  get  his  troops  into  decent  or- 
der, and  accomplished  a  great  deal,  but  nothing  satisfactory  to 
himself,  when  the  division  was  finally  ordered  to  Austin,  Texas. 
The  transfer  was  made  by  easy  inarches,  and  once  on  the  road 
there  was  not  so  much  trouble  with  the  troops.  They  had 
something  to  do,  and  were  not  so  full  of  discontent.  The  great 
difficulty  then,  as  always  after  the  war,  was  to  keep  the  men 
from  marauding.  They  were  so  used  to  living  off  the  country 
in  war  time,  that  it  required  a  powerful  provost-guard  to  pa- 
trol the  flanks  of  the  column  to  keep  the  stragglers  from  going 
oft'  to  plunder. 
21 


322  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

Apart  from  these  troubles,  the  march  was  delightful.  Mrs. 
Ouster  marched  at  the  head  of  the  column,  riding  on  horseback 
nearly  all  the  way.  A  large  roomy  spring  \vagon,  with  a  team 
of  fonr  matched  greys,  belonging  to  the  general,  accompanied 
headquarters,  and  was  so  fitted  up  that  it  could  be  used  as  a 
tiring  room  or  a  sleeping  apartment  while  on  the  march, 
should  the  delicate  little  woman  get  tired  out.  She  used  it  but 
little,  however,  making  the  journey  as  well  as  any  of  the  men. 
At  last  they  arrived  at  Austin,  where  their  command,  still  called 
the  "Third  Division,"  found  itself  with  Merritt's,  still  known  as 
the  "  First."  The  state  of  affairs  there  was  worse  than  at  Alex- 
andria, Merritt's  division  aggravating  the  troubles  of  Ouster's. 

A  little  extract  will  give  an  idea  of  the  state  of  things.  It 
is  quoted  from  the  correspondence  of  the  New  York  Times, 
March,  1866.  The  correspondent  gives  an  explanation  of  the 
unpopularity  of  General  Ouster  with  the  enlisted  men  : 

Every  one  who  glances  at  the  heading  of  this  paragraph  will 
say,  "  Well,  there's  no  discount  on  him."  But  there  is,  though, 
in  the  estimation  of  some.  The  soldiers  are  down  on  him  like  a 
thousand  of  brick,  and  so  are  their  friends.  And  why  ?  I'll  tell 
you.  As  a  general  thing,  the  Volunteers  wanted  to  go  home  as 
soon  as  the  war  was  over,  and  that  portion  of  them  who  were 
sent  out  have  acted  badly,  and  were  encouraged  in  such  perform- 
ance by  their  friends  in  the  North,  who  wrote  them  letters,  in 
which  they  told  them  to  come  home — that  the  war  was  over,  and 
that  it  would  not  be  desertion.  General  Ouster,  knowing  that 
the  trial  for  desertion  was  a  farce,  tried  every  humane  way  to 
save  his  army  from  going  to  pieces,  but  failed.  He  then  tried  a 
new  way;  and  flogged  several  men  and  shaved  their  heads.  This 
had  the  desired  effect,  but  brought  down  the  friends  of  these  sol- 
diers upon  him,  who  charge  him  with  being  disloyal,  inhuman, 
and  everything  that  is  bad.  Now,  I  leave  it  to  every  one  if  Cus- 
ter  didn't  do  right.  The  Volunteers  are  not  acting  in  a  good  spirit 
here,  while  nearly  half  of  them  have  deserted.  This  state  of  things 
operates  badly  in  the  two  regular  cavalry  regiments  which  are  sta- 
tioned in  this  section,  nearly  one-third  of  whom  have  deserted. 
These  deserters  turn  murderers  and  robbers  and  horse-thieves, 
and  are  a  terror  to  the  traveling  community.  Scarcely  a  night 


THE  VOLUNTEERS  IN  TEXAS.  323 

passes  but  that  some  poor  fellow  is  waylaid  and  killed.  The  great 
necessity  of  the  increase  of  the  Regular  Army,  and  the  discharge  of 
all  the  Volunteers — white  and  colored — must  be  apparent  to  all. 

He  also  gives  an  account  of  the  mutiny  of  the  Third  Michi- 
gan Cavalry,  for  the  truth  of  which  he  vouches : 

It  is  pretty  well  known  that  this  regiment  has  had  the  repu- 
tation of  being  one  of  'the  best  bodies  of  cavalry  in  the  service. 
For  fighting,  marching  or  drilling  it  is  unequaled  by  any  cavalry 
regiment  in  the  United  States.  Like  all  of  the  Volunteers,  the 
men  composing  this  regiment  wanted  to  go  home.  A  few  weeks 
ago,  while  upon  parade,  General  Thompson  complimented  the 
regiment  in  eloquent  terms,  and  stated  to  them  that  it  was  an 
honor  to  be  kept  in  the  service.  Says  the  general:  "  To  say  noth- 
ing about  your  past  services,  no  inspector  in  the  army  would  per- 
mit such  a  well-organized,  well-dressed  and  well-disciplined  regi- 
ment to  quit  the  service  as  long  as  any  necessity  exists  for  retaining 
the  services  of  Volunteers."  It  happened  that  the  next  day  they 
were  to  be  inspected  by  one  of  General  Sheridan's  staff  officers, 
and  they  prepared  themselves  accordingly.  Such  a  crowd  never 
before  appeared  upon  inspection,  except  the  Ancients  and  Horri- 
bles. Some  had  on  caps,  some  had  on  hats  with  the  corners 
jammed  out  or  stuck  in,  some  had  on  boots,  and  some  had  on 
shoes  covered  with  oil  and  ashes;  some  had  on  coats,  some  had  on 
jackets,  and  some  were  in  their  shirt  sleeves  ;  some  had  their 
breeches  stuck  into  their  boots,  some  had  their  belts  and  car- 
tridge boxes  on  bottom  side  upward;  and,  on  the  whole,  presented 
a  most  wry  appearance.  All  those  men  who  were  not  dressed  in 
this  manner  were  ordered  to  arrest  their  "  Horrible  "  companions, 
when  they  refused,  and  the  whole  regiment  mutinied.  Subse- 
quently the  thing  was  fixed  up,  and  ninety  of  them  are  in  confine- 
ment and  are  to  be  tried  for  mutiny. 

As  may  be  imagined,  the  trial  for  mutiny  amounted  to  very 
little,  and  the  regiment  was  at  last  disbanded,  to  its  own  relief, 
and  that  of  every  one  else. 

In  this  matter,  just  as  before  and  since  the  war,  Ouster  and 
the  regular  army  officers  suffered  in  common  with  their  com- 
rades, from  the  incompeteucy  and  stupidity  of  their  manage- 
ment by  Congress.  During  the  war,  this  sapient  body  wa8 


324:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  OUSTER. 

confined  to  its  true  functions,  as  regards  the  arrny.  These 
were  to  legislate  on  general  subjects,  and  to  provide  money : 
the  executive  arranged  all  the  details.  Instead  of  many  mas- 
ters, the  army  had  but  one,  Stanton,  a  harsh  and  severe  ruler 
sometimes,  but  generally  just  and  sensible.  Good  or  bad,  every 
man  knew  what  to  expect,  and  as  a  whole,  the  army  was  man- 
aged by  men  who  knew  their  business.  Now  all  this  was 
changed.  The  law,  whether  good  or  bad,  had  to  be  obeyed, 
and  expediency  was  no  longer  consulted.  Troops  were  gov- 
erned not  according  to  necessity,  but  according  to  what  Congress 
chose  to  order;  and  Congress,  like  all  deliberative  bodies, 
halted  and  hesitated  and  did  nothing,  while  discontent  increased. 
This  state  of  things  is  peculiar  to  a  republic,  and  especially  to 
a  federative  government  like  the  American.  It  is  part  of  the 
price  paid  for  personal  liberty. 

To  a  king  or  emperor,  the  situation  would  have  offered  no 
difficulties,  either  at  the  beginning  or  close  of  the  war.  He 
would  have  levied  his  troops,  used  them,  and  disbanded  them, 
as  seemed  fit  to  him :  the  increase  or  diminution  of  his  army 
would  not  have  affected  its  stability.  President  Lincoln  could 
not  raise  a  company  :  he  was  obliged  to  ask  the  States  for  regi- 
ments. President  Johnson  could  only  return  the  regiments 
lent  him,  and  the  fact  of  his  needing  many  of  them  made  no 
difference.  He  could  only  retain  them  by  a  legal  fiction,  for 
the  rebellion  had  ceased.  Had  Congress,  on  Kirby  Smith's 
surrender,  at  once  increased  the  regular  force,  and  authorized 
the  change  of  volunteer  regiments  into  regular  regiments, 
leaving  their  formation  to  volunteering  from  the  "  natural  sol- 
diers" of  the  old  regiments,  and  retaining  the  traditions  of  the 
war,  the  trouble  would  never  have  arisen.  A  change  from 
temporary  to  permanent  organization  was  needed,  and  it  came 
too  late  to  save  the  volunteers  from  unmerited  reproach.  Cus- 
ter,  among  the  rest,  paid  the  penalty  of  doing  his  duty,  in 
unpopularity  among  the  men  who  had  adored  him.  At  last, 
Congress  thought  better  of  it,  and  passed  the  bill  of  1866,  "  to  in- 
crease and  fix  the  military  establishment  of  the  United  States." 


CHAPTER    II. 
THE  KEGULAK  AEMY. 

IT  is  one  of  the  consequences  of  republican  institutions  as 
affecting  modern  civilization,  that  the  standing  army  of  a 
republic  is  pretty  sure  to  be  constantly  abused.  The  fact  is 
that  republics  and  standing  armies  are  incompatible,  and  always 
will  be  so.  The  one  theory  of  government  is  predicated  on  the 
liberty  of  every  man  to  go  where  he  pleases,  and  do  what  he 
pleases,  so  long  as  he  does  not  hurt  his  neighbors.  The  other 
is  founded  on  the  duty  of  every  man  to  obey  his  superior  offi- 
cer without  question,  and  to  stir  no  step  without  permission. 
The  only  footing  on  which  standing  armies  have  ever  been  tol- 
erated in  free  republics  has  been  as  a  police  force,  to  control 
the  criminal  classes.  As  such  the  regular  army  of  the  United 
States  before  the  war  acted.  It  was  kept  up  solely  to  control 
the  dangerous  Indians,  and  to  keep  burglars  out  of  the  nearly 
deserted  forts.  The  people  at  large  saw  but  little  of  it,  soldiers 
being  rare  spectacles  in  the  ante^bettum  days. 

During  the  war,  this  little  police  force  practically  vanished 
from  the  struggle.  A  brigade  of  cavalry  and  a  division  of  in- 
fantry in  a  single  army,  both  mere  skeletons,  constituted  all  the 
regulars,  except  in  the  batteries  of  artillery  and  the  headquarter 
escorts  of  a  few  generals.  These,  from  the  feebleness  of  their 
numbers,  attracted  little  attention.  It  might  have  been  and 
probably  was  expected,  that  this  small  force,  by  its  innate  su- 
periority, should  fill  to  the  volunteers  the  office  of  Napoleon's 
Old  Guard  to  the  rest  of  the  French  army,  to  be  the  last  re- 
serve, steady  and  invincible,  capable  of  deciding  every  battle. 


326  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

This  expectation,  if  entertained,  was  disappointed.  The  regu- 
lars, after  Bull  Run,  ceased  to  be  distinguished  for  any  special 
valor  or  constancy,  and  merely  fought  alongside  of  the  rest  of 
the  army,  neither  better  nor  worse. 

The  cause  for  this  state  of  things  was  simple.  At  Bull  Run, 
the  small  force  of  regulars  present  was  made  up  of  veterans,  and 
Bhoue  by  contrast  with  the  rest  of  the  army.  As  time  went 
on,  the  veterans  grew  less  and  less  in  number,  and  were  replaced 
by  green  recruits.  Worse  still,  the  regular  officers,  instead  of 
remaining  with  their  old  commands,  sought,  and  easily  obtained, 
volunteer  commands,  far  higher  than  any  the  regulars  could 
offer.  Lieutenants  and  captains  were  jumped  to  colonels,  and 
field  officers  became  generals  of  brigade  and  division,  to  the 
benefit  of  the  volunteers  and  the  detriment  of  the  regulars. 
The  vacancies  thus  created,  were  either  unsupplied,  or  filled 
by  new  appointments,  and  more  than  half  of  these  latter  were 
from  civil  life.  The  "  civil  appointments,"  as  a  rule,  were  per- 
fectly green  young  gentlemen,  precisely  the  same  as  those  who 
entered  the  volunteers  as  officers  and  privates,  but  they  hap- 
pened to  possess  political  influence,  to  know  a  senator  or  repre- 
sentative, and  so  they  were  commissioned.  Thus  it  very  soon 
resulted  that,  as  a  rule,  only  the  poorest  of  the  old  officers 
remained  with  the  regulars.  The  energetic  and  ambitious  had 
left  for  the  volunteers ;  what  remained  may  be  divided  into 
three  classes.  First  were  the  lazy  ones  and  plodders,  who  pre- 
ferred the  old  groove ;  second  were  the  few  who  looked  down 
on  the  volunteers,  and  fancied  themselves  of  a  superior  class ; 
third  were  the  new  officers,  who  needed  training.  To  these 
must  be  added,  however,  a  fourth  class,  ot  modest  and  capable 
officers,  who  had  not  sufficient  influence  to  secure  high  volun- 
teer commands,  and  who  remained  with  their  old  regiments 
from  necessity. 

It  was  the  influence  of  this  last  class  that  kept  up  the  repu- 
tation of  the  little  skeleton  force  of  regulars,  and  enabled  them 
to  hold  their  own  with  the  volunteers.  It  is  indeed  surprising 


THE    REGULAR    ARMY.  327 

how  strong  was  their  influence  over  the  new  material  from  .civil 
life.  The  same  men  who  came  in,  raw  unlicked  cubs,  proud  of 
their  political  friends,  and  chiefly  anxious  for  every  one  to 
understand  that  they  were  "  regulars,"  at  a  time  when  their 
ignorance  would  have  disgraced  a  squad  of  country  militia, 
found  their  level  in  a  very  short  time.  Within  a  year  from 
their  first  entrance,  it  was  hard  to  recognize,  in  the  quiet  and 
self-possessed  officer,  in  command  of  his  picket  post  or  scouting 
party,  the  rude  gawky  bumpkin  who  had  joined  in  1861.  The 
old  hands  had  licked  him  into  shape,  while  the  veterans  in  the 
ranks  had  done  the  same  kind  office  for  the  recruits  below.  In 
the  old  regiments,  which  dated  from  before  the  war,  this  change 
was  very  marked,  in  the  few  new  regiments  that  had  been 
authorized  since  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  much  less  so. 
Even  there,  however,  there  was  some  difference,  and  it  was 
noticeable  at  the  very  close  of  the  war.  It  consisted  chiefly  in 
a  different  standard  of  discipline,  a  difference  of  condition 
between  officers  and  men,  which  was  most  prominent  in  camp. 
At  the  close  of  hostilities  it  made  itself  visible  in  the  different 
behavior  of  regulars  and  volunteers. 

On  the  march  and  in  the  battle  there  was  nothing  to  choose 
between  the  regulars  and  the  old  first  class  regiments  of  volun- 
teers, especially  where  the  latter  had  been  commanded  by 
a  West  Point  graduate.  On  the  drill  ground,  if  any  thing,  the 
volunteers  were  smarter,  and  they  almost  always  attacked 
in  battle  with  an  energy  slightly  superior  to  that  of  the  regu- 
lars. Their  camps  were  often  much  handsomer  than  those 
of  the  regulars,  and  at  permanent  camps  they  always  displayed 
far  more  taste  in  adorning  their  habitations,  while  in  cleanli- 
ness there  was  little  to  choose  between  the  two. 

But  between  the  officers  and  men  of  volunteers,  there  was 
always,  even  to  the  last,  a  kindly  and  cordial  feeling,  which  was 
the  perfection  of  ideal  relations.  It  was  very  different  from 
the  loose  style  prevalent  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  when  the 
men  elected  their  officers,  or  the  latter  were  appointed  to 


328  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

exercise  duties  of  which  they  were  totally  ignorant.  That 
class  had  vanished.  "What  remained  of  officers  were  men  of 
experience,  who  had  either  risen  from  the  ranks,  or  from  being 
subalterns  had  become  field  officers.  The  men  knew  that  in 
case  of  vacancies  in  the  lower  ranks  these  would  be  filled  from 
vamong  themselves.  The  career  was  open  to  all,  and  while  the 
war  lasted  was  excellent.  This  bred  between  the  two  classes 
a  certain  mutual  respect  which  was  noticeable.  The  men  were 
punctilious  in  saluting,  neat  in  their  dress,  and  obeyed  orders 
promptly.  The  officers  were  kind  in  their  manner,  and  only 
maintained  the  due  distance  essential  to  discipline  in  public. 
When  an  officer  and  a  sergeant,  formerly  comrades  and  tent 
mates,  were  alone  together,  with  no  one  to  see  them,  they  talked 
like  the  old  friends  they  were,  while  the  presence  of  a  third 
party,  especially  an  enlisted  man,  would  instantly  freeze  up  the 
sergeant  into  haughtily  profound  respect.  The  secret  of  subordi- 
nation was  that  every  man  respected  the  rank  he  hoped  to  attain 
himself.  During  winter  quarters  there  was  little  or  no  trouble 
in  maintaining  perfect  discipline  among  the  old  volunteer 
regiments,  on  this  account. 

In  the  regular  regiments  a  very  different  state  of  things 
prevailed.  Officers  and  men  were  practically  distinct  classes, 
with  lines  of  demarcation  irrevocably  fixed.  The  distance 
between  them  was  impassable.  The  youngest  subaltern  newly 
joined  was  entitled  to  the  same  respect  shown  to  a  general,  and 
the  marks  of  respect  enforced  were  and  still  are  decidedly 
slavish.  A  little  instance  will  show  the  contrast. 

A  company  of  regulars  is  in  barracks.  Their  captain  is 
detailed  on  staff  duty,  the  first-lieutenant  is  on  a  court  martial, 
the  second  lieutenant  is  in  his  quarters,  smoking  a  pipe,  when 
some  citizen  friends  arrive  to  pay  him  a  visit.  After  a  cigar, 
and  a  visit  to  the  bar-room,  "  for  officers  only,"  the  young  sub 
proposes  to  show  his  friends  the  barracks,  and  after  seeing  the 
parade  ground,  goes  quietly  to  the  door  of  the  company  room 
and  opens  it  to  take  his  friends  in.  Instantly  a  voice  is  heard 


THE    REGULAR    ARMY.  329 

shouting  tl  Attention  !  "  and  in  a  moment  every  man  in  the 
room  is  standing  at  the  foot  of  his  bunk,  bareheaded,  cap  in 
hand,  and  stiff  as  a  post.  The  lieutenant  touches  one  of  his 
buttons  with  his  forefinger  and  drops  it  in  a  careless  way,  (meant 
for  the  return  of  a  salute)  looks  around  the  room,  makes  a  few 
remarks  on  its  condition  to  his  friends,  as  if  the  men  were 
insensible  blocks  who  could  not  hear,  and  goes  out.  Thence 
he  takes  his  friends  to  the  guard-house,  full  as  it  is  of  manacled 
men,  resting  from  their  sentences  of  labor ;  and  the  same  scene 
is  repeated.  Every  prisoner  has  to  stand  up  and  be  inspected 
like  a  prize  ox,  while  the  little  sub  moves  about  as  if  he  were 
a  demigod  amid  slaves. 

A  visit  to  a  volunteer  barrack  or  the  camp  of  a  crack  regiment 
at  the  close  of  the  war  was  very  different.  In  the  first  place,  the 
lieutenant  would  not  have  voluntarily  taken  his  friends  round  to 
exhibit  his  men  in  their  bedrooms,  neither  would  he  have  taken 
them  to  the  guard-house.  If  his  friends  had  asked  to  see  the 
men,  he  would  have  gone  with  them,  the  men  would  have  stood 
to  attention  and  saluted,  and  afterwards  the  friends  might  have 
conversed  with  the  soldiers,  who  would  have  received  them  po- 
litely, but  as  a  rule  the  friends  of  an  officer  would  have  remained 
with  him  alone,  or  viewed  the  men  at  such  a  distance  as  not  to 
constrain  the  latter. 

In  the  one  case  was  a  constant  strain  on  the  reins  of  disci- 
pline, making  the  men  feel  the  curb  all  the  while,  in  the  other  a 
constant  endeavor  on  the  part  of  the  officers  to  carry  a  light 
hand,  to  make  things  easy,  to  insist  only  on  the  needful,  and  not 
to  regard  the  men  as  private  property.  During  the  war  the 
second  system  worked  well,  and  the  men  fought  cheerfully  for 
officers  whom  they  loved.  Even  in  the  regular  regiments  the 
old  slavish  system  of  discipline  was  much  relaxed,  and  princi- 
pally in  consequence  of  the  fact  that  during  the  war  some  pro- 
motions were  made  from  the  ranks.  At  the  close  of  hostilities 
al)  was  changed.  It  was  no  longer  possible  to  get  men  to  do  duty 
cheerfully.  The  duty  was  disagreeable  and  irksome,  devoid  of 


330  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

excitement  or  glory,  promotion  had  ceased,  there  was  no  cam- 
paigning, and  instead  of  the  cheerful  volunteer,  fighting  for  the 
cause  he  loved,  the  hired  mercenary  was  to  be  the  soldier  of  the 
future.  The  change  was  great,  and  demanded  different  disci- 
pline. Instead  of  willing  obedience  and  easy  government,  abso- 
lute servility  and  rigid  authority  were  needed.  The  class  of 
men  that  enlisted  in  the  volunteers  would  not  have  entered  the 
regulars  for  double  pay.  They  had  been  trained  from  boyhood 
to  look  down  on  soldiers,  as  men  too  lazy  to  work,  arid  only  one 
remove  above  criminals.  The  same  feeling  exists  in  England, 
and  in  fact  in  every  country  where  military  service  is  wholly 
voluntary.  It  is  only  in  countries  where  the  conscription  and 
the  soldier  are  universal,  that  the  latter  is  treated  with  respect 
by  the  citizen.  The  feeling  with  which  the  regular  soldier  is 
regarded  in  England  and  America,  is  a  curious  compound  of 
contempt  and  fear.  The  hard  working  artisan,  who  maintains  a 
family  by  his  labor,  looks  down  on  the  soldier  because  the  latter 
is  content  to  live  on  contemptibly  small  pay,  and  is  unable  comfort- 
ably to  keep  a  wife  and  children ;  and  the  same  sentiment  is  com- 
mon to  the  clerk,  salesman,  shopkeeper,  and  every  man  who  makes 
a  comfortable  living  above  the  degree  of  a  common  laborer.  They 
all  look  on  the  soldier  as  a  poor  creature,  who  cannot  make  a 
living.  At  the  same  time,  whenever  they  see  him  drunk,  they 
give  him  a  wide  berth,  and  as  a  great  many  "  hard  cases  "  en- 
list in  the  army,  and  afterwards  become  prominent  for  disorder, 
the  citizen  learns  to  regard  the  rank  and  file  of  the  regular  army 
as  being  made  up  entirely  of  the  scum  of  the  population.  The 
truth  is,  that  he  only  sees  their  worst  side,  in  the  cities.  The  old 
soldiers,  men  who  have  served  more  than  one  enlistment  without 
a  desertion,  are  quiet  and  unobtrusive;  he  hardly  ever  sees 
them,  and  takes  little  notice  of  them  when  he  does :  the 
chronic  deserters  and  re-enlisters,  the  drunkards,  the  malingerers, 
are  always  thick  around  the  recruiting  offices  in  the  cities,  and 
help  to  give  tone  to  the  current  idea  of  the  army  private. 

Were  the  army,  as  in  France  and  Germany,  constantly  in 


THE    REGULAR    ARMY.  331 

sight  among  the  people,  the  citizens  would  discover  that  soldiers 
are  men  the  same  as  themselves,  with  all  sorts  of  characters. 
Asa  class,  a  little  more  inclined  to  be  reticent  and  silent  to 
strangers  than  workmen,  the  best  of  them  have  a  certain  depre- 
catory air  when  thrown  into  a  crowd  of  citizens,  dashed  with  a 
spice  of  defiance.  They  know  there  is  a  prejudice  against 
them,  and  they  feel  that  it  is  unjust,  so  they  keep  among  them- 
selves as  much  as  possible,  and  nourish  regimental  pride  to  con- 
sole them  for  civil  depreciation.  All  they  need  to  make  their 
position  happier,  is  to  be  better  known. 

Another  cause  of  the  depreciation  is  found  in  the  nature  of 
a  soldier's  duties.  There  is  nothing  which  is  more  inexplicable 
to  the  ordinary  civilian  than  the  true  military  spirit,  that  glories 
in  hardships,  danger  and  death,  and  that  despises  fine  uniforms. 
He  cannot  understand  it.  To  be  a  militia  man  in  a  gorgeous 
uniform,  and  to  march  through  the  streets  behind  a  splendid 
band  is  his  idea  of  soldiering,  and  when  he  finds  that  his  real 
soldier  friend  hates  this  and  loves  the  excitement  of  a  battle 
pure  and  simple,  the  civilian  is  puzzled.  In  a  conscriptional 
country,  where  every  one  is  liable  to  service,  the  feeling  of  pity 
and  sympathy  for  men  who  are  forced  against  their  will  to 
endure  the  hardships  of  real  military  life,  extends  to  every 
member  of  the  population  in  the  country  who  has  a  relative  in 
the  army,  and  helps  to  make  the  army  popular.  During  the 
war  of  the  rebellion,  when  the  overpowering  necessity  of  the 
times  operated  instead  of  the  conscription,  the  same  feeling 
tended  to  make  the  volunteers  popular.  They  went  (according 
to  the  public  idea)  not  because  they  loved  a  soldier's  life,  but 
because  it  was  their  duty.  The  men  in  the  regular  army  after 
the  close  of  the  war,  could  plead  no  such  excuse.  They  enlisted 
either  because  they  loved  military  life,  or  because  they  were 
too  indolent  or  unskillful  to  make  a  living  at  anything  else.  In 
either  case,  the  average  citizen  disliked  the  motive  and  despised 
the  man. 

This  state  of  public  estimation  reacted  injuriously  on  the 


332  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

army.  It  was  so  unpopular  a  thing  to  enlist,  that  no  one  would 
do  it,  save  as  a  last  resort,  if  he  had  a  character  to  lose.  The 
very  worst  men  of  the  old  volunteers — the  bounty  jumpers — 
enlisted  by  hundreds,  and  practiced  on  the  regular  officers  the 
tricks  which  they  had  learned  for  the  purpose  of  duping  provost- 
marshals  in  draft  times.  The  percentage  of  desertions  was 
larger  than  it  had  ever  been  before,  and  the  few  good  and 
decent  soldiers  were  lost  in  the  scamps  that  made  up  the  popu- 
lar idea  of  the  regular  army.  It  was  in  the  midst  of  these  in- 
fluences that  the  bill  of  1866,  "  to  increase  and  fix"  the  regular 
army,  went  into  operation.  Forty-five  regiments  of  infantry, 
ten  of  cavalry,  and  five  of  artillery,  were  announced  as  the  basis 
of  the  future  army.  Half  of  the  regiments  of  horse  and  foot 
were  quite  new,  and  others  dated  from  the  period  of  the  war. 
To  officer  these  regiments,  about  fifteen  hundred  new  officers 
were  required,  and  here,  as  in  the  case  of  the  enlisted  men,  great 
difficulties  lay  in  the  way  of  procuring  good  material. 

As  with  the  men,  so  with  the  officers,  the  best  and  most 
energetic  of  the  volunteer  material  had  returned  to  civil  life, 
where  it  was  pushing  forward  and  prospering.  There  were  not 
enough  graduates  of  West  Point  to  fill  the  bill.  The  old  army 
of  twelve  thousand  men  had  been  compelled  to  rely  for  officers 
to  a  great  degree  on  civil  appointments ;  and  out  of  that  old 
army,  at  least  half  of  the  graduates  had  passed  away,  some  into 
the  Confederate  service,  others  by  death,  others  on  the  retired 
list.  The  four  years  of  the  war  had  produced  about  fifty  grad- 
uates a  year,  and  the  coming  years  would  furnish  the  same 
proportion.  A  large  residue  still  remained,  that  must  be  filled 
up  by  civil  appointments.  In  these  latter,  the  preference  was 
to  be  given  to  ex -volunteers,  and  for  the  next  few  years  all  the 
so-called  "  civil  appointments "  came  from  the  volunteer 
officers. 

This  might  have  been  expected  to  produce  a  very  good  class 
of  officers,  but  it  was  soon  found  that  this  was  far  from  being 
the  case,  principally  owing  to  the  baneful  influence  of  politics. 


THE    REGULAR    ARMY.  333 

Had  it  been  possible  for  the  pick  of  the  old  volunteer  officers  to 
have  been  recommended,  at  the  very  close  of  hostilities,  by 
their  superior  officers,  on  a  strictly  military  basis,  for  military 
aptitude  alone,  the  results  might  have  been  good.  As  it  was, 
the  lower  appointments  were  made  entirely  through  the  influ- 
ence of  members  of  congress  or  senators,  who  recommended 
their  friends ;  and  only  those  volunteers  possessed  of  such  in- 
fluence obtained  commissions.  In  many  cases  they  were  given 
to  men  who  had  tried  civil  life  for  a  time,  failed  therein,  and 
went  into  the  army  to  make  a  living.  Some  actually  purchased 
their  commissions  through  claim  agents,  who  for  the  price  of 
about  five  hundred  dollars,  engaged  to  procure  a  senator's  influ- 
ence, and  bring  the  candidate  for  a  commission  before  the 
examining  board.* 

This  last-named  body  was  composed  of  old  regular  officers, 
and  was  authorized  to  examine  the  candidates,  to  see  whether 
they  were  fit  for  commissions.  The  test  was  chiefly  educational. 
Tactics  and  regulations  had  little  to  do  with  it.  The  officers 
were  examined  in  the  ordinary  branches  of  English  education, 
including  algebra  up  to  quadratic  equations,  with  a  little  plane 
trigonometry,  and  that  was  about  all.  Like  all  examinations, 
of  whatever  character,  they  failed  to  touch  the  real  capacity  of 
the  applicant,  who  generally  "  crammed  "  for  the  test.  If  he 
failed  to  pass,  and  had  influence,  he  secured  a  second  trial,  in 
some  instances  a  third.  Influence  was  sufficient  to  pull  almost 
any  one  through. 

The  consequence  of  this  state  of  things  was  that,  instead  of  the 
best  of  the  volunteer  element,  the  army  secured,  in  too  many 
cases,  only  the  worst,  and  the  incompetency  of  the  new  officers  to 
control  the  army  became  very  painfully  evident.  Contrary  to 
the  general  idea,  the  task  of  a  regimental  officer  of  the  United 
States  army  in  time  of  peace,  is  far  more  difficult  than  in  time 

*  This  statement  is  founded  on  facts  in  the  knowledge  of  various  gen- 
tlemen who  shall  be  nameless,  but  is  not  made  loosely  or  from  general  or 
hearsay  evidence. 


334  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

of  war.  Then  he  is  in  the  midst  of  comrades,  in  a  brigade,  part 
of  a  division,  a  corps,  an  army.  All  he  has  to  do,  is  to  keep 
his  men  together  on  the  march  and  in  the  battle,  and  to  obey 
orders.  His  superiors  do  the  thinking. 

In  time  of  peace  all  is  changed.  The  officer  is  often,  nay 
generally,  thrown  much  on  his  own  responsibility.  The  troops 
are  scattered  in  small  posts,  always  short-handed  ;  and  officers 
are  constantly  detailed  on  special  duty.  Moreover,  the  army  is 
always  in  the  midst  of  a  population  intensely  hostile  to  its  spirit 
and  traditions,  in  active  sympathy  with  all  deserters,  and  exceed- 
ingly jealous  of  military  authority.  The  officer  is  subject  to  a  code 
of  minute  regulations,  born  of  the  jealousy  of  the  civil  author- 
ity, which  are  all  the  more  vexatious  that  half  the  time  he  doea 
not  know  what  they  are.  The  case  in  1866  was  even  worse  than 
it  is  now.  The  old  army  regulations  of  1861  had  become  ob- 
solete. They  were  replaced  by  a  host  of  new  laws,  new  gen- 
eral orders,  decisions  of  departments  and  what  not,  none  of 
which  were  gathered  together  in  an  accessible  form.  The  heads 
of  departments  and  their  clerks,  who  had  been  grinding  away 
for  years  in  the  same  mill,  had  all  these  laws  at  their  finger- 
ends.  The  new  officers,  whose  idea  of  military  life  was  confined 
to  handling  troops  in  campaign,  found  that  in  time  of  peace 
they  were  also  expected  to  be  expert  lawyers,  and  in  this  they 
failed  dismally.  They  were  constantly  receiving  sharp  repri- 
mands from  headquarters,  as  to  the  improper  phraseology  of  a 
report  or  return,  the  absence  of  red  ink  on  an  endorsement,  the 
bungling  manner  in  which  they  tied  their  red  tape.  In  the 
matters  of  discipline,  they  were  also  constantly  in  trouble. 
They  had  an  unruly  lot  of  men  to  control,  desertion  to  check, 
and  the  evil  required  sharp  measures.  These  they  were  not 
allowed  to  use,  under  the  law.  Corporal  punishment  was  abol- 
ished, stocks,  tying  up,  bucking  and  gagging,  all  those  rudely 
effective  methods  which  had  been  used  among  the  hard  cases 
of  the  volunteers.  They  were  compelled  to  manage  their  men 
wholly  by  moral  suasion,  or  punish  them  by  the  slow  process 


THE    REGULAR    ARMY.  335 

of  court-martial.  They  generally  preferred  the  latter,  and 
revenged  themselves  for  their  impotence  in  other  directions  by 
excessive  punishments  in  this.  At  the  same  time,  they  retained 
too  much  of  the  old  free  and  easy,  hard  drinking  habits,  which 
the  war  had  induced  in  them,  and  found  that  in  time  of  peace, 
drunken  officers  were  not  allowed.  Thus  the  spectacle  was 
presented  of  frequent  court-martials  of  men  and  officers,  for 
substantially  the  same  offence,  drunken  excesses,  and  the  mani- 
fest injustice  of  the  different  sentences  was  almost  always  visi- 
ble. A  man  would  be  dishonorably  discharged,  and  sent  to  a 
military  prison  at  hard  labor  for  two  years,  for  what  in  an  offi- 
cer would  only  entail  a  reprimand  or  suspension  from  command 
for  a  month  or  two. 

All  these  circumstances  combined  to  render  the  regular 
army  of  1866  a  very  different  and  far  inferior  body  to  that 
which  fought  in  the  Mexican  war.  The  men  were  discontented 
and  unruly,  the  officers  not  fully  up  to  their  work,  and  the 
amount  of  trouble  that  took  place  during  that  and  the  follow- 
ing year,  had  a  great  influence  on  the  future  of  Ouster. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  Seventh  Cavalry  was  formed, 
and  to  it  Ouster  was  assigned  as  Lieutenant-Colonel. 

It  might  be  supposed  that  his  declension  in  rank  from  the 
proud  position  of  a  major-general  would  be  accompanied  by 
some  compensations,  and  that  at  all  events  the  duty  in  his  new 
rank  would  be  easier.  To  a  certain  extent  this  is  true,  and  yet 
in  many  respects  the  contrary  is  the  case.  It  doubtless  sounds 
paradoxical  to  a  civilian,  to  be  told  that  the  command  of  a  regi- 
ment is  in  anything  harder  than  that  of  a  division,  while  at  the 
same  time  it  is  asserted  that  the  position  of  a  general  officer 
demands  far  more  military  knowledge  and  capacity  than  that  of 
a  colonel ;  and  yet  both  these  propositions  are  held  to  be  true, 
and  have  been  acted  on  by  the  few  great  commanders  whose 
actions  have  settled  the  principles  of  success  in  military  science. 
Napoleon,  in  particular,  frequently  expressed  the  opinion  that 
generals  ought  to  be  young  and  colonels  old,  and  always  acted 


336  GENERAL  GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

on  it.  By  this  opinion  he  intended  to  convey  two  important 
lessons,  which  are  elaborated  in  other  maxims.  A  short  analysis 
of  the  conditions  of  military  success  may  make  the  reason  clear 
to  those  who  have  not  studied  military  history  in  a  professional 
light. 

War  requires  two  elements  for  its  prosecution ;  troops,  and 
a  general.  A  good  general  may  handle  poor  troops,  so  as  to 
beat  a  poor  general  with  good  troops.  The  troops  are  the  tools, 
the  general  the  workman.  With  perfect  tools,  the  perfect 
workman  makes  perfect  work,  and  the  best  general  can  work 
better  if  he  has  good  troops  than  if  he  has  poor  ones.  Troops 
are  made  by  their  sergeants,  captains,  and  colonels,  handled  by 
their  generals.  To  make  them,  requires  patience  and  experi- 
ence, qualities  in  which  the  old  excel  the  young ;  to  handle 
them  requires  adroitness,  quickness,  and  magnetic  ardor,  qual- 
ities in  which  the  young  excel  the  old. 

So  far  Ouster  had  been  content  to  take  his  troops  ready 
made,  good  or  bad,  and  to  use  them  as  he  best  could  :  now  he 
was  to  try  his  success  at  fashioning  them  out  of  the  raw  mate- 
rial. The  rest  of  his  life  will  show  what  measure  of  success  he 
attained  in  his  task ;  for,  from  first  to  last,  he  commanded  his 
regiment  whenever  it  was  assembled,  and  had  more  to  do  with 
its  training  than  almost  any  other  regimental  commander  with 
any  other  regiment  of  the  army  since  the  civil  war. 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE  SEVENTH  CAVALRY 

AMONG  all  the  anomalies  at  the  close  of  the  rebellion, 
none  was  greater  than  the  position  in  which  the  officers 
of  the  regular  army  found  themselves.  Many  Held  officers  of 
the  old  army  had  become  major-generals  of  volunteers,  and 
during  the  war  this  office  carried  all  the  privileges  of  command. 
The  sudden  end  of  hostilities  showed  the  real  hollowness  of  the 
title,  and  one  by  one,  all  the  general  and  other  officers  of  the 
volunteers,  were  "  mustered  out  "  and  paid  off.  To  those  who 
were  originally  civilians,  this  did  not  matter.  They  had  re- 
turned to  their  former  stations.  The  old  army  officers,  however, 
found  it  very  different.  They  beheld  themselves  stripped  of 
the  privileges  of  rank,  but  still  remaining  soldiers.  In  Ouster's 
case,  the  drop  was  all  the  way  from  Major-General  to  plain 
captain  of  the  Fifth  Cavalry.  This  rank  was  all  that  really  re- 
mained to  him.  He  had  been  brevetted  major  in  the  regular 
army  in  July,  1863,  but  brevets  amounted  to  nothing,  any  more 
than  volunteer  commissions. 

The  formation  of  the  new  regiments  offered  a  salve  in  some 
respect  for  the  wounded  pride  of  those  officers  who  felt  the 
change  too  keenly,  while  the  retired  list  provided  for  many 
more.  The  great  chiefs  of  the  war  found  themselves  retained 
in  their  rank,  and  the  minor  chiefs  were  consoled  by  field  posi- 
tions and  brevets  of  general  officers  in  the  regular  army. 

The  most  conspicuous  of  these  were  to  be  found  in  the  new 
regiments  of  cavalry.  Sheridan's  division  commanders  in  the 
22 


338  GENERAL   GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

last  campaign,  Ouster  and  Devin,  also  Merritt  who  had  been 
their  nominal  chief,  were  made  lieutenant-colonels,  and  brevetted 
brigadier  and  major  generals  in  the  regular  army,  all  at  the 
same  time,  on  the  recommendation  of  their  chief.  It  marked 
the  estimate  which  he  placed  on  them  all,  apart  from  popular 
praise  or  censure.  Modest,  hard  working  old  Devin,  coming 
from  the  militia,  with  little  political  influence,  and  nothing  but 
his  own  perseverance  and  faithful  work  to  recommend  him,  was 
placed  on  the  same  plane  as  Ouster  and  Merritt,  who  had  started 
with  all  the  advantages  of  a  "West  Point  education  in  their  fa- 
vor. The  only  difference  between  them  was  that  of  seniority. 
Merritt  had  been  an  officer  a  year  before  Ouster,  and  Ouster's 
army  commission  ranked  him  over  Devin,  otherwise  all  were 
equal.  With  Merritt  and  Devin  we  have  finished  in  this  his- 
tory. Their  paths  no  longer  run  near  Ouster's.  The  latter 
was  appointed  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  new  Seventh  Cavalry, 
and  henceforward  will  appear  identified  with  that  regiment,  of 
which  it  would  appear  that  a  short  sketch  is  here  proper. 

The  Seventh  U.  S.  Cavalry  was  called  into  existence  as  a 
regiment  and  its  first  officers  commissioned  July  28th,  1866.  On 
that  day,  the  skeleton  of  the  regiment  was  as  follows :  Colonel 
A.  J.  Smith,  Lieutenant-Colonel  George  A.  Ouster,  Major 
Alfred  Gibbs,  all  three  West  Pointers,  and  Brevet  Major  Gen- 
erals U.  S.  A. 

Smith  was  quite  an  old  soldier,  having  entered  the  service 
in  1838,  and  Gibbs  dated  from  before  the  Mexican  war.  Du- 
ring the  rebellion,  Gibbs  had  latterly  commanded  the  Regular 
Cavalry  brigade  in  the  First  division  of  the  Cavalry  Corps. 

Eight  captains  were  appointed  at  the  same  date,  of  whom 
not  one  was  from  the  academy.  All  came  from  the  volunteers, 
or  had  risen  from  the  ranks  in  the  regular  army  during  the  war. 
Their  names  were  William  Thompson,  Frederick  W.  Benteen, 
Myles  W.  Keogh,  Edward  Myers,  Robert  M.  West,  Louis  M. 
Hamilton,  Albert  Barnitz,  and  Michael  Y.  Sheridan.  Of  these, 
Thompson  and  West  had  been  brigade  commanders,  Benteen  a 


. 
THE  SEVENTH  CAVALRY.  339 

colonel,  and  the  rest  Lieutenant-Colonels  by  brevet  or  otherwise. 
Six  first-lieutenants  were  commissioned  the  same  day,  Samuel 
M.  Bobbins,  Mathew  Berry,  Owen  Hale,  Myles  Moylan,  F.  V. 
Commagere  and  Thomas  W.  Ouster.  Of  these,  Ouster  and 
Commagere  had  been  Majors,  the  rest  captains  of  volunteers. 
T.  "W.  Ouster  was  the  brother  of  the  General.  He  had  entered 
the  army  on  the  23d  February,  1866,  as  second-lieutenant  of 
the  First  Infantry,  an  office  which  he  was  allowed  to  resign  on 
the  27th  July,  being  appointed  next  day  in  his  brother's  regi- 
ment. 

These  were  the  first  officers  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  appointed 
just  ten  years  ago.  To-day  hardly  one  of  them  is  left.  The 
Colonel  was  retired  from  service  not  long  after  his  appointment, 
and  Major  Gibbs  died  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  a  year  after  the 
formation  of  the  regiment,  from  the  effects  of  an  old  lance- 
wound  received  before  1860.  Before  going  any  further,  it  will 
be  well  to  trace  here  Ouster's  official  and  private  career  during 
the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  till  the  open- 
ing of  his  first  Indian  campaign. 

He  was  mustered  out  of  service  as  a  major-general  of  volun- 
teers in  March,  1866,  in  Houston,  Texas.  During  the  year  then 
past,  his  position  in  the  regular  army  had  been  that  of  a  simple 
captain  in  the  Fifth  Cavalry,  on  leave  of  absence.  His  leave 
was  granted  him  in  April  1865,  and  read  "  till  further  orders." 
His  successes,  then,  just  after  Sailor's  Creek  and  Appomattox, 
were  too  public  and  brilliant  to  be  ignored,  and  as  yet  he  had 
not  excited  the  envy  which  afterwards  assailed  him.  In  the 
volunteer  service,  he  had  only  experienced  this  envy  for  a  few 
weeks,  at  his  first  elevation,  and  there  were  so  many  prizes  in 
those  days  that  the  envy  was  soon  forgotten  in  hope.  Besides 
this,  his  services  had  been  so  wonderfully  successful  that  he  had 
conquered  envy  by  admiration,  in  almost  all  cases.  No  one 
therefore  seemed  to  be  disposed  to  shorten  his  enjoyment  of 
hard  earned  leisure  by  intriguing  to  get  him.  ordered  back  to 
his  regiment  as  a  captain. 


34:0  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

During  1865  and  the  beginning  of  18G6  he  enjoyed  full 
major-general's  pay,  and  allowances,  then  about  $8000  a  year 
While  in  Texas,  his  expenses  for  living  were  very  small,  as  ap- 
pears from  many  of  his  letters  home,  and  he  saved  a  great  deal 
of  money.  Moreover,  there  were  so  many  opportunities  of 
making  money  that  he  was  very  sorely  tempted  at  times  to 
leave  the  service  and  settle  down  in  Texas. 

His  muster  out,  while  it  sent  him  home  to  Monroe,  left  him 
in  a  very  different  position.  He  became  a  captain  once  more, 
with  only  about  $2000  a  year  pay,  and  a  small  allowance  of 
quarters.  It  was  a  heavy  fall  in  pecuniary  circumstances,  mod- 
ified by  his  savings  and  by  the  fact  that  he  was  still  on  leave. 
He  went  therefore  to  New  York,  and  while  there,  entered  into 
negotiations  with  the  Mexican  government  to  become  chief  of 
cavalry  for  Juarez,  in  his  last  struggle  with  Maximilian.  The 
history  of  this  application  will  bring  out  the  esteem  in  which 
he  was  then  held  by  General  Grant,  as  evinced  in  the  following 
letter  of  introduction. 

We  append  this  letter  as  of  special  interest,  in  view  oi'  the 
altered  relations  of  the  parties  in  after  days.  His  letter  was 
written  to  Senor  Romero,  the  Mexican  Minister  to  Washington. 
It  shows  Grant's  opinion  of  Ouster  in  the  days  when  Grant  was 
nothing  but  an  honest  soldier. 


HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

Washington,  D.  C.,  May  16,  1866. 

DEAR  SIR  : — This  will  introduce  to  your  acquaintance  Gen. 
Ouster,  who  rendered  such  distinguished  service  as  a  cavalry  officer 
during  the  war.  There  was  no  officer  in  that  branch  of  the  ser- 
vice who  had  the  confidence  of  Gen.  Sheridan  to  a  greater 
degree  than  Gen.  0.,  and  there  is  110  officer  in  whose  judgment 
I  have  greater  faith  than  in  Sheridan's.  Please  understand 
then  that  I  mean  by  this  to  endorse  Gen.  Ouster  in  a  high 
degree. 

Gen.  Ouster  proposes  to  apply  for  a  leave  of  absence  for  one 
yeai,  with  permission  to  leave  the  country,  and  to  take  gervice 


THE    SEVENTH    CAVALRY.  341 

while  abroad.     I  propose  to  endorse  his  application  favorably,  and 
believe  that  he  will  get  it.  Yours  truly, 

.  U.  S.  GltANT. 

To  Sr.  M.  Romero,  Minister,  etc. 

Sr.  Romero  was  delighted  with  the  application,  as  ht 
well  might  be.  Mexico  was  then  in  the  worst  possible  state, 
and  the  Liberal  cause  in  a  desperate  condition.  The  Juarez 
people  had  plenty  of  men,  but  neither  arms,  money,  nor  equip- 
ments. Carvajal,  the  head  of  the  Juarez  military  government, 
offered  Ouster  the  position  of  Adjutant  General  of  Mexico, 
with  double  the  pay  of  an  American  Major  General,  in  gold,  if 
he  could  only  come  to  Mexico  with  one  or  two  thousand  men, 
Americans ;  the  Mexican  Liberal  government  offering  to  as- 
sume any  debt  he  might  incur  in  raising  this  force.  After 
events  proved  that  the  expedition  would  have  been  perfectly 
feasible,  for  the  hold  of  Maximilian  on  Mexico,  never  strong, 
was  weakening  daily,  and  the  arrival  of  Ouster,  with  his  bril- 
liant reputation  and  the  men  he  could  easily  have  raised,  would 
have  ended  the  war  with  a  blaze  of  glory.  Money  and  men 
were  both  forthcoming,  and  success  was  certain.  All  these  bright 
prospects,  however,  were  destroyed  by  a  simple  formality  :  the 
American  government  refused  to  grant  Ouster  the  year's  leave 
he  asked  for,  and  he  was  compelled  to  choose  between  the 
smaller  certainty  of  a  captaincy  in  the  American  army  and  the 
glorious  uncertainties  of  a  soldier  of  fortune.  The  native  good 
sense  and  sturdy  habits  of  mind  inherited  and  taught  him  by 
family  influence  saved  him  from  the  role  of  the  last,  and  the 
first  was  soon  bettered  for  him  by  the  increase  of  the  army. 

While  his  application  was  still  pending,  however,  he  was 
recalled,  together  with  his  wife,  to  Monroe,  by  the  news  of  the 
dangerous  illness  of  Judge  Bacon.  They  arrived  there  only 
just  in  time  to  witness  the  Judge's  death,  which  took  place 
May  17th,  1866,  and  was  a  heavy  blow  to  both.  Long  before 
this  time,  the  good  old  Judge  who  had  been  so  careful  and 


3*2  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

anxious  about  the  future  of  his  daughter,  had  learned  to  lay 
aside  all  fears  in  that  direction,  and  to  feel  for  her  husband  a 
respect  and  liking,  alt  the  stronger  for  his  previous  mistrust. 
He  died  in  Ouster's  arms,  resting  on  his  strong  breast,  and 
blessing  with  his  latest  breath  his  two  children,  finding  that 
instead  of  losing  a  daughter  he  had  gained  a  son,  as  attentive 
and  affectionate  as  any  of  his  own  could  have  been,  had  he 
possessed  one. 

While  the  brilliant  deeds  of  Ouster  had  so  far  gained  him 
the  applause  of  the  world  at  large,  the  victory  in  which  he  felt 
the  greatest  pride  of  any  was  that  gained  during  the  latter  part 
of  his  life,  over  the  reluctance  and  distrust  of  the  Judge,  and 
the  conversion  of  those  feelings  into  the  warmest  respect  and 
esteem.  He  had  reason  to  be  proud  of  it,  for  it  was  no  com- 
mon victory.  It  was  obtained  by  a  single  course  of  conduct. 
The  Judge,  who  was  the  kindest  and  most  idolizing  of  fathers, 
full  of  fears  at  the  future  of  his  daughter  on  her  marriage,  was 
quite  overcome  by  the  fact  of  her  entire  happiness,  and  by  that 
alone.  The  real  unselfishness  of  paternal  love,  as  distinguished 
from  that  between  lovers,  is  illustrated  by  this,  that  the  Judge 
not  only  forgave,  but  learned  to  love,  the  man  who  had  taken 
away  his  daughter. 

The  death  of  Judge  Bacon  made  some  difference  in  the 
prospects  of  the  young  couple,  most  of  the  Judge's  property, 
which  included  the  house  in  Monroe  in  which  she  now  lives, 
going  to  his  daughter,  but  as  it  was  not  large,  it  did  not  alter 
their  ordinary  style  of  living.  They  continued  to  reside  at 
Monroe  for  the  next  month  or  two,  till,  in  July,  Ouster  re- 
ceived his  commission  from  President  Johnson,  as  lieutenant- 
colonel  of  the  new  Seventh  Cavalry. 

He  was  still  anxious  to  obtain  his  year's  leave,  so  as  to  be 
able  to  go  to  Mexico,  and  with  that  object  set  out  for  Buffalo, 
in  August,  to  meet  President  Johnson,  who  was  then  engaged 
in  that  celebrated  operation  known  as  "  swinging  round  the 
circle."  Mrs.  Ouster  went  with  him. 


THE  SEVENTH  CAVALRY.  343 

Inasmuch  as  the  present  book  will  fall  into  the  hands  of 
many  too  young  to  remember  distinctly  the  meaning  of  the 
expression  "swinging  round  the  circle,"  it  may  be  well  to 
explain  it  here.  President  Johnson,  originally  a  strong  South- 
ern Democrat,  had  been  nominated  for  Vice-President,  during 
the  war,  on  the  same  ticket  with  Lincoln,  as  a  "  War  Demo- 
crat" and  as  a  sort  of  compromise,  beating  Seymour  and 
McClellan.  When  the  assassination  of  Lincoln  placed  Johnson 
in  power,  he  soon  returned  to  his  old  ante-bellum  associations, 
the  result  of  which  was  a  furious  contest  between  Congress  and 
himself,  in  which  the  former  had  the  best  of  it,  through  hold- 
ing the  legislative  power,  with  a  compact  majority.  The  strife 
was,  at  this  time,  August,  1866,  at  its  very  hottest .  Congress 
had  adjourned,  and  the  President  then  indulged  in  a  trip  which 
took  him  all  round  the  country,  and  in  which  he  was  in  the 
habit  of  stopping  at  every  railway  station  to  make  a  political 
speech  to  the  crowd  that  gathered  on  the  platform  to  see  the 
presidential  party.  He  took  along  with  him  his  whole  cabinet 
and  General  Grant,  and  the  ludicrous  nature  of  the  tour  was 
commemorated  by  the  term  "  swinging  round  the  circle." 
When  Custer  met  President  Johnson  at  Buffalo,  the  young  gen- 
eral was  still,  as  far  as  civil  affairs  went,  a  frank,  innocent  boy. 
Of  political  lore  he  was  perfectly  guiltless,  and  an  old  politician 
like  Johnson  could  wind  him  round  his  finger  with  his  wily 
tricks.  Johnson  saw  at  once  what  a  political  and  popular  help 
Custer's  presence  would  be  to  him,  and  accordingly,  instead  of 
granting  his  request  for  leave,  ordered  him  to  accompany  the 
party  in  its  tour,  on  duty.  And  that  is  the  way  Custer  came 
to  join  Johnson  in  "  swinging  round  the  circle." 

To  the  young  couple,  the  whole  jaunt  was  a  pleasure  trip, 
which  cost  them  nothing,  where  they  had  delightful  times,  and 
nothing  to  do  but  enjoy  themselves.  Of  the  political  aspect  of 
the  trip  Custer  was  at  first  unaware,  and  as  his  commission  as 
lieutenant-colonel  was  already  safe,  he  had  "  no  axe  to  grind," 
after  his  first  visit,  when  the  President  told  him  he  could  not 


344  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

give  him  leave  to  go  to  Mexico.  The  party  travelled  by  the 
Lake  Shore  Railroad  to  Cleveland,  Toledo,  then  to  Monroe, 
Detroit,  Chicago,  and  so  to  Springfield,  Illinois,  the  late  resi- 
dence of  the  murdered  President  Lincoln. 

Johnson  had  at  the  time  a  great  idea  that  his  political 
enemies  would  try  to  assassinate  him  on  the  road,  and  insisted 
on  Custer's  occupying  the  next  room  to  his  own  at  every  hotel, 
and  keeping  loaded  revolvers  by  him,  to  protect  the  Executive 
from  murder,  a  danger  which,  however,  existed  chiefly  in  his 
own  heated  imagination.  The  ostensible  cause  of  the  tour 
was  the  inauguration  of  a  monument  to  President  Lincoln, 
which  took  place  at  Springfield,  the  nominal  termination  of  the 
journey.  Political  effect  and  the  President's  monomania  for 
speeches  on  the  constitution  continued  the  journey  to  St.  Louis, 
whence  the  party  returned  to  Washington  another  way.  Cus- 
ter  got  tired  of  the  trip  at  last,  when  he  found  that  it  was  en- 
tirely a  political  movement  and  one  productive  of  ridicule  to 
all  the  participants,  and  as  soon  as  the  last  semblance  of  danger 
was  removed  by  their  return  to  the  civilized  Eastern  States,  he 
parted  from  the  President,  refusing  an  invitation  to  Washing- 
ton. He  refused  also,  during  this  trip,  the  full  colonelcy  of  the 
Ninth  Cavalry,  a  black  regiment,  which  was  offered  him,  pre- 
ferring a  lower  step  to  a  lower  grade  of  service. 

On  leaving  the  President,  he  went  to  the  Soldiers'  and  Sail- 
ors' Convention  at  Cleveland,  and  excited  quite  a  commotion 
by  introducing  to  the  meeting  the  ex-rebel  cavalry  general 
Forrest,  a  rough  hewn  man,  something  of  his  own  stamp  for 
fiery  energ}7,  and  who  had  been  far  the  most  dangerous  cavalry 
commander  possessed  at  any  time  by  the  Confederate  cause. 

Nothing  hurt  Custer's  political  and  military  future  like  the 
movements  of  this  summer,  all  of  which  were  owing  to  his  gen- 
erous impulsive  way  of  doing  things.  Honest  to  the  backbone 
himself,  he  could  not  imagine  that  others  could  be  less  so,  and 
he  fell,  as  it  were,  bound  hand  and  foot,  into  the  midst  of  a 
den  of  hungry  political  wolves,  who  would  have  picked  his 


THE  SEVENTH  CAVALRY.  345 

bones  clean  had  he  staid  much  longer.  Like  Juvenal  refus- 
ing to  go  to  Kome,  he  could  reply,  when  he  was  asked  the 
cause  of  his  non  success  in  politics,  "  Nescio  mentire"  It  tells 
the  whole  story.  He  and  Sheridan  were  political  failures  for 
the  same  reason,  on  opposite  sides.  Kilpatrick,  Slocum,  Ban- 
ning, Logan,  Butler,  Garfield,  and  a  host  of  others,  were  suc- 
cesses for  the  opposite  reason. 

At  last  he  was  saved  from  the  consequences  of  his  indiscreet 
utterance  of  the  truth,  by  receiving  orders  to  report  at  Fort  Biley, 
Kansas,  and  assume  his  command.  Never  was  order  more  wel- 
come. It  found  him  at  Monroe,  longing  for  the  plains  and  the 
new  life  which  he  was  to  lead  there.  He  was  already  develop- 
ing into  the  sportsman  he  afterwards  became.  During  his 
Texan  residence  he  had  accumulated  a  pack  of  some  twenty  fox 
hounds,  and  had  invested  in  rifles,  having  become  a  fair  shot. 
In  his  letters  home  from  Texas  he  frequently  speaks  of  his 
hunting  expeditions  after  deer,  rabbits,  coons,  possums,  and  other 
animals.  In  those  days  to  all  appearance  he  was  as  innocent  as 
a  child  about  the  relative  dignity  of  game,  and  talks  of  going 
on  a  coon  hunt  with  an  old  negro,  with  all  the  zest  of  a  vet- 
eran trapper  after  a  grizzly.  He  seems  to  have  felt  like  a  reg- 
ular big  boy  out  of  school,  eager  for  anything  in  the  way  of 
game,  and  making  no  distinctions. 

The  foxhound  pack  of  Texas  was  broken  up,  except  one  or 
two  of  the  finest  dogs,  which  he  took  to  Monroe,  but  during  f 
the  "swinging  round  the  circle"  trip,  he  became  wonderfully 
interested  in  the  Scotch  deerhound,  of  which  he  saw  one  or 
two  specimens.  He  ended  by  buying  a  pair,  bred  in  Canada 
from  imported  dogs,  and  afterwards  received  a  present  of  an- 
other, an  imported  dog.  From  these  others  were  afterwards 
bred,  so  that  in  a  few  years  he  possessed  quite  a  pack  of  these 
dogs,  besides  foxhounds,  setters,  spaniels  and  others.  He  had 
always  managed  to  have  dogs,  at  all  periods  of  his  career,  even 
when  as  a  lieutenant  he  took  old  "  Rose  "  to  Washington  with 
him,  but,  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to  indulge  his  fancy  freely  he 


34:6  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

perfectly  revelled  in  the  collection  of  animals,  having  as  many 
and  varied  a  pack  as  used  to  attend  Sir  Walter  Scott  at  Abbots- 
ford  in  days  gone  by. 

The  General  and  Mrs.  Ouster  started  for  Fort  Riley,  which 
they  reached  when  it  was  yet  the  terminus  of  the  Pacific  Rail- 
road. A  year  later,  in  spite  of  an  Indian  war,  ninety  miles 
more  were  finished.  Fort  Riley,  when  they  came  there,  was  a 
perfect  sink  of  iniquity,  as  far  as  concerned  the  village  outside  the 
military  post.  During  the  winter  and  spring,  this  sink  of  in- 
iquity was  moved  on  to  Fort  Hays — cause,  extension  of  the  rail- 
road. All  the  desperate  characters  of  the  frontier  flocked  to  the 
terminus  of  the  railroad,  gamblers,  thieves,  murderers,  outcasts  of 
all  kinds.  In  Fort  Hays,  one  year  old,  were  thirty-six  graves, 
every  grave  that  of  a  man  who  had  died  "  with  his  boots  on," 
that  is  to  say  killed  in  a  brawl. 

The  tedium  of  life  inside  the  post  was  only  relieved  by  the 
arrival,  from  day  to  day,  of  the  new  officers  of  the  Seventh 
Cavalry,  come  to  report  to  Ouster,  in  command.  On  the 
appointment  of  these  officers,  the  next  thing  in  order  was  to 
provide  them  a  regiment  to  command,  and  with  that  object  the 
rest  of  the  year  was  occupied  in  recruiting.  The  original  in- 
tention seems  to  have  been  to  form  a  regiment  of  only  eight 
companies,  but  the  Seventh,  in  common  with  the  other  cavalry 
regiments,  was  subsequently  raised  to  one  of  three  battalions, 
each  of  four  companies,  necessitating  two  more  majors  and  four 
additional  captains,  besides  lieutenants.  Major  Joel  H.  Elliot 
was  appointed  March  7,  1867,  from  Indiana.  He  had  been  a 
colonel  of  volunteers.  Major  W.  S.  Abert  followed  on  the  8th 
June.  He  had  been  one  of  the  old  army  officers,  a  civil  appoint- 
ment, since  1855,  and  during  the  war  had  been  brevetted  briga- 
dier-general of  volunteers. 

The  new  captains  were  Thomas  M.  Dayton,  Lee  P.  Gillette, 
George  W.  Yates,  and  Thomas  B.  Weir,  of  whom  three  had 
been  lieutenant-colonels.  The  new  first-lieutenants  were  Henry 
H.  Abell,  Charles  Brewster,  James  M.  Bell,  D.  W.  Walling- 


THE    SEVENTH    CAVALRY.  347 

ford,  William  W.  Cook,  and  Henry  Jackson.  All  these  entered 
the  regiment  in  1867. 

In  the  same  year  the  regiment  also  received  five  second- 
lieutenants.  Three  of  these,  James  T.  Leavy,  Bradford  S. 
Bassett,  and  William  B.  Clark,  came  from  the  volunteers,  where 
Bassett  had  been  a  captain.  The  other  two,  John  M.  Johnson 
and  Edward  S.  Godfrey,  had  just  graduated  from  the  "Point." 
Such  was  the  composition  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  when  Custer 
assumed  command  of  the  regiment  in  1867.  Colonel  A.  J.  Smith 
was  the  department  chief,  and  therefore  never  saw  his  regiment, 
the  whole  responsibility  falling  on  Custer.  The  material  of 
which  the  men  were  composed  was  decidedly  bad,  as  was  the  case 
with  all  the  regular  regiments  at  the  close  of  the  war.  Recruits 
came  from  the  large  towns,  and  included  a  great  many  of  the 
rough  classes,  men  who  enlisted  with  the  purpose  of  shirking 
as  much  duty  as  they  could,  and  of  deserting  whenever  they 
got  tired.  We  shall  see,  before  long,  how  much  trouble  they 
brought  on  Custer,  and  how  he  at  last  licked  them  into  shape. 
There  is  perhaps  to-day  no  regiment  in  the  army  which  bears  so- 
strongly  on  itself  the  imprint  of  its  leader  as  the  Seventh  Cav- 
alry. What  it  is,  Custer's  name  and  influence  have  made  it.  He 
found  it  a  crowd  of  green  recruits.  He  made  it  into  a  regiment 
of  veterans  and  heroes.  How  he  did  it,  will  appear  in  the 
course  of  his  life  on  the  plains.  Suffice  it  here  to  say  that  he 
managed  to  make  the  regiment  too  hot  for  officers  who  in- 
dulged in  drunkenness  on  duty,  and  either  drove  them  out 
entirely,  induced  them  to  take  the  pledge,  or  compelled  them 
to  reserve  their  excesses  for  places  wrhere  it  concerned  them- 
selves alone,  and  did  the  least  possible  injury  to  the  service. 

This  trait  of  Custer's  character  had  always  been  prominent 
during  his  volunteer  service.  He  began  with  it  in  the  Michi- 
gan brigade,  continued  it  in  the  Third  division,  and  now 
brought  it  into  the  Seventh  Cavalry.  He  realized  so  strongly 
the  dangers  of  excess  in  his  own  nature,  that  he  always  sympa- 
thized with  and  aided  all  whom  he  found  in  the  same  difficul- 


348  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

ties,  trying  to  escape  from  evil  influence.  In  all  this,  he  was 
very  far  removed  from  those  total  abstinence  fanatics  who  have 
brought  so  much  discredit  on  the  name  of  "temperance"  by 
their  intemperance.  He  never  interfered  with  the  free  will  of 
those  officers  who  possessed  enough  self-control  to  remain 
moderate  drinkers,  and  never  forced  his  views  on  others,  unless 
it  became  a  question  of  the  interest  of  the  service  and  tho 
career  of  the  individual.  He  found  that  his  own  highstrung, 
nervous  temperament  was  utterly  unfitted  to  indulge  in  stim- 
ulants, and  he  totally  abandoned  the  habit.  He  induced  his 
brother  Tom  to  take  the  pledge,  and  abstain  from  liquors  and 
tobacco,  because  he  saw  that  their  temperaments  were  very 
similar ;  and  the  result  was  that  Tom  Ouster  became  an  orna- 
ment to  his  profession,  inspired  by  his  brother's  example. 
Whenever  Ouster  found  a  brave  and  otherwise  capable  officer 
caught  in  the  toils  of  dipsomania,  he  always  did  his  best  to 
reform  and  save  him.  It  was  only  those  wilful  and  habitual 
debauchees  who  gloried  in  tempting  others,  on  whom  Ouster 
was  remorselessly  severe  ;  and  there  he  had  no  compassion.  To 
those  who  know  to  what  an  extent  the  inroads  of  intemperance 
have  penetrated  in  the  army,  and  who  are  frank  enough  to 
acknowledge,  instead  of  denying  the  evil,  his  conduct  needs  no 
excuse.  For  the  opinions  of  others  he  never  cared.  As  he 
began,  so  he  followed  to  the  last,  the  right  way  as  it  appeared 
to  him,  regardless  of  consequences. 


SEVENTH  BOOK.—  ON  THE  PLAINS. 

CHAPTER   I. 
THE  HANCOCK  EXPEDITION. 


Seventh  Cavalry  was  first  mounted,  armed,  and  sent 
JL  to  the  plains  in  the  spring  of  1867,  and  as  this  was  the 
opening  of  a  fresh  experience  for  Ouster,  it  is  peculiarly  fortu- 
nate that  we  are  able  to  present  his  impressions  in  his  own  words. 
It  was  the  first  time  in  his  life,  it  must  be  remembered,  that  he 
officiated  as  the  commander  of  a  single  regiment,  and  against 
Indians,  and  all  his  former  experience  was  at  fault.  He  had  to 
learn  everything  anew,  and  the  record  of  his  first  experiences  is 
so  fresh  and  interesting  that  we  shall  extract  freely  therefrom. 
Of  the  many  important  expeditions,  says  he,  organized  to 
operate  in  the  Indian  country,  none,  perhaps,  of  late  years  has 
excited  more  general  and  unfriendly  comment,  considering  the 
slight  loss  of  life  inflicted  upon  the  Indians,  than  the  expedi- 
tion organized  and  led  in  person  by  Major-General  Hancock,  in 
the  spring  of  1867.  The  clique  generally  known  as  the  "  In- 
dian King  "  were  particularly  malevolent  and  bitter  in  their 
denunciations  of  General  Hancock  for  precipitating,  as  they  ex- 
pressed it,  an  Indian  war.  This  expedition  was  quite  formida- 
ble in  appearance,  being  made  up  of  eight  troops  of  cavalry, 
seven  companies  of  infantry,  and  one  battery  of  light  artillery, 
numbering  altogether  about  1,400  men.  As  General  Hancock 
at  the  time  and  since  has  been  so  often  accused  of  causelessly 
bringing  on  an  Indian  war,  a  word  in  explanation  may  not  be 
amiss. 


350  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

Being  in  command  of  the  cavalry  connected  with  the  expe- 
dition, I  had  ample  and  frequent  opportunities  for  learning  the 
true  purposes  and  objects  of  the  march  into  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  country. 

It  may  be  asked,  "What  had  the  Indians  done  to  make  this 
incursion  necessary  ?  They  had  been  guilty  of  numerous  thefts 
and  murders  during  the  preceding  summer  and  fall,  for  none 
of  which  had  they  been  called  to  account.  They  had  attacked 
the  stations  of  the  overland  mail  route,  killed  the  employees, 
burned  the  stations,  and  captured  the  stock.  Citizens  had  been 
murdered  in  their  homes  on  the  frontier  of  Kansas ;  murders 
had  been  committed  on  the  Arkansas  route.  The  principal 
perpetrators  of  these  acts  were  the  Cheyennes  and  Sioux.  The 
agent  of  the  former,  if  not  a  party  to  the  murder  on  the  Arkan- 
sas, knew  who  the  guilty  persons  were,  yet  took  no  steps  to 
bring  the  murderers  to  punishment.  Such  a  course  would  have 
interfered  with  his  trade  and  profits.  It  was  not  to  punish  for 
these  sins  of  the  past  that  the  expedition  was  set  on  foot,  but 
rather  by  its  imposing  appearance  and  its  early  presence  in  the 
Indian  country  to  check  or  intimidate  the  Indians  from  a  repe- 
tition of  their  late  conduct.  This  was  deemed  particularly 
necessary  from  the  fact  that  the  various  tribes  from  which  we 
had  greatest  cause  to  anticipate  trouble  had  during  the  winter, 
through  their  leading  chiefs  and  warriors,  threatened  that  as 
soon  as  the  grass  was  up  in  spring  a  combined  outbreak  would 
take  place  along  our  entire  frontier,  and  especially  against  the 
main  routes  of  travel.  To  assemble  the  tribes  for  the  desired 
council,  word  was  sent  early  in  March  to  the  agents  of  those 
tribes  whom  it  was  desirable  to  meet.  The  agents  sent  runners 
to  the  villages,  inviting  them  to  meet  us  at  some  point  near  the 
Arkansas  River. 

General  Hancock,  with  the  artillery  and  six  companies  of 
infantry,  reached  Fort  Riley,  Kansas,  from  Fort  Leavenworth,  by 
rail,  the  last  week  in  March  ;  here  he  was  joined  by  four  com- 
panies of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  arid  an  additional  company  of 


THE  HANCOCK  EXPEDITION.  351 

the  Thirty  -seventh  Infantry.  It  was  at  this  point  that  I  joined 
the  expedition. 

From  Fort  Riley  we  marched  to  Fort  Harker,  a  distance  of 
ninety  miles,  where  our  force  was  strengthened  by  the  addition 
of  two  more  troops  of  cavalry.  Halting  only  long  enough  to 
replenish  our  supplies,  we  next  directed  our  inarch  toward  Fort 
Larned,  near  the  Arkansas,  about  seventy  miles  to  the  south- 
east. A  march  from  the  3d  to  the  7th  of  April  brought  us  to 
Fort  Larned.  The  agent  for  the  Cornanches  and  Kiowas  accom- 
panied us.  At  Fort  Larned  we  found  the  agent  of  the  Chey- 
ennes,  Arapahoes,  and  Apaches;  from  the  latter  we  learned  that 
he  had,  as  requested,  sent  runners  to  the  chiefs  of  his  agency  in- 
viting them  to  the  council,  and  that  they  had  agreed  to  assemble 
near  Fort  Larned  on  the  10th  of  the  month,  requesting  that  the 
expedition  would  remain  there  until  that  date.  To  this  request 
General  Hancock  acceded. 

On  the  9th  of  April,  while  encamped  awaiting  the  council, 
which  was  to  be  held  the  following  day,  a  terrible  snow-storm 
occurred,  lasting  all  day  until  late  in  the  evening.  It  was  our 
good  fortune  to  be  in  camp  rather  than  on  the  march ;  had  it  been 
otherwise,  we  could  not  well  have  escaped  without  loss  of  life 
from  the  severe  cold  and  blinding  snow.  The  cavalry  horses  suf- 
fered seriously,  and  were  only  preserved  by  doubling  their  ration 
of  oats,  while  to  prevent  their  being  frozen  during  the  intensely 
cold  night  which  followed,  the  guards  were  instructed  to  keep 
passing  along  the  picket  lines  with  a  whip,  and  to  keep  the 
horses  moving  constantly.  The  snow  was  eight  inches  in  depth. 
The  council,  which  was  to  take  place  the  next  day,  had  to  be 
postponed  until  the  return  of  good  weather.  Now  began  the 
display  of  a  kind  of  diplomacy  for  which  the  Indian  is  peculiar. 
The  Cheyennes  and  a  band  of  the  Sioux  were  encamped  on 
Pawnee  Fork,  about  thirty  miles  above  Fort  Larned.  They 
neither  desired  to  move  nearer  to  us  nor  have  us  approach 
nearer  to  them.  On  the  morning  of  the  llth,  they  sent  us 
word  that  they  had  started  to  visit  us,  but  discovering  a  large 


352  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  OUSTER. 

herd  of  buffalo  near  their  camp,  they  had  stopped  to  procure  a 
supply  of  meat.  This  message  was  not  received  with  much 
confidence,  nor  was  a  buffalo  hunt  deemed  of  sufficient  import- 
ance to  justify  the  Indians  in  breaking  their  engagement. 
General  Hancock  decided,  however,  to  delay  another  day,  when 
if  the  Indians  still  failed  to  come  in,  he  would  move  his  com- 
mand to  the  vicinity  of  their  village  and  hold  the  conference 
there. 

Orders  were  issued  on  the  evening  of  the  12th  for  the  march 
to  be  resumed  on  the  following  day. 

Rightly  concluding  that  the  Indians  did  not  intend  to  come 
to  our  camp,  as  they  had  at  first  agreed  to,  it  was  decided  to 
move  nearer  to  their  village.  Our  entire  force  therefore 
marched  from  Fort  Larned  up  Pawnee  Fork  in  the  direction 
of  the  main  village,  encamping  the  first  night  about  twenty- 
one  miles  from  the  fort.  Several  parties  of  Indians  were 
seen  in  our  advance  during  the  day,  evidently  watching  our 
movements ;  while  a  heavy  smoke,  seen  to  rise  in  the  direction 
of  the  Indian  village,  indicated  that  something  more  than 
usual  was  going  on.  This  smoke  we  afterward  learned  arose 
from  the  burning  grass.  *  The  Indians,  thinking  to  prevent 
us  from  encamping  in  their  vicinity,  had  set  fire  to  and  burned 
all  the  grass  for  miles  in  the  direction  from  which  they 
expected  us.  Before  we  arrived  at  our  camping-ground  we 
were  met  by  several  chiefs  and  warriors  belonging  to  the 
Cheyennes  and  Sioux.  Among  the  chiefs  were  Pawnee  Killer 
of  the  Sioux,  and  White  Horse  of  the  Cheyennes.  It  was 
arranged  that  these  chiefs  should  accept  our  hospitality  and 
remain  with  us  during  the  night,  and  in  the  morning  all  the 
chiefs  of  the  two  tribes  then  in  the  village  were  to  come  to 
General  Hancock's  headquarters  and  hold  a  council.  On  the 

*  This  was  the  dried  grass  of  the  previous  year,  always  peculiarly  easy 
to  fire.  The  battles  of  Hooker's  and  Grant's  troops  in  the  Wilderness  of  Vir- 
ginia, in  the  early  spring,  were  almost  always  noted  by  similar  fires,  the 
dead  grass  catching  first  from  the  artillery  flashes. 


THE    HANCOCK'   EXPEDITION.  353 

morning  of  the  14th,  Pawnee  Killer  left  our  camp  at  an  early 
hour,  for  the  purpose,  as  he  said,  of  going  to  the  village  to 
bring  in  the  other  chiefs  to  the  council.  Nine  o'clock  had  been 
agreed  upon  as  the  hour  at  which  the  council  should  assemble. 
The  hour  came,  but  the  chiefs  did  not.  Now  an  Indian  coun- 
cil is  not  only  often  an  important  but  always  an  interesting 
occasion.  And,  somewhat  like  a  famous  recipe  for  making  a 
certain  dish,  the  first  thing  necessary  in  holding  an  Indian 
council  is  to  get  the  Indian.  Half-past  nine  o'clock  came,  and 
still  we  were  lacking  this  one  important  part  of  the  council. 
At  this  juncture  Bull  Bear,  an  influential  chief  among  the 
Cheyennes,  came  in  and  reported  that  the  chiefs  were  on  their 
way  to  our  camp,  but  would  not  be  able  to  reach  it  for  some 
time.  This  was  a  mere  artifice  to  secure  delay.  Gen- 
eral Hancock  informed  Bull  Bear  that  as  the  chiefs  could 
not  arrive  for  some  time,  he  would  move  his  forces  up  the 
stream  nearer  to  the  village,  and  the  council  could  be  held  at 
our  camp  that  night.  To  this  proposition  Bull  Bear  gave  his 
assent. 

At  11  A.  M.  we  resumed  the  march,  and  had  proceeded  but  a 
few  miles  when  we  witnessed  one  of  the  finest  and  most  impos- 
ing military  displays,  prepared  according  to  the  Indian  art  of 
war,  which  it  has  ever  been  my  lot  to  behold.  It  was  nothing 
more  nor  less  than  an  Indian  line  of  battle  drawn  directly  across 
our  line  of  march  ;  as  if  to  say,  thus  far  and  no  further.  Most 
of  the  Indians  were  mounted ;  all  were  bedecked  in  their  bright- 
est colors,  their  heads  crowned  with  the  brilliant  war-bonnet, 
their  lances  bearing  the  crimson  pennant,  bows  strung,  and 
quivers  full  of  barbed  arrows.  In  addition  to  these  weapons, 
which  with  the  hunting-knife  and  tomahawk  are  considered  as 
forming  the  armament  of  the  warrior,  each  one  was  supplied 
with  either  a  breech -loading  rifle  or  revolver,  sometimes  with 
both — the  latter  obtained  through  the  wise  forethought  and 
strong  love  of  fair  play  which  prevails  in  the  Indian  Depart- 
ment, which,  seeing  that  its  wards  are  determined  to  fight,  is 
23 


354  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

equally  determined  that  there  shall  be  no  advantage  taken,  but 
that  the  two  sides  shall  be  armed  alike ;  proving,  too,  in  this 
manner  the  wonderful  liberality  of  onr  government,  which  not 
only  is  able  to  furnish  its  soldiers  with  the  latest  improved 
style  of  breech-loaders  to  defend  it  and  themselves,  but  is  equally 
able  and  willing  to  give  the  same  pattern  of  arms  to  their  com- 
mon foe.  The  only  difference  is,  that  the  soldier,  if  he  loses 
his  weapon,  is  charged  double  price  for  it ;  while  to  avoid  mak- 
ing any  charge  against  the  Indian,  his  weapons  are  given  him 
without  conditions  attached.  In  the  line  of  battle  before  us 
there  were  several  hundred  Indians,  while  further  to  the  rear 
and  at  different  distances  were  other  organized  bodies  acting 
apparently  as  reserves.  Still  further  were  small  detachments 
who  seemed  to  perform  the  duty  of  couriers,  and  were  held  in 
readiness  to  convey  messages  to  the  village.  The  ground 
beyond  was  favorable  for  an  extended  view,  allowing  the  eye 
to  sweep  the  plain  for  several  miles.  As  far  as  the  eye  could 
reach,  small  groups  or  individuals  could  be  seen  in  the  direction 
of  the  village ;  these  were  evidently  parties  of  observation, 
whose  sole  object  was  to  learn  the  result  of  our  meeting  with 
the  main  body  and  hasten  with  the  news  to  the  village. 

For  a  few  moments  appearances  seemed  to  foreshadow  any- 
thing but  a  peaceful  issue.  The  infantry  was  in  the  advance, 
followed  closely  by  the  artillery,  while  my  command,  the  cav- 
alry, was  marching  on  the  flank.  General  Hancock,  who  was 
riding  with  his  staff  at  the  head  of  the  column,  coming  sud- 
denly in  view  of  the  wild  fantastic  battle  array,  which  extended 
far  to  our  right  and  left  and  not  more  than  half  a  mile  in  our 
front,  hastily  sent  orders  to  the  infantry,  artillery,  and  cavalry 
to  form  line  of  battle,  evidently  determined  that  if  war  was 
intended  we  should  be  prepared.  The  cavalry,  being  the  last 
to  form  on  the  right,  came  into  line  on  a  gallop,  and,  without 
waiting  to  align  the  ranks  carefully,  the  command  was  given  to 
"  draw  sabre."  As  the  bright  blades  flashed  from  their  scabbards* 
into  the  morning  sunlight,  and  the  infantry  brought  their  mus- 


THE    HANCOCK    EXPEDITION.  355 

kets  to  a  carry,  a  most  beautiful  and  wonderfully  interesting 
sight  was  spread  out  before  and  around  ns,  presenting  a  contrast 
which,  to  a  military  eye,  could  but  be  striking.  Here  in  battle 
array,  facing  each  other,  were  the  representatives  of  civilized 
and  barbarous  warfare.  The  one,  with  but  few  modifications, 
stood  clothed  in  the  same  rude  style  of  dress,  bearing  the  same 
patterned  shield  and  weapon  that  his  ancestors  had  borne  cen- 
turies before;  the  other  confronted  him  in  the  dress  and  sup- 
plied with  the  implements  of  war  which  the  most  advanced  stage 
of  civilization  had  pronounced  the  most  perfect.  Was  the  com- 
parative superiority  of  these  two  classes  to  be  subjected  to  the 
rude  test  of  war  here?  Such  seemed  the  prevailing  impression 
on  both  sides.  All  was  eager  anxiety  and  expectation.  Neither 
side  seemed  to  comprehend  the  object  or  intentions  of  the  other ; 
each  was  waiting  for  the  other  to  deliver  the  first  blow.  A 
more  beautiful  battle-ground  could  not  have  been  chosen.  Not 
a  bush  or  even  the  slightest  irregularity  of  ground  intervened 
between  the  two  lines  which  now  stood  frowning  and  facing 
each  other.  Chiefs  could  be  seen  riding  along  the  line  as  if 
directing  and  exhorting  their  braves  to  deeds  of  heroism. 

After  a  few  moments  of  painful  suspense,  General  Han- 
cock, accompanied  by  General  A.  J.  Smith  and  other  officers, 
rode  forward,  and  through  an  interpreter  invited  the  chiefs  to 
meet  us  midway,  for  the  purpose  of  an  interview.  In  response 
to  this  invitation  Roman  Nose,  bearing  a  white  flag,  accompa- 
nied by  Bull  Bear,  White  Horse,  Gray  Beard,  and  Medicine 
Wolf,  on  the  part  of  the  Cheyennes,  and  Pawnee  Killer,  Bad 
Wound,  Tall  Bear  that  Walks  under  the  Ground,  Left  Hand, 
Little  Bear,  and  Little  Bull  on  the  part  of  the  Sioux,  rode  for- 
ward to  the  middle  of  the  open  space  between  the  two  lines. 
Here  we  shook  hands  with  all  of  the  chiefs,  most  of  them  ex- 
hibiting unmistakable  signs  of  gratification  at  this  apparently 
peaceful  termination  of  our  encounter.  General  Hancock  very 
naturally  inquired  the  object  of  the  hostile  attitude  displayed 
before  us,  saying  to  the  chiefs  that  if  war  was  their  object  we 


356  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

were  ready  then  and  there  to  participate.  Their  immediate 
answer  was  that  they  did  not  desire  war,  but  were  peacefully 
disposed.  They  were  then  told  that  we  would  continue  our 
march  toward  the  village  and  encamp  near  it,  but  would  estab- 
lish such  regulations  that  none  of  the  soldiers  would  be  per- 
mitted to  approach  or  disturb  them.  An  arrangement  was  then 
effected  by  which  the  chiefs  were  to  assemble  at  General  Han- 
cock's headquarters  as  soon  as  our  camp  was  pitched.  The 
interview  then  terminated,  and  the  Indians  moved  off  in  the 
direction  of  the  village,  we  following  leisurely  in  rear. 

Ouster  then  proceeds  to  tell  at  some  length  how  the  Indians 
managed  to  deceive  them,  and  the  whole  affair  is  very  charac- 
teristic of  the  difference  between  savage  and  civilized  warfare. 
The  preliminary  councils,  the  threatening  demonstrations,  were 
all  part  of  a  scheme  to  gain  time,  and  when  the  troops  were 
safely  encamped  close  to  the  village,  it  was  found  that  all  the 
women  and  children  of  the  Indians  had  left  the  lodges  and  fled, 
in  anticipation  of  a  massacre.  The  chiefs  themselves  announced 
this,  at  the  same  time  that  two  of  them  volunteered  to  follow 
after  the  fugitives  and  bring  them  back,  if  General  Hancock 
would  lend  them  two  Government  horses  to  ride  on.  TmV 
was  done,  and  they  set  off  at  seven  in  the  evening.  It  waa 
the  last  seen  of  them  or  the  horses.  Two  hours  later,  one  of 
Hancock's  scouts,  who  had  been  into  the  Indian  camp,  reported 
that  the  chiefs  themselves  were  saddling  up  to  leave.  This 
scout  was  a  half-breed  Cheyenne,  and  the  result  showed  that  he 
was  in  all  probability  playing  a  double  game. 

Ouster  was  at  once  directed  to  mount  his  cavalry,  to  sur- 
round the  Indian  village  and  prevent  the  departure  of  its  in- 
habitants. This  was  done,  and  the  village  was  found  all  peaceful 
and  quiet,  as  if  every  one  was  asleep.  When  it  was  entered, 
however,  it  was  found  that  the  birds  had  flown,  that  the  camp 
was  empty.  The  Indians  had  left  all  their  goods  and  fled  in 
the  night.  The  suddenness  of  their  departure,  and  their  aban- 
donment of  so  much  property  gives  color  to  their  own  plea,  that 


THE  HANCOCK  EXPEDITION.  357 

they  feared  a  repetition  of  the  "  Chivington  Massacre,"  that  had 
taken  place  only  a  year  previous. 

The  next  thing  was  to  pursue  the  Indians.  The  scout  who 
reported  their  approaching  departure,  had  in  all  probability 
seen  them  go  before  he  came,  and  the  long  operation  of  stealth- 
ily surrounding  the  camp  had  consumed  much  valuable  time. 
Ouster's  description  of  the  affair  and  of  his  own  cautious  ap- 
proach, reminds  one  strongly  of  his  first  scout  after  Confeder- 
ates, under  Kearny.  The  cavalry  was  now  ordered  to  follow 
the  Indians ;  and  the  time  occupied  in  getting  ready  was 
another  illustration  of  how  perfectly  green  every  one  then  was 
in  Indian  warfare.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Indians 
were  off  and  marching,  and  that  speed  was  absolutely  needed 
to  catch  them.  This  was  the  sort  of  speed  of  which  the  Seventh 
Cavalry  in  those  early  days  was  capable. 

Mess  kits  were  overhauled,  says  Custer,  and  fresh  supplies  of 
coffee,  sugar,  flour,  and  the  other  articles  which  go  to  supply 
the  soldier's  larder,  were  laid  in.  Blankets  were  carefully  rolled 
so  as  to  occupy  as  little  space  as  possible ;  every  useless  pound 
of  luggage  was  discarded,  for  in  making  a  rapid  pursuit  after 
Indians  much  of  the  success  depends  upon  the  lightness  of  the 
order  of  march.  Saratoga  trunks  and  their  accompaniments  are 
at  a  discount.  Never  was  the  old  saying  that  in  Rome  one  must 
do  as  Romans  do  more  aptly  illustrated  than  on  an  Indian  cam- 
paign. The  Indian,  knowing  that  his  safety  either  on  offensive 
or  defensive  movements  depends  in  a  great  measure  upon  the 
speed  and  endurance  of  his  horse,  takes  advantage  of  every  cir- 
cumstance which  will  favor  either  the  one  or  the  other.  To 
this  end  he  divests  himself  of  all  superfluous  dress  and  orna- 
ment when  preparing  for  rapid  movements.  The  white  man, 
if  he  hopes  for  success,  must  adopt  the  same  rule  of  action,  and 
encumber  his  horse  as  little  as  possible.  Something  besides 
well-filled  mess  chests  and  carefully  rolled  blankets  is  necessary 
in  preparing  for  an  Indian  campaign.  Arms  must  be  re-exam- 
ined, cartridge-boxes  refilled,  so  that  each  man  should  carry 


358  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

about  one  hundred  rounds  of  ammunition  "on  his  person," 
while  each  troop  commander  must  see  that  in  the  company 
wagon  there  are  placed  a  few  boxes  of  reserve  ammunition. 
Then,  when  the  equipment  of  the  soldier  has  been  attended  to, 
his  horse,  without  whose  assistance  he  is  helpless,  must  be  looked 
after ;  loose  shoes  are  tightened,  by  the  driving  of  an  additional 
nail,  and  to  accomplish  this  one  may  see  the  company  black- 
smith, a  soldier,  with  the  few  simple  tools  of  his  kit  on  the 
ground  beside  him,  hurriedly  fastening  the  last  shoe  by  the  un- 
certain light  of  a  candle  held  in  the  hands  of  the  rider  of  the 
horse,  their  mutual  labor  being  varied  at  times  by  queries  as  to 
"  How  long  shall  we  be  gone  ? "  "I  wonder  if  we  will  catch  Mr. 
Lo  ?  "  "  If  we  do,  we'll  make  it  lively  for  him."  So  energetic 
had  everybody  been  that  before  daylight  everything  was  in 
readiness  for  the  start. 

Before  daylight,  however,  according  to  Ouster's  own  account, 
all  chance  was  over.  The  cavalry  followed  the  trail,  preceded 
by  their  company  of  plainsmen  and  friendly  Indians,  but  they 
failed  to  catch  the  Indians.  The  cavalry  pressed  the  latter  so 
close  that  they  compelled  them  to  disperse  into  small  parties 
to  lose  the  trail,  but  finally  the  trackers  were  obliged  to  give  it 
up  as  a  bad  job. 

It  was  while  on  this  march  and  before  the  Indians  had  dis- 
persed, that  Ouster  had  his  first  buffalo  adventure.  He  says 
that  he  felt  satisfied  that  the  Indians  must  be  many  miles  ahead, 
and  that  the  country  was  full  of  game.  Therefore  he  called 
his  dogs  around  him,  and  galloped  off  after  some  antelope  in 
the  distance.  He  says  : 

Although  an  ardent  sportsman,  I  had  never  hunted  the 
buffalo  up  to  this  time,  consequently  was  exceedingly  desirous  of 
tasting  of  its  excitement.  I  had  several  fine  English  grey- 
hounds, whose  speed  I  was  anxious  to  test  with  that  of  the  ante- 
lope, said  to  be — which  I  believe — the  fleetest  of  animals.  I 
was  mounted  on  a  tine  large  thoroughbred  horse.  Taking  with 
me  but  one  man,  the  chief  bugler,  and  calling  my  dogs  around 


THE  HANCOCK  EXPEDITION.  359 

me,  I  galloped  ahead  of  the  column  as  soon  as  it  was  daylight. 
A  stirring  gallop  of  a  few  minutes  brought  me  near  enough 
to  the  antelope,  of  which  there  were  a  dozen  or  more,  to  enable 
the  dogs  to  catch  sight  of  them.  Then  the  chase  began,  the 
antelope  running  in  a  direction  which  took  us  away  from  the 
command.  By  availing  myself  of  the  turns  in  the  course,  I 
was  able  to  keep  well  in  view  of  the  exciting  chase,  until  it  was 
evident  that  the  antelope  were  in  no  danger  of  being  caught  by 
the  dogs,  which  latter  had  become  blown  from  want  of  proper 
exercise.  I  succeeded  in  calling  them  off,  and  was  about  to  set 
out  on  my  return  to  the  column.  The  horse  of  the  chief  bugler, 
being  a  common-bred  animal,  failed  early  in  the  race,  and  his 
rider  wisely  concluded  to  regain  the  command,  so  that  I  was 
alone.  How  far  I  had  travelled  from  the  troops  I  was  trying 
to  determine,  when  I  discovered  a  large,  dark  looking  animal 
grazing  nearly  a  mile  distant.  As  yet  I  had  never  seen  a  wild 
buffalo,  but  I  at  once  recognized  this  as  not  only  a  buffalo,  but 
a  very  large  one.  Here  was  my  opportunity.  A  ravine  near 
by  would  enable  me  to  approach  unseen  until  almost  within 
pistol  range  of  my  game.  Calling  my  dogs  to  follow  me,  I 
slowly  pursued  the  course  of  the  ravine,  giving  my  horse  oppor- 
tunity to  gather  himself  for  the  second  run.  When  I  emerged 
from  the  ravine  I  was  still  several  hundred  yards  from  the  buf- 
falo, which  almost  instantly  discovered  me,  and  set  off  as  fast 
as  his  legs  could  carry  lain.  Had  my  horse  been  fresh  the 
race  would  have  been  a  short  one,  but  the  preceding  long  run 
had  not  been  without  effect.  How  long  or  how  fast  we  flew 
in  pursuit,  the  intense  excitement  of  the  chase  prevented  me 
from  knowing.  I  only  knew  that  even  the  greyhounds  were 
left  behind,  until  finally  my  good  steed  placed  himself  and  me 
close  alongside  the  game.  It  may  be  because  this  was  the  first 
I  had  seen,  but  surely  of  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  buffaloes 
which  I  have  since  seen,  none  have  corresponded  with  him  in 
size  and  lofty  grandeur.  My  horse  was  above  the  average  size, 
yet  the  buffalo  towered  even  above  him.  I  had  carried  my 


SCO  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

revolver  in  my  hand  from  the  moment  the  race  began.  Re- 
peatedly could  I  have  placed  the  muzzle  against  the  shaggy 
body  of  the  huge  beast,  by  whose  side  I  fairly  yelled  with  wild 
excitement  and  delight,  yet  each  time  would  I  withdraw  the 
weapon,  as  if  to  prolong  the  enjoyment  of  the  race.  It  was  a 
race  for  life  or  death,  yet  how  different  the  award  from  what 
could  be  imagined.  Still  we  sped  over  the  springy  turf,  the 
high  breeding  and  mettle  of  my  horse  being  plainly  visible  over 
that  of  the  huge  beast  that  struggled  by  his  side.  Mile  after 
mile  was  traversed  in  this  way,  until  the  rate  and  distance 
began  to  tell  perceptibly  on  the  bison,  whose  protruding  tongue 
and  labored  breathing  plainly  betrayed  his  distress.  Deter- 
mined to  end  the  chase  and  bringdown  my  game,  I  again  placed 
the  muzzle  of  the  revolver  close  to  the  body  of  the  buffalo,  when 
as  if  divining  my  intention,  and  feeling  his  inability  to  escape 
by  flight,  he  suddenly  determined  to  fight,  and  at  once  wheeled, 
as  only  a  buffalo  can,  to  gore  my  horse.  So  sudden  was  this 
movement,  and  so  sudden  was  the  corresponding  veering  of  my 
horse  to  avoid  the  attack,  that  to  retain  my  control  over  him  I 
hastily  brought  up  my  pistol  hand  to  the  assistance  of  the 
other.  Unfortunately  as  I  did  so  my  finger,  in  the  excitement 
of  the  occasion,  pressed  the  trigger,  discharged  the  pistol,  and 
sent  the  fatal  ball  into  the  very  brain  of  the  noble  animal  I 
rode.  Running  at  full  speed  he  fell  dead  in  the  course  of 
his  leap.  Quick  as  thought  I  disengaged  myself  from  the  stir- 
rups and  found  myself  whirling  through  the  air  over  and  beyond 
the  head  of  my  horse.  My  only  thought,  as  I  was  describing 
this  trajectory,  and  my  first  thought  on  reaching  terra  Jirma, 
was,  "  what  will  the  buffalo  do  with  me  ?  "  Although  at  first 
inclined  to  rush  upon  me,  my  strange  procedure  seemed  to 
astonish  him.  Either  that,  or  pity  for  the  utter  helplessness  of 
my  condition,  inclined  him  to  alter  his  course  and  leave  me 
alone  to  my  own  bitter  reflections. 

Such  \vas  the  close  of  Ouster's  first  buffalo  hunt.     He  re- 
mained by  his  dead  horse  a  little  while,  decidedly  crestfallen, 


THE    HANCOCK    EXPEDITION.  861 

and  then  started  for  his  command,  attended  by  his  dogs  only. 
Luckily,  the  course  of  his  last  chase  unwittingly  took  him 
ahead  of  his  own  column,  and  he  was  found  by  them. 

The  pursuit  having  failed  to  catch  the  village,  it  was  judged 
best  that  the  column  should  push  on  for  the  Smoky  Hill  River 
stage  route,  to  warn  the  stations  that  the  Indians  were  up  and 
would  soon  be  on  the  war-path.  This  was  done,  but  too  late 
for  useful  purposes.  The  Indians  were  already  out,  and  war 
had  begun.  General  Hancock  had  lost  his  opportunity  when 
he  first  had  the  Indian  village  in  his  power  and  allowed  it  to 
escape.  Henceforth,  the  Indians  were  more  than  his  match. 
It  was  Ouster's  first  introduction  to  Indian  warfare,  and  the 
lesson  he  then  received  sunk  deep  into  his  heart.  He  made  no 
more  mistakes. 

To  be  sure  he  was  not  responsible  for  the  blunders  of  the 
campaign,  not  holding  chief  command.  Being  a  young  officer, 
naturally  modest,  he  did  not  pretend  to  be  competent  to  advise 
measures  in  Indian  warfare,  in  which  he  had  as  yet  no  experi- 
ence. Hancock  was  an  old  soldier,  his  experience  dating  back 
to  1844,  and  had  served  on  the  plains  long  before  the  rebellion. 
It  was  not  for  Ouster  to  presume  to  offer  an  opinion  that  the 
Indians  were  fooling  his  commander,  although  such  was  the 
fact.  All  the  remedy  left  to  Hancock  was  to  do  what  he  act- 
ually did,  burn  up  the  abandoned  village  of  the  Cheyennes  and 
Sioux.  He  did  so,  and  war  was  formally  opened,  a  war  in 
which  the  Indians  had  decidedly  the  best  of  it. 

Having  burned  the  village,  the  next  thing  in  order  was  a 
council.  Hancock  called  one  of  all  the  Indian  chiefs,  and  it 
was  held  at  Fort  Dodge,  Kansas.  The  result  of  this  council  is 
thus  adverted  to  by  Ouster : 

"  The  most  prominent  chiefs  in  council  were  Satanta,  Lone 
Wolf,  and  Kicking-Bird  of  the  Kiowas,  and  Little  Raven  and 
Yellow  Bear  of  the  Arapahoes.  During  the  council  extrava- 
gant promises  of  future  good  conduct  were  made  by  these  chiefs. 
So  effective  and  convincing  was  the  oratorical  effort  of  Sa- 


362          GENERAL  GEORGE  A.  CUSTER. 

tanta,  that  at  the  termination  of  his  address  the  department 
commander  and  staff  presented  him  with  the  uniform  coat,  sash, 
and  hat  of  a  major-general.  In  return  for  this  compliment 
Satanta,  within  a  few  weeks  after,  attacked  the  post  at  which 
the  council  was  held,  arrayed  in  his  new  uniform." 

Ouster,  with  the  cavalry,  had  in  the  meantime  marched 
down  the  stage  route,  and  finally  camped  at  Fort  Hays,  where 
he  was  joined  by  Hancock  with  the  rest  of  the  expedition,  at 
the  termination  of  the  council.  Hancock  then  left  for  Fort 
Leavenworth,  and,  as  it  soon  appeared  that  the  war  was  fairly 
opened,  Ouster  started  on  the  1st  of  June,  from  Fort  Ha}7s,  the 
spring  grass  being  fairly  started  at  last.  His  column  consisted 
of  three  hundred  and  fifty  men  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  and 
twenty  wagons,  and  his  course  was  towards  Fort  McPherson  on 
the  Platte  River,  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  miles  off. 

It  was  his  first  Indian  scout. 


CHAPTER  II. 
THE  FIBST  SCOUT. 

ENERAL  OUSTER  gives  the  object  of  nis  journey  in 
the  following  words :  It  had  been  decided  that  my  com- 
mand should  thoroughly  scout  the  country  from  Fort  Hays 
near  the  Smoky  Hill  river,  to  Fort  McPherson,  on  the  Platte ; 
thence  describe  a  semicircle  to  the  southward,  touching  the 
head  waters  of  the  Republican,  and"  again  reach  the  Platte  at  or 
near  Fort  Sedgwick,  at  which  post  we  would  replenish  our  sup- 
plies ;  then  move  directly  south  to  Fort  Wallace,  on  the  Smoky 
Hill,  and  from  there  march  down  the  overland  route  to  our 
starting-point  at  Fort  Hays.  This  would  involve  a  ride  of  up- 
wards of  one  thousand  miles. 

In  telling  the  story  of  this,  his  first  Indian  expedition,  we 
shall,  in  all  cases,  adopt  Ouster's  own  words,  where  they  are 
practicable.  The  column  saw  but  one  war  party  of  Indians  on 
the  way  to  Fort  McPherson,  and  they  were  off  before  they 
could  be  caught.  The  scouts  learned  from  the  trail  that  the 
Indians  were  mounted  on  stage-horses,  showing  that  they  must 
have  swept  the  stage  routes  clean  by  this  time. 

a  At  Fort  M(*Pherson,"  says  Ouster,  "  we  refilled  our  wag- 
ons with  supplies  and  forage.  At  the  same  time,  in  accordance 
with  my  instructions,  I  reported  by  telegraph  my  arrival  to 
General  Sherman,  who  was  then  further  west  on  the  line  of  the 
Union  Pacific  road.  He  did  not  materially  change  my  instruc- 
tions, further  than  to  direct  me  to  remain  near  Fort  McPhersou 
until  his  arrival,  which  would  be  in  the  course  of  a  few  days." 

The  interval  was  diversified  by  another  "  council,"  this  time 


364  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

with  Pawnee  Killer,  a  Sioux  chief.  Like  all  the  other  councils 
it  amounted  to  nothing.  Pawnee  Killer  came  in  to  fool  the 
white  man,  to  find  what  he  was  doing  and  where  he  was  ffoincj. 

7  O  O  O 

The  chief  promised  to  bring  in  his  band  to  encamp  by  the  fort, 
and  received  from  Ouster  presents  of  coffee  and  sugar  and  such 
finery  as  gratified  his  Indian  fancy.  Of  course  he  lied,  but  Ouster 
was  in  his  first  season,  and  learning  Indian  tactics.  Pawnee 
Killer  left  the  fort,  and  soon  after  General  Sherman  arrived. 

The  common  sense  of  Sherman  realized  that  Ouster,  like 
Hancock,  had  been  duped,  and  he  at  first  proposed  to  send  after 
Pawnee  Killer  and  his  band,  and  to  retain  some  of  them  as 
hostages.  It  was  too  late,  so  that  Ouster  only  learned  a  valua- 
ble lesson  from  the  transaction.  This  was,  never  to  trust  to 
the  professions  of  an  Indian  in  time  of  war,  when  it  is  his  inter- 
est to  deceive. 

Failing  in  catching  Pawnee  Killer,  Ouster  was  ordered 
to  move  to  the  forks  of  the  Republican  river,  a  country  full 
of  Indians  at  all  times,  and  there  to  try  and  find  Pawnee 
Killer's  village,  and  make  that  chief  do  as  he  had  promised.  In 
the  coming  war,  it  was  important  to  discriminate  between  friends 
and  enemies,  not  so  much  for  the  sake  of  the  Indians  as  on  ac- 
count of  the  Indian  agents  and  Congress,  and  still  more  for  fear 
of  the  newspapers  at  home.  Ouster  was  also  to  look  after  the 
Cheyennes  and  Sioux  whom  Hancock  had  let  slip.  He  thus 
describes  his  departure  : 

"  Owing  to  the  rough  and  broken  character  of  the  bluffs 
which  bound  the  valley  of  the  Platte  on  the  south  side,  it  was 
determined  to  march  up  the  men  about  fifteen  miles  from  the 
fort  and  strike  south  through  an  opening  in  the  bluffs  known  as 
Jack  Morrow's  canon.  General  Sherman  rode  with  us  as  far  as 
this  point,  where,  after  commending  the  Cheyennes  and  Sioux 
to  us  in  his  expressive  manner,  he  bade  us  good-bye,  and  crossed 
the  river  to  the  railroad  station  on  the  north  side.  Thus  far  we 
had  had  no  real  Indian  warfare.  We  were  soon  to  experience 
it,  attended  by  all  its  frightful  barbarities." 


THE    FIRST    SCOUT.  305 

Nothing  particular  happened  for  the  first  few  days  ;  on  the 
fourth,  the  column  reached  the  forks  of  the  river  in  the  heart  of 
the  Indian  country,  and  as  the  adventures  of  the  next  few  days 
were  affected  by  Ouster's  determination  on  reaching  that  spot, 
it  is  well  to  resume  in  his  own  words.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  his  force  consisted  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  (350  strong  and 
20  wagons),  exclusive  of  scouts  and  guides.  He  thus  proceeds  : 

When  I  parted  from  General  Sherman  the  understanding 
was,  that  after  beating  up  the  country  thoroughly  about  the 
forks  of  the  Republican  river,  I  should  march  my  command  to 
Fort  Sedgwick,  and  there  I  would  either  see  General  Sherman 
again  or  receive  further  instructions  from  him.  Circumstances 
seemed  to  favor  a  modification  of  this  plan,  at  least  as  to  march- 
ing the  entire  command  to  Fort  Sedgwick.  It  was  therefore 
decided  to  send  a  trusty  officer  with  a  sufficient  escort  to  Fort 
Sedgwick  with  my  despatch,  and  to  receive  the  despatches 
which  might  be  intended  for  me.  My  proposed  change  of  pro- 
gramme contemplated  a  continuous  march,  which  might  be  pro- 
longed twenty  days  or  more.  To  this  end  additional  supplies 
were  necessary.  The  guides  all  agreed  in  the  statement  that 
we  were  then  about  equidistant  from  Fort  Wallace  on  the  south 
and  Fort  Sedgwick  on  the  north,  at  either  of  which  the  re- 
quired supplies  could  be  obtained  ;  but  that  while  the  country 
between  our  camp  and  the  former  was  generally  level  and  un- 
broken— favorable  to  the  movement  of  our  wagon-train — that 
between  us  and  Fort  Sedgwick  was  almost  impassable  for  heav- 
ily-laden wagons.  The  train  then  was  to  go  to  Fort  Wallace  un- 
der sufficient  escort,  be  loaded  with  fresh  supplies,  and  rejoin 
us  in  camp.  At  the  same  time  the  officer  selected  for  that  mis- 
sion could  proceed  to  Fort  Sedgwick,  obtain  his  despatch,  and 
return. 

Major  Joel  A.  Elliot,  a  young  officer  of  great  courage  and 
enterprise,  was  selected  as  bearer  of  despatches  to  Fort  Sedgwick. 
As  the  errand  was  one  involving  considerable  danger,  requiring 
for  the  round  trip  a  ride  of  almost  two  hundred  miles,  through 


366  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

a  country  which  was  not  only  almost  unknown  but  infested  by 
large  numbers  of  hostile  Indians,  the  Major  was  authorized  to  ar- 
range the  details  in  accordance  with  his  own  judgment. 

Knowing  that  small  detachments  can  move  more  rapidly 
than  large  ones,  and  that  he  was  to  depend  upon  celerity  of 
movement  rather  than  strength  of  numbers  to  evade  the  numer- 
ous war  parties  prowling  in  that  vicinity,  the  Major  limited  the 
size  of  his  escort  to  ten  picked  men  and  one  of  the  guides,  all 
mounted  on  fleet  horses.  To  elude  the  watchful  eyes  of  any 
parties  that  might  be  noting  our  movements,  it  was  deemed  ad- 
visable to  set  out  from  camp  as  soon  as  it  was  dark,  and  making 
a  rapid  night  ride  get  beyond  the  circle  of  danger.  In  this  way 
the  little  party  took  its  departure  on  the  night  of  the  23d  of 
June. 

On  the  same  day  our  train  of  wagons  set  out  for  Fort  "Wal- 
lace to  obtain  supplies.  Colonel  West  *  with  one  full  squadron 
of  cavalry  was  ordered  to  escort  the  train  to  Beaver  Creek,  about 
midway,  and  there  halt  with  one  of  his  companies,  while  the 
train,  under  escort  of  one  company  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Rob  bins,  should  proceed  to  the  front  and  return — Colonel  West 
to  employ  the  interval  in  scouting  up  and  down  Beaver  Creek. 
The  train  was  under  special  management  of  Colonel  Cook,  who 
on  this  occasion  was  acting  in  the  capacity  of  a  staff  officer. 

After  the  departure  of  the  two  detachments,  which  left  us 
in  almost  opposite  directions,  our  camp  settled  down  to  the  dull 
and  unexciting  monotony  of  waiting  patiently  for  the  time  when 
we  should  welcome  our  comrades  back  again,  and  listen  to  such 
items  of  news  as  they  might  bring  to  us. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Custer  set  out  to  find  Pawnee 
Killer's  village.  He  thus  relates  how  Pawnee  Killer  found 
him  next  morning : 

*  The  rank  of  the  officers  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  owing  to  the  strange 
system  of  brevets  and  titles  of  courtesy  in  use  in  our  army  at  the  close  of  the 
war,  is  often  very  puzzling.  It  is  the  etiquette  of  the  army  to  call  a  man  by 
the  highest  title  he  has  borne,  brevet  or  volunteer,  except  on  duty.  West 
was  really  only  a  captain,  Cook,  subsequently  mentioned,  a  lieutenant. 


THE    FIRST    SCOUT.  367 

It  was  just  that  uncertain  period  between  darkness  and  day- 
light on  the  following  morning,  and  I  was  lying  in  my  tent 
deep  in  the  enjoyment  of  that  perfect  repose  which  only  camp 
life  offers,  when  the  sharp,  clear  crack  of  a  carbine  near  by 
brought  me  to  my  feet.  I  knew  in  an  instant  that  the  shot  came 
from  the  picket  posted  not  far  from  the  rear  of  my  camp.  At 
the  same  moment  my  brother,  Colonel  Ouster,  who  on  that 
occasion  was  officer  of  the  day  and  whose  duties  required  him 
to  be  particularly  on  the  alert,  rushed  past  my  tent,  halting  only 
long  enough  to  show  his  face  through  the  opening  and  shout 
"  They  are  here  !  "  . 

Now  I  did  not  inquire  who  were  referred  to,  or  how  many 
were  included  in  the  word  "  they,"  nor  did  my  informant  seem 
to  think  it  necessary  to  explain.  "  They,"  referred  to  Indians, 
I  knew  full  well.  Had  I  doubted,  the  brisk  fusillade  which 
opened  the  next  moment,  and  the  wild  war-whoop,  were  con- 
vincing evidences  that  in  truth  "  they  were  here  ! " 

My  orderly,  as  was  his  custom,  on  my  retiring  had  securely 
tied  all  the  fastenings  to  my  tent,  and  it  was  usually  the  work  of 
several  minutes  to  undo  this  unnecessary  labor.  I  had  no  time 
to  throw  away  in  this  manner.  Leaping  from  my  bed,  I  grasped 
my  trusty  Spencer,  which  was  always  at  my  side  whether  wak- 
ing or  sleeping,  and  with  a  single  dash  burst  open  the  tent,  and, 
hatless  as  well  as  shoeless,  ran  to  the  point  where  the  attack 
seemed  to  be  concentrated. 

It  was  sufficiently  light  to  see  our  enemies  and  be  seen. 
The  first  shot  had  brought  every  man  of  my  command  from  his 
tent,  armed  and  equipped  for  battle.  The  Indians,  numbering 
hundreds,  were  all  around  the  camp,  evidently  intending  to  sur- 
round us,  while  a  party  of  about  fifty  of  their  best  mounted 
warriors  had,  by  taking  advantage  of  a  ravine,  contrived  to  ap- 
proach quite  close  before  being  discovered.  It  was  tire  intention 
of  this  party  to  dash  through  our  camp,  stampede  all  our  horses, 
which  were  to  be  caught  up  by  the  parties  surrounding  us,  and 
then  finish  us  at  their  leisure. 


368  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

The  picket,  however,  discovered  the  approach  of  this  party, 
and  by  firing  gave  timely  warning,  thus  frustrating  the  plan 
of  the  Indians,  who  almost  invariably  base  their  hopes  of  success 
upon  effecting  a  surprise. 

My  men  opened  on  them  such  a  brisk  fire  from  their  car- 
bines that  they  were  glad  to  withdraw  beyond  range.  The 
picket  who  gave  the  alarm  was  shot  down  at  his  post  by  the 
Indians,  the  entire  party  galloping  over  his  body,  and  being 
prevented  from  scalping  him  only  by  the  fire  from  his  comrades 
who  dashed  out  and  recovered  him.  He  was  found  to  be  badly 
though  not  mortally  wounded  by  a  rifle  ball  through  the  body. 

The  Indians,  seeing  that  their  attempt  to  surprise  us  and 
to  stampede  our  horses  had  failed,  then  withdrew  to  a  point 
but  little  over  a  mile  from  us,  where  they  congregated,  and 
seemed  to  hold  a  conference  with  each  other.  "We  did  not  fear 
any  further  attack  at  this  time.  They  were  satisfied  with  this 
attempt,  and  would  wait  another  opportunity. 

It  was  desirable,  however,  that  we  should  learn  if  possible 
to  what  tribe  our  enemies  belonged.  I  directed  one  of  our 
interpreters  to  advance  midway  between  oar  camp  and  the 
Indians,  and  make  the  signal  for  holding  a  parley,  and  in  this 
way  ascertain  who  were  the  principal  chiefs. 

The  ordinary  manner  of  opening  communication  with  par- 
ties known  or  supposed  to  be  hostile,  is  to  ride  toward  them  in 
a  zigzag  manner  or  to  ride  in  a  circle.  The  interpreter  gave 
the  proper  signal,  and  was  soon  answered  by  a  small  party 
advancing  from  the  main  body  of  the  Indians  to  within  hailing 
distance.  It  was  then  agreed  that  I,  with  six  of  the  officers, 
should  come  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  which  was  about  equidis- 
tant from  my  camp  and  from  the  point  where  the  Indians  had 
congregated,  and  there  be  met  by  an  equal  number  of  the  lead- 
ing chiefs.  To  guard  against  treachery,  I  placed  most  of  my 
command  under  arms,  and  arranged  with  the  officer  left  in 
command  that  a  blast  from  the  bugle  should  bring  assistance  to 
me  if  required. 


THE    FIRST    SCOUT.  309 

Ouster  then  tells  how  they  arrived  at  the  bank  of  the 
river,  and  were  met  by  their  old  friend  Pawnee  Killer  and 
his  chiefs,  taking  matters  very  coolly.  His  presence  was  one 
more  lesson  for  Ouster  on  Indian  treachery,  and  he  soon  had 
another.  On  the  pretext  of  coming  over  to  say  "  How,"  several 
other  Indians  waded  the  river,  and  finally  it  appeared  as  if  an 
attempt  at  murder  was  to  take  place,  could  the  white  man's  sus- 
picions be  allayed.  Ouster  then  broke  off  the  conference,  which 
had  served  no  purpose  except  to  inform  them  who  their  enemy 
had  been.  The  close  of  the  conference  was  characteristic;  Paw- 
nee Killer,  who  seems  to  have  imbibed  a  great  contempt  for 
the  youth  and  inexperience  of  Ouster,  had  the  impudence  to 
beg  for  coffee,  sugar  and  ammunition.  It  is  needless  to  say 
that  he  did  not  get  them.  Ouster  returned  to  his  regiment,  and 
pursued  the  Sioux  for  some  hours,  but  was  unable  to  catch  the 
fleet  Indian  ponies  with  the  coarse  heavy  troop  horses  of  his 
command.  He  finally  returned  to  camp. 

Soon  after  returning,  more  Indians,  a  very  small  party,  were 
seen  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  Captain  Hamilton's  troop 
was  sent  after  them.  The  Indians  divided  their  party,  lured 
Hamilton  on  for  several  miles,  and  finally  turned  on  him,  as 
soon  as  he  had  divided  his  own  party  to  pursue  them.  They 
fought  Hamilton  two  to  one  for  about  an  hour,  but  he  kept 
them  off  and  returned  to  camp  unharmed,  having  shot  two 
Indians  dead,  and  wounded  two  others.  The  Indians  fought  in 
the  peculiar  manner  known  as  "  circling,"  which  will  be  fully 
described  in  the  next  chapter. 

Hamilton's  affair  occurred  in  the  direction  of  Fort  Sedg- 
wick,  whereas  Pawnee  Killer  had  retired  toward  Fort  Wallace. 
It  became  clear  therefore,  that  the  country  was  full  of  Indians, 
and  it  became  a  matter  of  doubt  where  they  were  thickest  on 
the  route  taken  by  Major  Elliot,  or  that  pursued  by  Bobbins 
and  Cook  with  the  wagon  train.  The  party  that  attacked 
Hamilton  numbered  forty-three,  whereas  Pawnee  Killer  had 
several  hundred,  but  the  greatest  anxiety  was  felt  for  Major 
24 


370 


GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 


Elliot's  little  band  of  eleven,  which  had  gone  in  the  other  direc- 
tion. Many  or  few,  there  were  clearly  enough  Indians  on  the 
trail  to  overwhelm  him.  Major  Elliot,  however,  proved  to  be 
a  careful  and  skillful  officer.  In  five  days  after,  he  rode  into 
camp,  having  trusted  to  his  guide,  an  old  hunter.  The  party 
had  hidden  in  ravines  all  day,  and  only  travelled  by  night. 

The  fate  of   the  wagon  train  falls  naturally  into  another 
chapter. 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE  WAGON  TKAIN. 

r  I  iHE  story  of  the  attack  on  the  train  and  its  results  in  con- 
JL  nection  with  the  expedition  is  thus  told  by  Ouster : 

Now  that  the  Major  and  his  party  had  returned  to  us,  our 
anxiety  became  centred  in  the  fate  of  the  larger  party  which 
had  proceeded  with  the  train  to  Fort  "Wallace  for  supplies.  The 
fact  that  Major  Elliot  had  made  his  trip  unmolested  by  Indians, 
proved  that  the  latter  were  most  likely  assembled  south  of  us, 
that  is,  between  us  and  Fort  Wallace.  Wherever  they  were, 
their  numbers  were  known  to  be  large.  It  would  be  impossible 
for  a  considerable  force,  let  alone  a  wagon  train,  to  pass  from 
our  camp  to  Fort  Wallace  and  not  be  seen  by  the  Indian  scout- 
ing parties.  They  had  probably  observed  the  departure  of  the 
train  and  escort  at  the  time,  and,  divining  the  object  which  oc- 
casioned the  sending  of  the  wagons,  would  permit  them  to  go 
to  the  fort  unmolested,  but  would  waylay  them  on  their  return 
in  hope  of  obtaining  the  supplies  they  contained.  Under  this 
supposition  the  Indians  had  probably  watched  the  train  and 
escort  during  every  mile  of  their  progress;  if  so,  they  would 
not  fail  to  discover  that  the  larger  portion  of  the  escort  halted 
at  Beaver  Creek,  while  the  wagons  proceeded  to  the  fort  guarded 
by  only  forty-eight  men ;  in  which  case  the  Indians  would  com- 
bine their  forces  and  attack  the  train  at  some  point  between 
Fort  Wallace  and  Beaver  Creek. 

Looking  at  these  probable  events,  I  not  only  felt  impelled 
to  act  promptly  to  secure  the  safety  of  the  train  and  its  escort, 
but  a  deeper  and  stronger  motive  stirred  me  to  leave  nothing 


372  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

undone  to  circumvent  the  Indians.  My  wife,  who,  in  answer 
to  my  letter,  I  believed  was  then  at  Fort  Wallace,  would  place 
herself  under  the  protection  of  the  escort  of  the  train  and  at- 
tempt to  rejoin  me  in  camp.  The  mere  thought  of  the  danger 
to  which  she  might  be  exposed  spurred  me  to  decisive  action. 
One  full  squadron,  well  mounted  and  armed,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Lieutenant- Colon  el  Myers,  an  officer  of  great  experi- 
ence in  Indian  affairs,  left  our  camp  at  dark  on  the  evening  :t 
the  day  that  Captain  Hamilton  had  had  his  engagement  with 
the  Indians,  and  set  out  in  the  direction  of  Fort  Wallace.  His 
orders  were  to  press  forward  as  rapidly  as  practicable,  following 
the  trail  made  by  the  train.  Written  orders  were  sent  in  his 
care  to  Colonel  West,  who  was  in  command  of  that  portion  of 
the  escort  which  had  halted  at  Beaver  Creek,  to  join  Colonel 
Myers's  command  with  his  own,  and  then  to  continue  the  march 
toward  Fort  Wallace  until  he  should  meet  the  returning  train 
and  escort.  The  Indians,  however,  were  not  to  be  deprived  of 
this  opportunity  to  secure  scalps  and  plunder. 

From  our  camp  to  Beaver  Creek  was  nearly  fifty  miles. 
Colonel  Myers  marched  his  command  without  halting  until  he 
joined  Colonel  West  at  Beaver  Creek.  Here  the  two  commands 
united,  and  under  the  direction  of  Colonel  West,  the  senior  offi- 
cer of  the  party,  proceeded  toward  Fort  Wallace,  following  the 
trail  left  by  the  wagon-train  and  escort.  If  the  escort  and  Colo- 
nel West's  forces  could  be  united,  they  might  confidently  hope 
to  repel  any  attack  made  upon  them  by  Indians.  Colonel 
West  was  an  old  Indian  fighter,  and  too  thoroughly  accustomed 
to  Indian  tactics  to  permit  his  command  to  be  surprised  or  de- 
feated in  any  manner  other  than  by  a  fair  contest. 

Let  us  leave  them  for  a  time  and  join  the  wagon-train  and 
its  escort — the  latter  numbering,  all  told,  as  before  stated,  forty- 
eight  men  under  the  immediate  command  of  Lieutenant  Rob- 
bins.  Colonel  Cook,  whose  special  duty  connected  him  with 
the  train  and  its  supplies,  could  also  be  relied  upon  for  material 
assistance  with  the  troops,  in  case  of  actual  conflict  with  the 


THE    WAGON    TRAIN.  373 

enemy.  Comstock,  the  favorite  scout,  a  host  in  himself,  was 
sent  to  guide  the  party  to  and  from  Fort  Wallace.  In  addition 
to  these  were  the  teamsters,  who  could  not  be  expected  to  do 
more  than  control  their  teams  should  the  train  be  attacked. 

The  march  from  camp  to  Beaver  Creek  was  made  without 
incident.  Here  the  combined  forces  of  Colonel  "West  and  Lieu- 
tenant Robbins  encamped  together  during  the  night.  Next 
morning  at  early  dawn  Lieutenant  Robbins's  party,  having  the 
train  in  charge,  continued  the  march  toward  Fort  Wallace, 
while  Colonel  "West  sent  out  scouting  parties  up  and  down  the 
stream  to  search  for  Indians. 

As  yet  none  of  their  party  were  aware  of  the  hostile  atti- 
tude assumed  by  the  Indians  within  the  past  few  hours,  and 
Colonel  West's  instructions  contemplated  a  very  friendly  meet- 
ing between  his  forces  and  the  Indians,  should  the  latter  be  dis- 
covered. The  march  of  the  train  and  escort  was  made  to  Fort 
Wallace  without  interruption.  The  only  incident  worthy  of 
remark  was  an  observation  of  Comstock's,  which  proved  how 
thoroughly  he  was  familiar  with  the  Indian  and  his  customs. 

The  escort  was  moving  over  a  beautifully  level  plateau.  Not 
a  mound  or  hillock  disturbed  the  evenness  of  the  surface  for 
miles  in  either  direction.  To  an  unpracticed  eye  there  seemed 
no  recess  or  obstruction  in  or  behind  which  an  enemy  might  be 
concealed,  but  everything  appeared  open  to  the  view  for  miles 
and  miles,  look  in  what  direction  one  might.  Yet  such  was  not 
the  case.  Ravines  of  greater  or  less  extent,  though  not  percepti- 
ble at  a  glance,  might  have  been  discovered  if  searched  for, 
extending  almost  to  the  trail  over  which  the  party  was  moving. 
These  ravines,  if  followed,  would  be  found  to  grow  deeper  and 
deeper,  until  after  running  their  course  for  an  indefinite  extent, 
they  would  terminate  in  the  valley  of  some  running  stream. 
These  were  the  natural  hiding-places  of  Indian  war  parties, 
waiting  their  opportunities  to  dash  upon  unsuspecting  victims. 
These  ravines  serve  the  same  purpose  to  the  Indians  of  the 
timberless  plains  that  the  ambush  did  to  those  Indi&ns  of 


374:  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

the  Eastern  States  accustomed  to  fighting  in  the  forests  and 
everglades.  Comstock's  keen  eves  took  in  all  at  a  glance,  and 
he  remarked  to  Colonel  Cook  and  Lieutenant  Robbins,  as  the 
three  rode  together  at  the  head  of  the  column,  that  "  If  the 
Injnns  strike  us  at  all,  it  will  be  just  about  the  time  we  are 
comin'  along  back  over  this  very  spot.  Now  mind  what  I  tell 
ye  all."  We  shall  see  how  correct  Comstock's  prophecy  was. 

Arriving  at  the  fort,  no  time  was  lost  in  loading  up  the 
wagons  with  fresh  supplies,  obtaining  the  mail  intended  for  the 
command,  and  preparing  to  set  out  on  the  return  to  camp  the 
following  day. 

On  the  following  morning  Colonel  Cook  and  Lieutenant 
Robbins  began  their  return  march.  They  had  advanced  one 
half  the  distance  which  separated  them  from  Colonel  West's 
camp  without  the  slightest  occurrence  to  disturb  the  monotony 
of  their  march,  and  had  reached  the  point  where,  on  passing 
before,  Comstock  had  indulged  in  his  prognostication  regarding 
Indians;  yet  nothing  had  been  seen  to  excite  suspicion  or  alarm. 

Comstock,  always  on  the  alert  and  with  eyes  as  quick  as 
those  of  an  Indian,  had  been  scanning  the  horizon  in  all  direc- 
tions. Suddenly  he  perceived,  or  thought  he  perceived,  strange 
figures,  resembling  human  heads,  peering  over  the  crest  of  a 
hill  far  away  to  the  right.  Hastily  leveling  his  field-glass,  he 
pronounced  the  strange  figures,  which  were  scarcely  perceptible, 
to  be  neither  more  nor  less  than  Indians.  The  officers  brought 
into  requisition  their  glasses,  and  were  soon  convinced  of  the 
correctness  of  Comstock's  report.  It  was  some  time  before  the 
Indians  perceived  that  they  were  discovered.  Concealment 
then  being  no  longer  possible,  they  boldly  rode  to  the  crest  and 
exposed  themselves  to  full  view.  At  first  but  twenty  or  thirty 
made  their  appearance;  gradually  their  number  became  aug- 
mented, until  about  a  hundred  warriors  could  be  seen. 

It  may  readily  be  imagined  that  the  appearance  of  so  con- 
siderable a  body  of  Indians  produced  no  little  excitement  and 
speculation  in  the  minds  of  the  people  with  the  train.  The 


THE    WAGON    TRAIN.  375 

speculation  was  as  to  the  intentions  of  the  Indians,  whether 
hostile  or  friendly.  Upon  this  subject  all  doubts  were  soon 
dispelled.  The  Indians  continued  to  receive  accessions  to  their 
numbers,  the  reinforcements  coming  from  beyond  the  crest  of 
the  hill  on  which  their  presence  was  first  discovered.  Finally, 
seeming  confident  in  their  superior  numbers,  the  warriors,  all 
of  whom  were  mounted,  advanced  leisurely  down  the  slope 
leading  in  the  direction  of  the  train  and  its  escort.  By  the  aid 
of  field-classes,  Comstock  and  the  two  officers  were  able  to 

O  ' 

determine  fully  the  character  of  the  party  now  approaching 
them.  The  last  doubt  was  thus  removed.  It  was  clearly  to  be 
seen  that  the  Indians  were  arrayed  in  full  war  costume,  their 
heads  adorned  by  the  brilliantly  colored  war  bonnets,  their 
faces,  arms,  and  bodies  painted  in  various  colors,  rendering  their 
naturally  repulsive  appearance  even  more  hideous.  As  they 
approached  nearer  they  assumed  a  certain  order  in  the  manner 
of  their  advance.  Some  were  to  be  seen  carrying  the  long 
glistening  lance  with  its  pennant  of  bright  colors ;  while  upon 
the  left  arm  hung  the  round  shield,  almost  bullet-proof,  and 
ornamented  with  paint  and  feathers  according  to  the  taste  of 
the  wearer.  Nearly  all  were  armed  with  carbines  and  one  or 
two  revolvers,  while  many  in  addition  to  these  weapons  carried 
the  bow  and  arrow. 

When  the  entire  band  had  defiled  down  the  inclined  slope, 
Cornstoek  and  the  officers  were  able  to  estimate  roughly  the 
full  strength  of  the  party.  They  were  astonished  to  perceive 
that  between  six  and  seven  hundred  warriors  were  bearing 
down  upon  them,  and  in  a  few  minutes  would  undoubtedly 
commence  the  attack.  Against  such  odds,  and  upon  ground  so 
favorable  for  the  Indian  mode  of  warfare,  it  seemed  unreasona- 
ble  to  hope  for  a  favorable  result.  Yet  the  entire  escort,  officers 
and  men,  entered  upon  their  defence  with  a  determination  to 
sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as  possible. 

As  the  coming  engagement,  so  far  as  the  cavalry  was  con- 
cerned, was  to  be  purely  a  defensive  one,  Lieutenant  Robbing 


376  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

at  once  set  about  preparing  to  receive  his  unwelcome  visitors. 
Colonel  Cook  formed  the  train  in  two  parallel  columns,  leaving 
ample  space  between  for  the  horses  of  the  cavalry.  Lieu- 
tenant Bobbins  then  dismounted  his  men  and  prepared  to  fight 
on  foot.  The  led  horses,  under  charge  of  the  fourth  trooper, 
were  placed  between  the  two  columns  of  wagons,  and  were 
thus  in  a  measure  protected  from  the  assaults  which  the  officers 
had  every  reason  to  believe  would  be  made  for  their  capture. 
The  dismounted  cavalrymen  were  thus  formed  in  a  regular  circle 
enclosing  the  train  and  horses.  Colonel  Cook  took  command  of 
one  flank,  Lieutenant  Robbins  of  the  other,  while  Comstock,  who, 
as  well  as  the  two  officers,  remained  mounted,  galloped  from 
point  to  point  wherever  his  presence  was  most  valuable.  These 
dispositions  being  perfected,  the  march  was  resumed  in  this 
order,  and  the  attack  of  the  savages  calmly  awaited. 

The  Indians,  who  were  interested  spectators  of  these  prep- 
arations for  their  reception,  continued  to  approach,  but  seemed 
willing  to  delay  their  attack  until  the  plain  became  a  little  more 
favorable  for  their  operations.  Finally,  the  -desired  moment 
seemed  to  have  arrived.  The  Indians  had  approached  to  within 
easy  range,  yet  not  a  shot  had  been  fired,  the  cavalrymen  hav- 
ing been  instructed  by  their  officers  to  reserve  their  fire  for  close 
quarters.  Suddenly,  with  a  wild  ringing  war-whoop,  the  entire 
band  of  warriors  bore  down  upon  the  train  and  its  little  party 
of  defenders. 

On  came  the  savages,  filling  the  air  with  their  terrible  yells. 
Their  first  object,  evidently,  was  to  stampede  the  horses  and 
draught  animals  of  the  train  ;  then,  in  the  excitement  and  con- 
sternation which  would  follow,  to  massacre  the  escort  and 
drivers.  The  wagon-master  in  immediate  charge  of  the  train 
had  been  ordered  to  keep  his  two  columns  of  wagons  constantly 
moving  forward  and  well  closed  up.  This  last  injunction  was 
hardly  necessary,  as  the  frightened  teamsters,  glancing  at  the 
approaching  warriors  and  hearing  their  savage  shouts,  were 
sufficiently  anxious  to  keep  well  closed  upon  their  leaders 


THE    WAGON    TRAIN.  377 

The  first  onslaught  of  the  Indians  was  made  on  the  flank 
which  was  superintended  by  Colonel  Cook.  They  rode  boldly 
forward  as  if  to  dash  over  the  mere  handful  of  cavalrymen,  who 
stood  in  skirmishing  order  in  a  circle  about  the  train.  Not  a 

o 

soldier  faltered  as  the  enemy  came  thundering  upon  them,  but 
waiting  until  the  Indians  were  within  short  rifle  range  of  the 
train,  the  cavalrymen  dropped  upon  their  knees,  and  taking  de- 
liberate aim  poured  a  volley  from  their  Spencer  carbines  into  the 
ranks  of  the  savages,  which  seemed  to  put  a  sudden  check  upon 
the  ardor  of  their  movements  and  forced  them  to  wheel  off  to 
the  right.  Several  of  the  warriors  were  seen  to  reel  in  their 
saddles,  while  the  ponies  of  others  were  brought  down  or 
wounded  by  the  effectual  fire  of  the  cavalrymen. 

Those  of  the  savages  who  were  shot  from  their  saddles  were 
scarcely  permitted  to  fall  to  the  ground  before  a  score  or  more 
of  their  comrades  dashed  to  their  rescue  and  bore  their  bodies 
beyond  the  possible  reach  of  our  men.  This  is  in  accordance 
with  the  Indian  custom  in  battle.  They  will  risk  the  lives  of 
a  dozen  of  their  best  warriors  to  prevent  the  body  of  any  one 
of  their  number  from  falling  into  the  white  man's  possession. 
The  reason  for  this  is  the  belief,  which  generally  prevails  among 
all  the  tribes  that  if  a  warrior  loses  his  scalp  he  forfeits  his  hope 
of  ever  reaching  the  happy  hunting-ground. 

As  the  Indians  were  being  driven  back  by  the  well-directed 
volley  of  the  cavalrymen,  the  latter,  overjoyed  at  their  first  suc- 
cess, became  reassured,.and  sent  up  a  cheer  of  exultation,  while 
Comstock,  who  had  not  been  idle  in  the  fight,  called  out  to  the 
retreating  Indians  in  their  native  tongue,  taunting  them  with 
their  unsuccessful  assault. 

The  Indians  withdrew  to  a  point  beyond  the  range  of  our 
carbines,  and  there  seemed  to  engage  in  a  parley.  Comstock,  who 
had  closely  watched  every  movement,  remarked  that  "There's 
no  sich  good  look  for  us  as  to  think  them  Injuns  mean  to  give 
it  up  so.  Six  hundred  red  devils  ain't  agoin'  to  let  fifty  men 
stop  them  from  getting  at  the  coffee  and  sugar  that  is  iu  these 


378  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CTJSTER. 

wagons.  And  they  ain't  agoin'  to  be  satisfied  until  they  get 
some  of  our  scalps  to  pay  for  the  bucks  we  popped  out  of  their 
saddles  a  bit  ago." 

It  was  probable  that  the  Indians  were  satisfied  that  they 
could  not  dash  through  the  train  and  stampede  the  animals. 
Their  recent  attempt  had  convinced  them  that  some  other 
method  of  attack  must  be  resorted  to.  Nothing  but  their 
great  superiority  in  numbers  had  induced  them  to  risk  so  much 
in  a  charge. 

The  officers  passed  along  the  line  of  skirmishers — for  this  in 
reality  was  all  their  line  consisted  of — and  cautioned  the  men 
against  wasting  their  ammunition.  It  was  yet  early  in  the  after- 
noon, and  should  the  conflict  be  prolonged  until  night,  there 
was  great  danger  of  exhausting  the  supply  of  ammunition. 
The  Indians  seemed  to  have  thought  of  this,  and  the  change  in 
their  method  of  attack  encouraged  such  a  result. 

But  little  time  was  spent  at  the  parley.  Again  the  entire 
band  of  warriors,  except  those  already  disabled,  prepared  to  re- 
new the  attack,  and  advanced  as  before — this  time,  however, 
with  greater  caution,  evidently  desiring  to  avoid  a  reception 
similar  to  the  first.  "When  sufficiently  near  to  the  troops  the 
Indians  developed  their  new  plan  of  attack.  It  was  not  to  ad- 
vance en  masse,  as  before,  but  fight  as  individuals,  each  warrior 
selecting  his  own  time  and  method  of  attack.  This  is  the  habit- 
ual manner  of  fighting  among  all  the  Indians  of  the  Plains,  and 
is  termed  "  circling."  First  the  chiefs  led  off,  followed  at  regular 
intervals  by  the  warriors,  until  the  entire  six  or  seven  hundred 
were  to  be  seen  riding  in  single  file  as  rapidly  as  their  fleet-footed 
ponies  could  carry  them.  Preserving  this  order,  and  keeping 
up  their  savage  chorus  of  yells,  war-whoops,  and  taunting 
epithets,  this  long  line  of  mounted  barbarians  was  guided  in 
such  manner  as  to  envelope  the  train  and  escort,  and  make  the 
latter  appear  like  a  small  circle  within  a  larger  one. 

The  Indians  gradually  contracted  their  circle,  although 
maintaining  the  full  speed  of  their  ponies,  until  sufficiently  close 


THE    WAGON    TRAIN.  379 

to  open  fire  upon  the  soldiers.  At  first  the  shots  were  scatter- 
ing and  wide  of  their  mark;  but,  emboldened  by  the  silence  of 
their  few  but  determined  opponents,  they  rode  nearer  and 
fought  with  greater  impetuosity.  Forced  now  to  defend  them- 
selves to  the  uttermost,  the  cavalrymen  opened  fire  from  their 
carbines,  with  most  gratifying  results.  The  Indians,  however, 
moving  at  such  a  rapid  gait  and  in  single  file,  presented  a  most 
uncertain  target.  To  add  to  this  uncertainty,  the  savages 
availed  themselves  of  their  superior — almost  marvellous — powers 
of  horsemanship.  Throwing  themselves  upon  the  sides  of  their 
well-trained  ponies,  they  left  no  part  of  their  persons  exposed  to 
the  aim  of  the  troopers  except  the  head  and  one  foot,  and  in 
this  posture  they  were  able  to  aim  the  weapons  either  over  or 
under  the  necks  of  their  ponies,  thus  using  the  bodies  of  the 
latter  as  an  effective  shield  against  the  bullets  of  their  adver- 
saries. 

At  no  time  were  the  Indians  able  to  force  the  train  and  its 
escort  to  come  to  a  halt.  The  march  was  continued  at  an  un- 
interrupted gait.  This  successful  defence  against  the  Indians 
was  in  a  great  measure  due  to  the  presence  of  the  wagons,  which, 
arranged  in  the  order  described,  formed  a  complete  barrier  to 
the  charges  and  assaults  of  the  savages ;  and,  as  a  last  resort, 
the  wagons  could  have  been  halted  and  used  as  a  breastwork, 
behind  which  the  cavalry,  dismounted,  would  have  been  almost 
invincible  against  their  more  numerous  enemies.  There  is 
nothing  an  Indian  dislikes  more  in  warfare  than  to  attack  a  foe, 
however  weak,  behind  breastworks  of  any  kind.  Any  con- 
trivance which  is  an  obstacle  to  his  pony  is  a  most  serious  ob- 
stacle to  the  warrior. 

The  attack  of  the  Indians,  aggravated  by  their  losses  in 
warriors  and  ponies,  as  many  of  the  latter  had  been  shot  down, 
was  continued  without  cessation  for  three  hours.  The  supply 
of  ammunition  of  the  cavalry  was  running  low.  The  "  fourth 
troopers,"  who  had  remained  in  charge  of  the  led  horses  be- 
tween the  four  columns  of  wagons,  were  now  replaced  from  the 


380  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

skirmishers,  and  the  former  were  added  to  the  list  of  active 
combatants.  If  the  Indians  should  maintain  the  fight  much 
longer,  there  was  serious  ground  for  apprehension  regarding 
the  limited  supply  of  ammunition. 

If  only  night  or  reinforcements  would  come  !  was  the  pray- 
erful hope  of  those  who  contended  so  gallantly  against  such 
heavy  odds.  Night  was  still  too  far  off  to  promise  much  en- 
couragement ;  while  as  to  reinforcements,  their  coining  would 
be  purely  accidental — at  least  so  argued  those  most  interested 
in  their  arrival.  Yet  reinforcements  were  at  that  moment 
striving  to  reach  them.  Comrades  were  in  the  saddle  and  spur- 
ring forward  to  their  relief.  The  Indians,  although  apparently 
turning  all  their  attention  to  the  little  band  inside,  had  omitted 
no  precaution  to  guard  against  interference  from  outside  parties. 
In  this  instance,  perhaps,  they  were  more  than  ordinarily  watch- 
ful, and  had  posted  some  of  their  keen-eyed  warriors  on  the 
high  line  of  bluffs  which  ran  almost  parallel  to  the  trail  over 
which  the  combatants  moved.  From  these  bluffs  not  only  a 
good  view  of  the  fight  could  be  obtained,  but  the  country  for 
miles  in  either  direction  was  spread  out  beneath  them,  and 
enabled  the  scouts  to  discern  the  approach  of  any  hostile  party 
which  might  be  advancing.  Fortunate  for  the  savages  that 
this  precaution  had  riot  been  neglected,  or  the  contest  in  which 
they  were  engaged  might  have  become  one  of  more  equal  num- 
bers. To  the  careless  eye  nothing  could  have  been  seen  to 
excite  suspicion.  But  the  warriors  on  the  lookout  were  not 
long  in  discovering  something  which  occasioned  them  no  little 
anxiety.  Dismounting  from  their  ponies  and  concealing  the 
latter  in  a  ravine,  they  prepared  to  investigate  more  fully  the 
cause  of  their  alarm. 

That  which  they  saw  was  as  yet  but  a  faint  dark  line  on  the 
surface  of  the  plain,  almost  against  the  horizon.  So  faint  was 
it  that  no  one  but  an  Indian  or  practiced  frontiersman  would 
have  observed  it.  It  was  fully  ten  miles  from  them  and  directly 
in  their  line  of  march.  The  ordinary  observer  would  have  pro- 


THE    WAGON    TRAIN.  381 

nounced  it  a  break  or  irregularity  in  the  ground,  or  perhaps 
the  shadow  of  a  cloud,  and  its  apparent  permanency  of  location 
would  have  dispelled  any  fear  as  to  its  dangerous  character. 
But  was  it  stationary  ?  Apparently,  yes.  The  Indians  discov- 
ered otherwise.  By  close  watching,  the  long  faint  line  could 
be  seen  moving  along,  as  if  creeping  stealthily  upon  an  uncon- 
jcious  foe.  Slowly  it  assumed  a  more  definite  shape,  until 
vhat  appeared  to  be  a  mere  stationary  dark  line  drawn  upon 
the  green  surface  of  the  plain,  developed  itself  to  the  searching 
eyes  of  the  red  man  into  a  column  of  cavalry  moving  at  a  rapid 
gait  toward  the  very  point  they  were  then  occupying. 

Convinced  of  this  fact,  one  of  the  scouts  leaped  upon  his 
pony  and  flew  with  almost  the  speed  of  the  wind  to  impart  this 
knowledge  to  the  chiefs  in  command  on  the  plain  below.  True, 
the  approaching  cavalry,  being  still  several  miles  distant,  could 
not  arrive  for  nearly  two  hours ;  but  the  question  to  be  consid- 
ered by  the  Indians  was,  whether  it  would  be  prudent  for  them 
to  continue  their  attack  on  the  train — their  ponies  already  be- 
coming exhausted  by  the  three  hours'  hard  riding  given  them — 
until  the  arrival  of  the  fresh  detachment  of  the  enemy,  whose 
horses  might  be  in  condition  favorable  to  a  rapid  pursuit,  and 
thereby  enable  them  to  overtake  those  of  the  Indians  whose 
ponies  were  exhausted.  Unwilling  to  incur  this  new  risk,  and 
seeing  no  prospect  of  overcoming  their  present  adversaries  by  a 
sudden  or  combined  dash,  the  chiefs  decided  to  withdraw  from 
the  attack,  and  make  their  escape  while  the  advantage  was  yet 
in  their  favor. 

The  surprise  of  the  cavalrymen  may  be  imagined  at  seeing 
the  Indians,  after  pouring  a  shower  of  bullets  and  arrows  into 
the  train,  withdraw  to  the  bluffs,  and  immediately  after  con- 
tinue their  retreat  until  lost  to  view. 

This  victory  for  the  troopers,  although  so  unexpected,  was 
none  the  less  welcome.  The  Indians  contrived  to  carry  away 
with  them  their  killed  and  wounded.  Five  of  their  bravest 


382  GENERAL  GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

warriors  were  known  to  have  been  sent  to  the  happy  hunting- 
ground,  while  the  list  of  their  wounded  was  much  larger. 

After  the  Indians  had  withdrawn  and  left  the  cavalrymen 
masters  of  the  field,  our  wounded,  of  whom  there  were  compar- 
atively few,  received  every  possible  care  and  attention.  Those 
of  the  detachment  who  had  escaped  unharmed  were  busily  en- 
gaged in  exchanging  congratulations  and  relating  incidents  of 
the  fight. 

In  this  manner  nearly  an  hour  had  been  whiled  away,  when 
for  in  the  distance,  in  their  immediate  front,  fresh  cause  for 
anxiety  was  discovered.  At  first  the  general  opinion  was  that 
it  was  the  Indians  again,  determined  to  contest  their  progress. 
Field-glasses  were  again  called  into  requisition,  and  revealed, 
not  Indians,  but  the  familiar  blue  blouses  of  the  cavalry.  Never 
was  the  sight  more  welcome.  The  next  moment  Colonel  Cook, 
with  Comstock  and  a  few  troopers,  applied  spurs  to  their  horses 
and  were  soon  dashing  forward  to  meet  their  comrades. 

The  approaching  party  was  none  other  than  Colonel  West's 
detachment,  hastening  to  the  relief  of  the  train  and  its  gallant 
little  escort.  A  few  words  explained  all,  and  told  the  heroes  of 
the  recent  fight  how  it  happened  that  reinforcements  were  sent 
to  their  assistance ;  and  then  was  explained  why  the  Indians 
had  so  suddenly  concluded  to  abandon  their  attack  and  seek 
safety  in  quietly  withdrawing  from  the  field. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  KIDDER  MASSACRE. 

SO  far  Ouster's  first  Indian  campaign  had  progressed,  on  the 
whole,  favorably.  He  had  been  duped  by  the  Indians  in 
common  with  General  Hancock,  but  he  had  suffered  no  disaster, 
and  all  his  parties,  large  or  small,  had  succeeded  in  beating  off 
the  Indians.  At  that  time,  the  American  army  in  regard  to 
the  Indians  was  much  in  the  attitude  of  the  Romans  towards 
the  Gauls,  as  depicted  by  Sallust  in  the  closing  sentences  of  his 
"  War  against  Jugurtha."  Sallust  says :  "  The  Komans  had 
always  been  strongly  of  opinion,  and  now  no  less  so,  that  all 
other  nations  must  yield  to  them  in  bravery ;  but  that  when 
they  fought  with  the  Gauls  they  were  to  aim  only  at  the  pres- 
ervation of  their  state,  and  not  at  glory."  Much  the  same  opin- 
ion prevailed  among  army  officers  in  America,  to  judge  from 
the  cautious  proceedings,  till  Ouster  came.  In  this  campaign, 
as  a  beginner,  he  was  feeling  his  way,  and  learning  pretty  rap- 
idly. The  first  disaster  that  was  to  befall  any  of  his  troops, 
befell  an  officer  sent  on  a  similar  errand  to  that  of  Major  Elliot, 
before  mentioned,  but  in  the  other  direction. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  28th,"  continues  Ouster,  "the  train 
returned  to  the  camp  on  the  Republican.  All  were  proud 
of  the  conduct  of  those  detachments  of  the  command  which  had 
been  brought  into  actual  conflict  with  the  Indians.  The  heroes 
of  the  late  fights  were  congratulated  heartily  upon  their  good 
luck,  while  their  comrades  who  had  unavoidably  remained  ID 
camp,  consoled  themselves  with  the  hope  that  the  next  opportu- 
nity might  be  theirs. 


384:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

"  The  despatches  brought  by  Major  Elliot  from  General  Sher- 
man directed  me  to  continue  my  march,  as  had  been  suggested, 
up  the  North  Republican,  then  strike  northward  and  reach  the 
Platte  again  at  some  point  west  of  Fort  Sedgwick,  near  River- 
side Station.  This  programme  was  carried  out.  Leaving  our 
camp  on  the  Republican,  we  marched  UD  the  north  fork  of  that 
river  about  sixty  miles,  then  turned  nearly  due  north,  and 
inarched  for  the  valley  of  the  Platte." 

At  the  Platte  the  column  arrived,  after  a  march  of  sixty-five 
miles  without  water,  and  found  itself  near  Riverside  Telegraph 
Station,  fifty  miles  west  of  Fort  Sedgwick.  They  learned  that 
the  Indians  had  attacked  the  nearest  stage  station  the  night 
before  they  arrived,  and  had  killed  three  men.  This  information 
was  obtained  by  a  detachment  which  reached  the  station. 
Ouster  then  relates  the  incident  of  the  Kidder  Massacre  as 
follows : 

Believing  that  General  Sherman  must  have  sent  later 
instructions  for  me  to  Fort  Sedgwick,  than  those  last  received 
from  him,  I  sent  a  telegram  to  the  officer  in  command  at  the  fort, 
making  inquiry  to  that  effect.  To  my  surprise  I  received  a 
despatch  saying  that,  the  day  after  the  departure  of  Major  Elliot 
and  his  detachment  from  Fort  Sedgwick  with  despatches,  of 
which  mention  has  been  previously  made,  a  second  detachment 
of  equal  strength,  viz.,  ten  troopers  of  the  Second  United  States 
Cavalry,  under  command  of  Lieutenant  Kidder,  and  guided  by 
a  famous  Sioux  chief  Red  Bead,  had  left  Fort  Sedgwick  with 
important  despatches  for  me  from  General  Sherman,  and  that 
Lieutenant  Kidder  had  been  directed  to  proceed  to  my  camp 
near  the  forks  of  the  Republican,  and  failing  to  find  me  there, 
he  was  to  follow  immediately  on  my  trail  until  he  should  over- 
take my  command.  I  immediately  telegraphed  to  Fort  Sedg- 
wick that  nothing  had  been  seen  or  heard  of  Lieutenant  Kid- 
der's  detachment,  and  requested  a  copy  of  the  despatches  borne 
by  him  to  be  sent  me  by  telegraph.  This  was  done;  the 
instructions  of  General  Sherman  were  for  me  to  march  my 


THE    KIDDER    MASSACRE.  385 

command,  as  was  at  first  contemplated,  across  the  country  from 
the  Platte  to  the  Smoky  Hill  River,  striking  the  latter  at  Fort 
"Wallace.  Owing  to  the  low  state  of  my  supplies,  I  determined 
to  set  out  for  Fort  Wallace  at  daylight  next  morning. 

Great  anxiety  prevailed  throughout  the  command  concern- 
ing Lieutenant  Kidder  and  his  party.  True,  he  had  precisely 
the  same  number  of  men  that  composed  Major  Elliot's  detach- 
ment when  the  latter  went  upon  a  like  mission,  but  the  cir- 
cumstances which  would  govern  in  the  one  case  had  changed 
when  applied  to  the  other.  Major  Elliot,  an  officer  of  expe- 
rience and  good  judgment,  had  fixed  the  strength  of  his  escort, 
and  performed  the  journey  before  it  was  positively  known  that 
the  Indians  in  that  section  had  entered  upon  the  war  path. 
Had  the  attack  on  the  commands  of  Hamilton,  Robbins,  and 
Cook  been  made  prior  to  Elliot's  departure,  the  latter  would 
have  taken  not  less  than  fifty  troopers  as  escort.  After  an 
informal  interchange  of  opinions  between  the  officers  of  my 
command  regarding  the  whereabouts  of  Lieutenant  Kidder  and 
party,  we  endeavored  to  satisfy  ourselves  with  the  following 
explanation.  Using  the  capital  letter  Y  for  illustration,  let  us 
locate  Fort  Sedgwick,  from  which  post  Lieutenant  Kidder  was 
sent  with  despatches,  at  the  right  upper  point  of  the  letter. 
The  camp  of  my  command  at  the  forks  of  the  Republican  would 
be  at  the  junction  of  the  three  branches  of  the  letter.  Fort 
Wallace  relatively  would  be  at  the  lower  termination,  and  the 
point  on  the  Platte  at  which  my  command  was  located  the 
morning  referred  to,  would  be  at  the  upper  termination  of  the 
left  branch  of  the  letter.  Robbins  and  Cook,  in  going  with  the 
train  to  Wallace  for  supplies,  had  passed  and  returned  over  the 
lower  branches.  After  their  return  and  that  of  Major  Elliot 
and  his  party,  my  entire  command  resumed  the  march  for  the 
Platte.  We  moved  for  two  or  three  miles  out  on  the  heavy 
wagon  trail  of  Robbins  and  Cook,  then  suddenly  changed  our 
direction  to  the  right.  It  was  supposed  that  Kidder  and  his 
party  arrived  at  our  deserted  camp  at  the  forks  of  the  Republi- 
25 


386  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

can  about  nightfall,  but  finding  us  gone  had  determined  to  avail 
themselves  of  the  moonlight  night  and  overtake  us  before  we 
should  break  camp  next  morning.  Riding  rapidly  in  the  dim 
light  of  evening,  they  had  failed  to  observe  the  point  at  which 
we  had  diverged  from  the  plainer  trail  of  Robbins  and  Cook, 
and  instead  of  following  our  trail  had  continued  on  the  former 
in  the  direction  of  Fort  Wallace.  Such  seemed  to  be  a  plausi- 
ble if  not  the  only  solution  capable  of  being  given. 

Anxiety  for  the  fate  of  Kidder  and  his  party  was  one  of  the 
reasons  impelling  me  to  set  out  promptly  on  my  return.  From 
our  camp  at  the  forks  of  the  Republican  to  Fort  Wallace  was 
about  eighty  miles — but  eighty  miles  of  the  most  dangerous 
country  infested  by  Indians.  Remembering  the  terrible  con- 
test in  which  the  command  of  Robbins  and  Cook  had  been 
engaged  on  this  very  route  within  a  few  days,  and  knowing 
that  the  Indians  would  in  all  probability  maintain  a  strict 
watch  over  the  trail  to  surprise  any  small  party  which  might 
venture  over  it,  I  felt  in  the  highest  degree  solicitous  for  the 
safety  of  Lieutenant  Kidder  and  party.  Even  if  he  succeeded 
in  reaching  Fort  Wallace  unmolested,  there  was  reason  to 
apprehend  that,  impressed  with  the  importance  of  delivering 
his  despatches  promptly,  he  would  set  out  on  his  return  at  once 
and  endeavor  to  find  my  command. 

The  third  night  after  leaving  the  Platte  my  command  en- 
camped in  the  vicinity  of  our  former  camp  near  the  forks  of  the 
Republican.  So  far,  nothing  had  been  learned  which  would 
enable  us  to  form  any  conclusion  regarding  the  route  taken  by 
Kidder.  Comstock,  the  guide,  was  frequently  appealed  to  for 
an  opinion,  which,  from  his  great  experience  on  the  plains, 
might  give  us  some  encouragement  regarding  Kidder's  safety. 
But  he  was  too  cautious  and  careful  a  man,  both  in  word  and 
deed,  to  excite  hopes  which  his  reasoning  could  not  justify. 
When  thus  appealed  to  he  would  usually  give  an  ominous 
shake  of  the  head  and  avoid  a  direct  answer. 

On  the  evening  just  referred  to  the  officers  and  Comstock 


THE    KIDDER    MASSACRE.  387 

were  grouped  near  headquarters  discussing  the  subject  which 
was  then  uppermost  in  the  mind  of  every  one  in  camp.  Corn- 
stock  had  been  quietly  listening  to  the  various  theories  and  sur- 
mises advanced  by  different  members  of  the  group,  but  was 
finally  pressed  to  state  his  ideas  as  to  Bidder's  chances  of  es- 
caping harm. 

"  Well,  gentlemen,"  emphasizing  the  last  syllable  as  was  his 
manner,  "  before  a  man  kin  form  any  ijee  as  to  how  this  thing 
is  likely  to  end,  thar  are  several  things  he  ort  to  be  acquainted 
with.  For  instance,  now,  no  man  need  tell  me  any  p'ints  about 
Injnns.  Ef  I  know  anything,  it's  Injuns.  I  know  jest  how 
they'll  do  anything  and  when  they'll  take  to  do  it ;  but  that 
don't  settle  the  question,  and  I'll  tell  you  why.  Ef  I  knowed 
this  young  lootenint — I  mean  Lootenint  Kidder— ef  I  knowed 
what  for  sort  of  a  man  he  is,  I  could  tell  you  mighty  near  to  a 
sartainty  all  you  want  to  know  ;  for  you  see  Injun  huntin'  and 
Injun  fightin'  is  a  trade  all  by  itself,  and  like  any  other  biznesa 
a  man  has  to  know  what  he's  about,  or  ef  he  don't  he  can't  make 
a  livin'  at  it.  I  have  lots  uv  confidence  in  the  fightin'  sense 
of  Red  Bead  the  Sioux  chief,  who  is  guidin'  the  lootenint  and 
his  men,  and  ef  that  Injun  kin  have  his  own  way  thar  is  a  fair 
show  for  his  guidin'  'em  through  all  right ;  but  as  I  sed  before, 
there  lays  the  difficulty.  Is  this  lootenint  the  kind  of  a  man 
who  is  willin'  to  take  advice,  even  ef  it  does  cum  from  an  Injun  ? 
My  experience  with  you  army  folks  has  allus  bin  that  the 
youngsters  among  ye  think  they  know  the  most,  and  this  is 
particularly  true  ef  they  hev  just  cum  from  "West  P'int.  Ef 
some  of  them  young  fellers  knowed  half  as  much  as  they  b'lieve 
they  do,  you  couldn't  tell  them  nothin'.  As  to  rale  book-larnin', 
why  I  s'pose  they've  got  it  all ;  but  the.  fact  uv  the  matter  is, 
they  couldn't  tell  the  difference  twixt  the  trail  of  a  war  party 
and  one  made  by  a  huntin'  party  to  save  their  necks.  Half  uv 
'em  when  they  first  cum  here  can't  tell  a  squaw  from  a  buck, 
just  because  both  ride  straddle ;  but  they  soon  larn.  But  that's 
neither  here  nor  thar.  I'm  told  that  the  lootenint  we're  talkin' 


388  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

about  is  a  new-comer,  and  that  this  is  his  first  scout.  Ef  that 
be  the  case,  it  puts  a  mighty  onsartain  look  on  the  whole  thing, 
and  twixt  you  and  me,  gentlemen,  he'll  be  mighty  lucky  ef  he 
gits  through  all  right.  To-morrow  we'll  strike  the  Wallace 
trail,  and  I  kin  mighty  soon  tell  ef  he  has  gone  that  way." 

But  little  comfort  was  to  be  derived  from  these  expressions. 
The  morrow  would  undoubtedly  enable  us,  as  Comstock  had  pre- 
dicted, to  determine  whether  or  not  the  lieutenant  and  his  party 
had  missed  our  trail  and  taken  that  leading  to  Fort  Wallace. 

At  daylight  our  column  could  have  been  seen  stretching  out 
in  the  direction  of  the  Wallace  trail.  A  march  of  a  few  miles 
brought  us  to  the  point  of  intersection.  Comstock  and  the  Del- 
awares  had  galloped  in  advance,  and  were  about  concluding  a 
thorough  examination  of  the  various  tracks  to  be  seen  in  the 
trail,  when  the  head  of  the  column  overtook  them.  "  Well, 
what  do  you  find,  Comstock  ? "  was  my  first  inquiry.  "  They've 
gone  toward  Fort  Wallace,  sure,"  was  the  reply;  and  in  support 
of  this  opinion  he  added,  "  The  trail  shows  that  twelve  Ameri- 
can horses,  shod  all  round,  have  passed  at  a  walk,  goin'  in  the 
direction  of  the  fort ;  and  when  they  went  by  this  p'int  they 
were  all  right,  because  their  horses  were  movin'  along  easy,  and 
there  are  no  pony  tracks  behind  'em,  as  wouldn't  be  the  case  ef 
the  Injuns  had  got  an  eye  on  'em."  He  then  remarked,  as  if  in 
parenthesis,  "  It  would  be  astonishin'  ef  that  lootenint  and  his 
lay-outs  gits  into  the  fort  without  a  scrimmage.  He  may  ;  but 
ef  he  does,  it  will  be  a  scratch  ef  ever  there  was  one,  and  I'll 
lose  my  confidence  in  Injuns.'' 

The  opinion  expressed  by  Comstock  as  to  the  chances  of 
Lieutenant  Kidder  and  party  making  their  way  to  the  fort  across 
eighty  miles  of  danger  unmolested,  was  the  concurrent  opinion 
of  all  the  officers.  And  now  that  we  had  discovered  their  trail, 
our  interest  and  anxiety  became  immeasurably  increased  as  to 
their  fate.  The  latter  could  not  remain  in  doubt  much  longer, 
as  two  days'  marching  would  take  us  to  the  fort.  Alas  !  we 
were  to  solve  the  mystery  without  waiting  so  long. 


THE    KIDDER    MASSACRE.  380 

Pursuing  our  way  along  the  plain,  heavy  trail  made  by 
Robbins  and  Cook,  and  directing  Comstock  and  the  Delawares 
to  watch  closely  that  we  did  not  lose  that  of  Kidder  and  his 
party,  we  patiently  but  hopefully  awaited  further  develop- 
ments. How  many  miles  we  had  thus  passed  over  without 
incident  worthy  of  mention,  I  do  not  now  recall.  The  sun  was 
high  in  the  heavens,  showing  that  our  day's  march  was  about 
half  completed,  when  those  of  us  who  were  riding  at  the  head 
of  the  column  discovered  a  strange  looking  object  lying  directly 
in  our  path,  and  more  than  a  mile  distant.  It  was  too  large  for 
a  human  being,  yet  in  color  and  appearance,  at  that  distance, 
resembled  no  animal  frequenting  the  plains  with  which  any  of 
us  were  familiar.  Eager  to  determine  its  character,  a  dozen  or 
more  of  our  party,  including  Comstock  and  the  Delawares,  gal- 
loped in  front. 

Before  riding  the  full  distance  the  question  was  determined. 
The  object  seen  was  the  body  of  a  white  horse.  A  closer  ex- 
amination showed  that  it  had  been  shot  within  the  past  few  days, 
while  the  brand,  U.  S.,  proved  that  it  was  a  government  animal. 
Major  Elliot  then  remembered  that  while  at  Fort  Sedgwick  he 
had  seen  one  company  of  cavalry  mounted  upon  white  horses. 
These  and  other  circumstances  went  far  to  convince  us  that  this 
was  one  of  the  horses  belonging  to  Lieutenant  Kidder's  party. 
In  fact  there  was  no  room  to  doubt  that  this  was  the  case. 

Almost  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  command  was  that 
there  had  been  a  contest  with  Indians,  and  this  only  the  first 
evidence  we  should  have  proving  it.  When  the  column  reached 
the  point  where  the  slain  horse  lay,  a  halt  was  ordered,  to  enable 
Comstock  arid  the  Indian  scouts  to  thoroughly  examine  the  sur- 
rounding ground  to  discover,  if  possible,  any  additional  evi- 
dence, such  as  empty  cartridge  shells,  arrows,  or  articles  of  Indian 
equipment,  showing  that  a  fight  had  taken  place.  All  the  horse 
equipments,  saddle,  bridle,  etc.,  had  been  carried  away,  but 
whether  by  friend  or  foe  could  not  then  be  determined.  While 
the  preponderance  of  circumstances  favored  the  belief  that  the 


390  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

horse  had  been  killed  by  the  Indians,  there  was  still  room  to 
hope  that  he  had  been  killed  by  Kidder's  party  and  the  equip- 
ments taken  away  by  them ;  for  it  frequently  happens  on  a 
march  that  a  horse  will  be  suddenly  taken  ill  and  be  unable  for 
the  time  being  to  proceed  further.  In  such  a  case,  rather  than 
abandon  him  alive,  with  a  prospect  of  his  recovering  and  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  Indians  to  be  employed  against  us,  orders 
are  given  to  kill  him,  and  this  might  be  the  true  way  of  ac- 
counting for  the  one  referred  to. 

The  scouts  being  unable  to  throw  any  additional  light  upon 
the  question,  we  continued  our  march,  closely  observing  the 
ground  as  we  passed  along.  Comstock  noticed  that  instead  of 
the  trail  showing  that  Kidder's  party  was  moving  in  regular 
order,  as  when  at  first  discovered,  there  were  but  two  or  three 
tracks  to  be  seen  in  the  beaten  trail,  the  rest  being  found  on  the 
grass  on  either  side. 

We  had  marched  two  miles  perhaps  from  the  point  where 
the  body  of  the  slain  horse  had  been  discovered,  when  we  came 
upon  a  second,  this  one,  like  the  first,  having  been  killed  by  a 
bullet,  and  all  of  his  equipments  taken  away.  Comstock's  quick 
eyes  were  not  long  in  detecting  pony  tracks  in  the  vicinity,  and 
we  had  no  longer  any  but  the  one  frightful  solution  to  offer : 
Kidder  and  his  party  had  been  discovered  by  the  Indians,  prob- 
ably the  same  powerful  and  bloodthirsty  band  which  had  been 
resisted  so  gallantly  by  the  men  under  Bobbins  and  Cook ;  and 
against  such  overwhelming  odds  the  issue  could  not  be  doubtful. 

"We  were  then  moving  over  a  high  and  level  plateau,  unbroken 
either  by  ravines  or  divides,  and  just  such  a  locality  as  would  be 
usually  chosen  by  the  Indians  for  attacking  a  party  of  the  strength 
of  Kidder's.  The  Indians  could  here  ride  unobstructed  and  en- 
circle their  victims  with  a  continuous  line  of  armed  and  painted 
warriors,  while  the  beleaguered  party,  from  the  even  character 
of  the  surface  of  the  plain,  would  be  unable  to  find  any  break 
or  depression  from  behind  which  they  might  make  a  successful 
defence.  It  was  probably  this  relative  condition  of  affairs  which 


THE    K1DDER    MASSACRE.  391 

had  induced  Kidder  and  his  doomed  comrades  to  endeavor  to 
push  on  in  the  hope  of  finding  ground  favorable  to  their  mak- 
ing a  stand  against  their  barbarous  foes. 

The  main  trail  no  longer  showed  the  footprints  of  Kidder's 
party,  but  instead  Comstock  discovered  the  tracks  of  shod  horses 
on  the  grass,  with  here  and  there  numerous  tracks  of  ponies,  all 
by  their  appearance  proving  that  both  horses  and  ponies  had 
been  moving  at  full  speed.  Kidder's  party  must  have  trusted 
their  lives  temporarily  to  the  speed  of  their  horses — a  danger- 
ous venture  when  contending  with  Indians.  However,  this 
fearful  race  for  life  must  have  been  most  gallantly  contested, 
because  we  continued  our  march  several  miles  further  without 
discovering  any  evidence  of  the  savages  having  gained  any 
advantage. 

How  painfully,  almost  despairingly  exciting  must  have  been 
this  ride  for  life  !  A  mere  handful  of  brave  men  struggling  to 
escape  the  bloody  clutches  of  the  hundreds  of  red-visaged  demons 
who,  mounted  on  their  well-trained  war  ponies,  were  straining 
every  nerve  and  muscle  to  steep  their  hands  in  the  life-blood  of 
their  victims.  It  was  not  death  alone  that  threatened  this  lit- 
tle band.  They  were  not  riding  simply  to  preserve  life.  They 
rode,  and  doubtless  prayed  as  they  rode,  that  they  might  escape 
the  savage  tortures,  the  worse  than  death  which  threatened  them. 
Would  that  their  prayer  had  been  granted  ! 

"We  began  leaving  the  high  plateau  and  to  descend  into  a 
valley,  through  which,  at  the  distance  of  nearly  two  miles, 
meandered  a  small  prairie  stream  known  as  Beaver  Creek.  The 
valley  near  the  banks  of  this  stream  was  covered  with  a  dense 
growth  of  tall  wild  grass  intermingled  with  clumps  of  osiers. 
At  the  point  where  the  trail  crossed  the  stream,  we  hoped  to 
obtain  more  definite  information  regarding  Kidder's  party  and 
their  pursuers,  but  we  were  not  required  to  wait  so  long.  When 
within  a  mile  of  the  stream  I  observed  several  large  buzzards 
floating  lazily  in  circles  through  the  air,  and  but  a  short  dis- 
tance to  the  left  of  our  trail.  This,  of  itself,  might  not  have 


392  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    OUSTER. 

attracted  my  attention  seriously,  but  for  the  rank  stench  which 
pervaded  the  atmosphere,  reminding  one  of  the  horrible  sensa- 
tions experienced  upon  a  battle-field  when  passing  among  the 
decaying  bodies  of  the  dead. 

As  if  impelled  by  one  thought,  Comstock,  the  Delawares, 
and  half  a  dozen  officers,  detached  themselves  from  the  column, 
and  separating  into  squads  of  one  or  two,  instituted  a  search 
for  the  cause  of  our  horrible  suspicions.  After  riding  in  all 
directions  through  the  rushes  and  willows,  when  about  to 
relinquish  the  search  as  fruitless,  one  of  the  Delawares  uttered 
a  shout  which  attracted  the  attention  of  the  entire  command  ; 
at  the  same  time  he  was  seen  to  leap  from  his  horse  and  as- 
sume a  stooping  posture,  as  if  critically  examining  some  object 
of  interest.  Hastening,  in  common  with  many  others  of  the 
party,  to  his  side,  a  sight  met  our  gaze  which  even  at  this 
remote  day  makes  my  very  blood  curdle.  Lying  in  irregular 
order,  and  within  a  very  limited  circle,  were  the  mangled 
bodies  of  poor  Kidder  and  his  party,  yet  so  brutally  hacked 
and  disfigured  as  to  be  beyond  recognition  save  as  human  beings. 

Every  individual  of  the  party  had  been  scalped,  and  his 
skull  broken — the  latter  done  by  some  weapon,  probably  a 
tomahawk — except  the  Sioux  chief  Red  Bead,  whose  scalp  had 
simply  been  removed  from  his  head  and  then  thrown  down  by 
his  side.  This,  Comstock  informed  us,  was  in  accordance  with 
a  custom  which  prohibits  an  Indian  from  bearing  off  the  scalp 
of  one  of  his  own  tribe.  This  circumstance,  then,  told  us  who 
the  perpetrators  of  the  deed  were.  They  could  be  none  other 
than  the  Sioux,  led  in  all  probability  by  Pawnee  Killer. 

Red  Bead  being  less  disfigured  and  mutilated  than  the 
others,  was  the  only  individual  capable  of  being  recognized. 
Even  the  clothes  of  all  the  party  had  been  carried  away ;  some 
of  the  bodies  were  lying  in  beds  of  ashes,  with  partly  burned 
fragments  of  wood  near  them,  showing  that  the  savage  had  put 
some  of  them  to  death  by  the  terrible  tortures  of  fire.  The 
sinews  of  the  arms  and  legs  had  been  cut  away,  the  nose  of 


THE    KIDDER    MASSACRE.  393 

every  man  hacked  off,  and  the  features  otherwise  defaced  so 
that  it  would  have  been  scarcely  possible  for  even  a  relative  to 
recognize  a  single  one  of  the  unfortunate  victims.  We  could  not 

o  o 

even  distinguish  the  officer  from  his  men.  Each  body  was  pierced 
by  from  twenty  to  fifty  arrows,  and  the  arrows  were  found  as 
the  savage  demons  had  left  them,  bristling  in  the  bodies. 
While  the  details  of  that  fearful  struggle  will  probably  never 
be  known,  telling  how  long  and  gallantly  this  ill-fated  little 
band  contended  for  their  lives,  yet  the  surrounding  circum- 
stances of  ground,  empty  cartridge  shells,  and  distance  from 
where  the  attack  began,  satisfied  us  that  Kidder  and  his  men 
fought  as  only  brave  men  fight  when  the  watchword  is  victory 
or  death. 

As  the  officer,  his  men,  and  his  no  less  faithful  Indian 
guide,  had  shared  their  final  dangers  together  and  met  the 
same  dreadful  fate  at  the  hands  of  the  same  merciless  foe,  it 
was  but  fitting  that  their  remains  should  be  consigned  to  one 
common  grave.  This  was  accordingly  done.  A  single  trench 
was  dug  near  the  spot  where  they  had  rendered  up  their  lives 
upon  the  altar  of  duty.  Silently,  mournfully,  their  comrades 
of  a  brother  regiment  consigned  their  mangled  remains  to 
mother  earth,  there  to  rest  undisturbed,  as  we  supposed,  until 
the  great  day  of  final  reviewT.  But  this  was  not  to  be  so : 
while  the  closest  scrutiny  on  our  part  had  been  insufficient  to 
enable  U8  to  detect  the  slightest  evidence  which  would  aid  us 
or  others  in  identifying  the  body  of  Lieutenant  Kidder  or  any 
of  his  men,  it  will  be  seen  hereafter  how  the  marks  of  a  moth- 
ers thoughtful  affection  were  to  be  the  means  of  finding  the 
remains  of  her  murdered  son,  even  though  months  had  elapsed 
after  his  untimely  death. 

This  sequel  to  the  story  mentioned  by  Ouster  is  told  by  him 
in  narrating  subsequent  events.  It  seems  that  Mr.  Kidder, 
father  of  the  lieutenant,  came  west  in  search  of  the  body  of  his 
son,  and  learned  that  only  a  single  mark  remained,  by  which  to 
identify  any  of  the  bodies  except  that  of  Red  Bead.  The  iriei 


394:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

dent  occurred  at  Fort  Leavenworth  in  the  winter  of  1867.     Cus- 
ter  thus  describes  the  interview. 

Mr.  Kidder,  after  introducing  himself,  announced  the  object 
of  his  visit ;  it  was  to  ascertain  the  spot  where  the  remains  of 
his  son  lay  buried,  and,  after  procuring  suitable  military  escort 
to  proceed  to  the  grave  and  disinter  his  son's  remains  prepara- 
tory to  transferring  them  to  a  resting  place  in  Dakota,  of  which 
territory  he  was  at  that  time  one  of  the  judiciary.  It  was  a 
painful  task  I  had  to  perform  when  I  communicated  to  the 
father  the  details  of  the  killing  of  his  son  and  followers.  And 
equally  harassing  to  the  feelings  was  it  to  have  to  inform  him 
that  there  was  no  possible  chance  for  his  being  able  to  recog- 
nize his  son's  remains.  "Was  there  not  the  faintest  marker 
fragment  of  his  uniform  by  which  he  might  be  known  ?  "  in- 
quired the  anxious  parent.  "  Not  one,"  was  the  reluctant  reply. 
"And  yet,  since  I  now  recall  the  appearance  of  the  mangled 
and  disfigured  remains,  tbere  was  a  mere  trifle  which  attracted 
my  attention,  but  it  could  not  have  been  your  son  who  wore  it." 
"What  was  it?"  eagerly  inquired  the  father.  "  It  was  simply 
the  collar-band  of  one  of  those  ordinary  check  overshirts  so  com- 
monly worn  on  the  plains,  the  color  being  black  and  white ; 
the  remainder  of  the  garment,  as  well  as  all  other  articles  of 
dress,  having  been  torn  or  burned  from  the  body."  Mr.  Kidder 
then  requested  me  to  repeat  the  description  of  the  collar  and 
material  of  which  it  was  made ;  happily  I  had  some  cloth  of 
very  similar  appearance,  and  upon  exhibiting  this  to  Mr.  Kid- 
der, to  show  the  kind  I  meant,  he  declared  that  the  body  I 
referred  to  could  be  no  other  than  that  of  his  murdered  son. 
He  went  on  to  tell  how  his  son  had  received  his  appointment 
in  the  army  but  a  few  weeks  before  his  lamentable  death,  he 
only  having  reported  for  duty  with  his  company  a  few  days 
before  being  sent  on  the  scout  which  terminated  his  life  ;  and 
how,  before  leaving  his  home  to  engage  in  the  military  service, 
his  mother,  with  that  thoughtful  care  and  tenderness  which  only 
a  mother  can  feel,  prepared  some  articles  of  wearing  apparel, 


THE    KIDDER    MASSACRE.  395 

among  others  a  few  shirts  made  from  the  checked  material 
already  described.  Mr.  Kidder  had  been  to  Fort  Sedgwick, 
on  the  Platte,  from  which  post  his  son  had  last  departed,  and 
there  learned  that  on  leaving  the  post  he  wore  one  of  the 
checked  shirts  and  put  an  extra  one  in  his  saddle  pockets. 
Upon  this  trifling  link  of  evidence  Mr.  Kidder  proceeded  four 
hundred  miles  west  to  Fort  Wallace,  and  there  being  furnished 
with  military  escort,  visited  the  grave  containing  the  bodies  of 
the  twelve  massacred  men.  Upon  disinterring  the  remains  a 
body  \vas  found  as  I  had  described  it,  bearing  the  simple  checked 
collar-band ;  the  father  recognized  the  remains  of  his  son,  and 
thus,  as  was  previously  stated,  was  the  evidence  of  a  mother's 
love  made  the  means  by  which  her  son's  body  was  recognized 
and  reclaimed,  when  all  other  had  failed. 

In  closing  this  episode,  which  gives  a  realizing  idea  of  the 
terrible  nature  of  Indian  warfare,  it  may  interest  the  reader  to 
know  that  the  engraving  which  illustrates  it  was  executed  under 
the  personal  supervision  of  General  Ouster  himself,  during  his 
life,  as  well  as  that  representing  the  attack  on  the  train.  They 
give  a  truthful  idea  of  two  representative  scenes,  one  the  Indian 
method  of  battle,  the  other  the  appearance  of  Indian  victims. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  the  slain  have  their  throats  cut.  This  is 
one  of  the  marks  by  which  the  scouts  knew  that  the  Sioux  had 
done  it.  The  Arapahoes  mark  their  victims  by  slitting  the 
right  arm,  others  in  other  manners. 

It  has  often  excited  enquiry  as  well  as  horror  in  white  men, 
to  know  the  reason  that  the  present  Indians  of  the  plains  per- 
petrate these  mutilations  on  the  bodies  of  their  slain ;  and  the 
records  seem  to  point  to  great  exasperation  of  feeling  for  the 
principal  cause.  In  the  battles  of  the  last  century,  between 
the  wood-Indians  and  the  whites,  as  well  as  those  in  the  early 
part  of  the  present  cycle,  between  the  prairie-Indians  and  the 
hardy  hunters  of  the  Fur  Companies,  it  is  very  rare  to  hear  of 
these  refinements  of  mutilation.  The  slain  were  scalped,  and 
living  prisoners  were  generally  taken  to  the  villages  for  tortures 


396  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

which,  however  cruel,  possessed  a  certain  nobility  of  cruelty, 
and  lacked  those  peculiarly  debasing  and  disgusting  features 
which  mark  the  modern  Indian  of  the  plains.  Catlin,  Bonne- 
ville,  Kendall,  Lewis  and  Clark,  and  all  those  early  voyagers 
who  crossed  the  plains,  down  to  the  days  of  Fremont,  record 
no  such  atrocities  in  their  few  contests  with  Indians,  and  leave, 
on  the  whole,  a  decidedly  favorable  impression  of  the  savage 
character.  At  the  present  day,  there  is  no  doubt  that  such 
things  are  common,  and  the  real  reason  is  not  far  to  seek,  judg- 
ing from  the  circumstances  surrounding  both  periods.  I  am 
very  strongly  inclined  to  ascribe  these  mutilations  to  a  mixture 
of  hatred  and  contempt,  produced  by  the  different  nature  of 
the  present  contests  from  those  waged  up  to  the  year  1850.  In 
the  past  century  in  the  woods,  and  up  to  1850  on  the  plains, 
the  Indians  were  principally  fought  by  frontiersmen  and  veteran 
regulars,  men  of  physical  strength  generally  superior  to  the 
Indians,  better  shots,  nearly  as  good  riders,  and  their  superiors 
in  hand  to  hand  lights.  Above  all  things,  savages  respect 
physical  prowess  and  courage,  and  there  are  strong  indications 
that  they  were  so  proud  to  take  the  scalp  of  a  brave  white 
man,  in  the  days  when  they  respected  him,  that  they  scorned 
to  otherwise  mutilate  his  body  when  dead. 

Now  the  case  is  reversed.  They  know  that,  man  to  man, 
almost  all  the  green  recruits  in  the  regular  army  fear  them,  and 
the  frontiersmen  they  meet  and  mutilate  are  no  longer  brave 
hunters,  but,  in  their  eyes,  despicable  tillers  of  the  ground. 
Hating  and  despising  these  men  as  cowards  and  plodders,  yet 
finding  themselves,  slowly  but  surely,  yielding  to  these  loathed 
creatures,  they  take  the  same  satisfaction  in  hacking  them  to 
pieces  that  many  white  men  and  boys  do  in  beating  a  snake. 
This  view  comes  out  plainly  in  the  Kidder  massacre.  The 
warriors  mutilated  his  party,  because  it  ran  in  the  first  place, 
and  allowed  them  to  conquer  it  in  the  second.  The  only  man 
partially  respected  was  the  chief  Bed  Bead,  probably  because 
he  was  the  bravest  there.] 


CHAPTER  V. 
THE  COURT  MARTIAL. 

/"DUSTER,  who  had  come  from  the  east  with  much  experi- 
V_y  ence  and  more  previous  success  as  a  cavalry  general,  had 
Bpeedily  discovered,  while  on  the  plains,  the  difference  between 
lighting  civilized  foes  and  Indians.  No  doubt  he  had  frequently 
been  reminded  of  this  difference,  and  of  the  experience  of  older 
officers,  in  his  intercourse  with  his  official  superiors.  He  was 
now  to  experience  the  further  difference  between  getting  along 
with  a  regiment  in  time  of  war,  formal  and  declared,  and  the 
same  body  in  time  of  nominal  and  legal  peace,  but  of  actual 
hostilities.  The  occasion  of  his  trouble  was  during  the  search 
for  Lieutenant  Kidder's  remains,  and  is  thus  described  by  him- 
self: 

In  a  previous  chapter  reference  has  been  made  to  the  state 
of  dissatisfaction  which  had  made  its  appearance  among  the  en- 
listed men.  This  state  of  feeling  had  been  principally  superin- 
duced by  inferior  and  insufficient  rations,  a  fault  for  which  no 
one  connected  with  the  troops  in  the  field  was  responsible,  but 
which  was  chargeable  to  persons  far  removed  from  the  theatre 
of  our  movements,  persons  connected  with  the  supply  depart- 
ments of  the  army.  Added  to  this  internal  source  of  disquiet, 
we  were  then  on  the  main  line  of  overland  travel  to  some  of  our 
most  valuable  and  lately  discovered  mining  regions.  The  op- 
portunity to  obtain  marvelous  wages  as  miners  and  the  pros- 
pect of  amassing  sudden  wealth  proved  a  temptation  sufficiently 
strong  to  make  many  of  the  men  forget  their  sworn  obligations 


398  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

I 

to  their  government  and  their  duty  as  soldiers.     Forgetting  for 

a  moment  that  the  command  to  which  they  belonged  was  actu- 
ally engaged  in  war,  and  was  in  a  country  infested  with  armed 
bodies  of  the  enemy,  and  that  the  legal  penalty  of  desertion 
under  such  circumstances  was  death,  many  of  the  men  formed  a 
combination  to  desert  their  colors  and  escape  to  the  mines. 

The  first  intimation  received  by  any  person  in  authority  ot 
the  existence  of  this  plot,  was  on  the  morning  fixed  for  our  de- 
parture from  the  Platte.  Orders  had  been  issued  the  previous 
evening  for  the  command  to  march  at  daylight.  Upwards  ot 
forty  men  were  reported  as  having  deserted  during  the  night. 
There  was  no  time  to  send  parties  in  pursuit,  or  the  capture  and 
return  of  a  portion  of  them  might  have  been  effected. 

The  command  marched  southward  at  daylight.  At  noon, 
having  marched  fifteen  miles,  we  halted  to  rest  and  graze  the 
horses  for  one  hour.  The  men  believed  that  the  halt  was  made 
for  the  remainder  of  the  day,  and  here  a  plan  was  perfected 
among  the  disaffected  by  which  upwards  of  one-third  of  the  ef- 
fective strength  of  the  command  was  to  seize  their  horses  and 
arms  during  the  night  and  escape  to  the  mountains.  Had  the 
conspirators  succeeded  in  putting  this  plan  into  execution,  it 
would  have  been  difficult  to  say  how  serious  the  consequence 
might  be,  or  whether  enough  true  men  would  remain  to  render 
the  march  to  Fort  Wallace  practicable.  Fortunately  it  was  de- 
cided to  continue  the  march  some  fifteen  miles  further  before 
night.  The  necessary  orders  were  given  and  everything  was 
being  repacked  for  the  march,  when  attention  was  called  to 
thirteen  soldiers'  who  were  then  to  be  seen  rapidly  leaving  camp 
in  the  direction  from  which  we  had  marched.  Seven  of  these 
were  mounted  and  were  moving  off  at  a  rapid  gallop ;  the  re- 
maining six  were  dismounted,  not  having  been  so  fortunate  as 
their  fellows  in  procuring  horses.  The  entire  party  were  still 
within  sound  of  the  bugle,  but  no  orders  by  bugle  note  or 
otherwise  served  to  check  or  diminish  their  flight.  The  boldness 
of  this  attempt  at  desertion  took  every  one  by  surprise.  Such 


THE    COURT    MARTIAL.  399 

an  occurrence  as  enlisted  men  deserting  in  broad  daylight  and 
under  the  immediate  eves  of  their  officers  had  never  been  heard 
of.  With  the  exception  of  the  horses  of  the  guard  and  a  few- 
belonging  to  the  officers,  all  others  were  still  grazing  and  un- 
saddled. The  officer  of  the  guard  was  directed  to  mount  his 
command  promptly,  and  if  possible  overtake  the  deserters.  At 
the  same  time  those  of  the  officers  whose  horses  were  in  readi- 
ness were  also  directed  to  join  the  pursuit  and  leave  no  effort 
untried  to  prevent  the  escape  of  a  single  malcontent.  In  giving 
each  party  sent  in  pursuit  instructions,  there  was  no  limit  fixed 
to  the  measures  which  they  were  authorized  to  adopt  in  execut- 
ing their  orders.  This,  unfortunately,  was  an  emergency, 
which  involved  the  safety  of  the  entire  command,  and  required 
treatment  of  the  most  summary  character. 

It  was  found  impossible  to  overtake  that  portion  of  the 
party  which  was  mounted,  as  it  was  afterward  learned  that  they 
had  selected  seven  of  the  fleetest  horses  in  the  command. 
Those  on  foot,  when  discovering  themselves  pursued,  increased 
their  speed,  but  a  chase  of  a  couple  of  miles  brought  the  pur- 
suers within  hailing  distance. 

Major  Elliot,  the  senior  officer  participating  in  the  pursuit, 
called  out  to  the  deserters  to  halt  and  surrender.  This  com- 
mand was  several  times  repeated,  but  without  effect.  Finally, 
seeing  the  hopelessness  of  further  flight,  the  deserters  came  to 
bay,  and  to  Major  Elliot's  renewed  demand  to  throw  down  their 
arms  and  surrender,  the  ringleader  drew  up  his  carbine  to  fire 
upon  his  pursuers.  This  was  the  signal  for  the  latter  to  open 
fire,  which  they  did  successfully,  bringing  down  three  of  the 
deserters,  although  two  of  them  were  worse  frightened  than 
hurt. 

Rejoining  the  command  with  their  six  captive  deserters,  the 
pursuing  party  reported  their  inability  to  overtake  those  who 
had  deserted  on  horseback.  The  march  was  resumed  and  con- 
tinued until  near  nightfall,  by  which  time  we  had  placed  thirty 
miles  between  us  and  our  last  camp  on  the  Platte.  While  on 


400  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

the  inarch  during  the  day,  a  trusty  sergeant,  one  who  had  served 
as  a  soldier  long  and  faithfully,  imparted  the  first  information 
which  could  be  relied  upon  as  to  the  plot  which  had  been 
formed  by  the  malcontents  to  desert  in  a  body.  The  following 
night  had  been  selected  as  the  time  for  making  the  attempt. 
The  best  horses  and  arms  in  the  command  were  to  be  seized 
nd  taken  away.  I  believed  that  the  summary  action  adopted 
during  the  day  would  intimidate  any  who  might  still  be  con- 
templating desertion,  and  was  confident  that  another  day's 
march  would  place  us  so  far  in  a  hostile  and  dangerous  coun- 
try, that  the  risk  of  encountering  war  parties  of  Indians  would 
of  itself  serve  to  deter  any  but  large  numbers  from  attempting 
to  make  their  way  back  to  the  settlements.  To  bridge  the 
following  night  in  safety  was  the  next  problem.  While  there 
was  undoubtedly  a  large  proportion  of  the  men  who  could  be 
fully  relied  upon  to  remain  true  to  their  obligations  and  to  ren- 
der any  support  to  their  officers  which  might  be  demanded,  yet 
the  great  difficulty  at  this  time,  owing  to  the  sudden  devel- 
opment of  the  plot,  was  to  determine  who  could  be  trusted. 

The  difficulty  was  solved  by  placing  every  officer  in  the 
command  on  guard  during  the  night.  The  men  were  assem- 
bled as  usual  for  roll-call  at  tattoo,  and  then  notified  that  every 
man  must  be  in  his  tent  at  the  signal  "  taps,"  which  would  be 
sounded  half  an  hour  later;  that  their  company  officers,  fully 
armed,  would  walk  the  company  streets  during  the  entire  night, 
and  any  man  appearing  outside  the  limits  of  his  tent  between 
the  hours  of  "  taps  "  and  reveille  would  do  so  at  the  risk  of 
being  fired  upon  after  being  once  hailed. 

The  night  passed  without  disturbance,  and  daylight  found 
us  in  the  saddle  and  pursuing  our  line  of  march  toward  Fort 
"Wallace. 

The  lesson  given  by  Ouster  as  thus  told  by  him  was  suffi- 
cient. No  further  attempt  was  made  at  desertion.  After  the 
finding  of  the  bodies  of  Lieutenant  Kidder's  party,  the  column 
proceeded  on  its  way.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  tele- 


THE    COURT    MARTIAL.  401 

graphic  orders  of  General  Sherman  from  Fort  Sedgwick  had 
directed  Ouster  to  go  to  Fort  "Wallace. 

His  proceedings  after  reaching  that  point  we  note,  because, 
in  connection  with  the  shooting  of  the  deserters,  they  consti- 
tuted the  ffround  of  his  second  court  martial.  The  humorous 

O 

commencement  and  ending  of  the  first,  on  Ouster's  graduation 
from  West  Point,  will  be  remembered.  Thoughtless  violation 
of  military  rule  got  him  into  trouble  then.  A  very  different 
course  of  conduct  took  him  into  similar  trouble  now.  He  tells 
his  own  story  as  frankly  as  ever. 

On  the  evening,  says  he,  of  the  day  following  that  upon 
which  we  had  consigned  the  remains  of  Lieutenant  Kidder's  party 
to  their  humble  resting-place,  the  command  reached  Fort  Wal- 
lace on  the  Smoky  Hill  route.  From  the  occupants  of  the  fort 
we  learned  much  that  was  interesting  regarding  events  which 
had  transpired  during  our  isolation  from  all  points  of  commu- 
nication. The  Indians  had  attacked  the  fort  twice  within  the 
past  few  days,  in  both  of  which  engagements  men  were  killed 
on  each  side.  The  fighting  on  our  side  was  principally  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Barnitz,  whose  forces  were  -composed 
of  detachments  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry. 

Our  arrival  at  Fort  Wallace  was  most  welcome  as  well  as 
opportune.  The  Indians  had  become  so  active  and  numerous 
that  all  travel  over  the  Smoky  Hill  route  had  ceased  ;  stages 
had  been  taken  off  the  route,  and  many  of  the  stage  stations  had 
been  abandoned  by  the  employees,  the  latter  fearing  a  repetition 
of  the  Lookout  Station  massacre.  No  despatches  or  mail  had 
been  received  at  the  fort  for  a  considerable  period,  so  that  the 
occupants  might  well  have  been  considered  as  undergoing  a 
state  of  siege.  Added  to  these  embarrassments,  which  were 
partly  unavoidable,  an  additional,  and,  under  the  circumstances, 
a  more  frightful  danger,  stared  the  troops  in  the  face.  We  were 
over  two  hundred  miles  from  the  terminus  of  the  railroad  over 
which  our  supplies  were  drawn,  and  a  still  greater  distance  from 

the  main  depots  of  supplies.     It  was  found  that  the  reserve  of 
26 


402  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

stores  at  tbe  post  was  well-nigh  exhausted,  and  the  commanding 
officer  reported  that  he  knew  of  no  fresh  supplies  being  on  the 
way. 

I  decided  to  select  upward  of  a  hundred  of  the  best  mounted 
men  in  my  command,  and  with  this  force  open  a  way  through  to 
Fort  Harker,  a  distance  of  two  hundred  miles,  where  I  expected 
to  obtain  abundant  supplies  ;  from  which  point  the  latter  could 
be  conducted,  well  protected  against  Indians  by  my  detachment, 
back  to  Fort  Wallace.  Owing  to  the  severe  marching  of  the 
past  few  weeks,  the  horses  of  the  command  were  generally  in  an 
unfit  condition  for  further  service  without  rest.  So  that  after 
selecting  upward  of  a  hundred  of  the  best,  the  remainder  might 
for  the  time  be  regarded  as  unserviceable ;  such  they  were  in 
fact.  There  was  no  idea  or  probability  that  the  portion  of  the 
command  to  remain  in  camp  near  Fort  Wallace  would  be  called 
upon  to  do  anything  but  rest  and  recuperate  from  their  late 
marches.  It  was  certainly  not  expected  that  they  would  be 
molested  or  called  out  by  Indians ;  nor  were  they.  Re- 
garding the  duties  to  be  performed  by  the  picked  detachment 
as  being  by  far  the  most  important,  I  chose  to  accompany  it. 

The  immediate  command  of  the  detachment  was  given  to 
Captain  Hamilton,  of  whom  mention  has  been  previously  made. 
He  was  assisted  by  two  other  officers.  My  intention  was  to 
push  through  from  Fort  Wallace  to  Fort  Hays,  a  distance  of 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  as  rapidly  as  was  practicable ; 
then,  being  beyond  the  most  dangerous  portion  of  the  route,  to 
make  the  remainder  of  the  march  to  Fort  Harker  with  half  a 
dozen  troopers,  while  Captain  Hamilton  with  his  command 
should  follow  leisurely.  Under  this  arrangement  I  hoped  to 
have  a  train  loaded  with  supplies  at  Harker,  and  in  readiness 
to  start  for  Fort  Wallace,  by  the  time  Captain  Hamilton 
should  arrive. 

Leaving  Fort  Wallace  about  sunset  on  the  evening  of  the 
15th  of  July,  we  began  our  ride  eastward,  following  the  line  of 
the  overland  stage  route.  At  that  date  the  Kansas  Pacific 


THE    COURT    MARTIAL.  403 

Railway  was  only  completed  as  far  westward  as  Fort  Harker. 
Between  Forts  Wallace  and  Harker  we  expected  to  find  the 
stations  of  the  overland  stage  company,  at  intervals  of  from  ten 
to  fifteen  miles.  In  time  of  peace  these  stations  are  generally 
occupied  by  half  a  dozen  employees  of  the  route,  embracing  the 
stablemen  and  relays  of  drivers.  They  were  well  supplied  with 
firearms  and  ammunition,  and  every  facility  for  defending 
themselves  against  Indians.  The  stables  were  also  the  quarters 
for  the  men.  They  were  usually  built  of  stone,  and  one  would 
naturally  think  that  against  Indians  no  better  defensive  work 
would  be  required.  Yet  such  was  not  the  case.  The  hay  and 
other  combustible  material  usually  contained  in  them  enabled 
the  savages,  by  shooting  prepared  arrows,  to  easily  set  them  on 
fire,  and  thus  drive  the  occupants  out  to  the  open  plain,  where 
their  fate  would  soon  be  settled.  To  guard  against  such  an 
emergency,  each  station  was  ordinarily  provided  with  what  on 
the  plains  is  termed  a  "  dug-out."  The  name  implies  the  char- 
acter and  description  of  the  work.  The  "  dug-out "  was  com- 
monly located  but  a  few  yards  from  one  of  the  corners  of  the 
stable,  and  was  prepared  by  excavating  the  earth  so  as  to  form 
an  opening  not  unlike  a  cellar,  which  was  usually  about  four 
feet  in  depth,  and  sufficiently  roomy  to  accommodate  at  close 
quarters  half  a  dozen  persons.  This  opening  was  then  covered 
with  logs,  and  loopholed  on  all  sides  at  a  height  of  a  few  inches 
above  the  original  level  of  the  ground.  The  earth  was  thrown  on 
top  until  the  "  dug-out  "  resembled  an  ordinary  mound  of  earth, 
some  four  of  five  feet  in  height.  To  the  outside  observer,  no 
means  apparently  were  provided  for  egress  or  ingress ;  yet  such 
was  not  the  case.  If  the  entrance  had  been  made  above  ground, 
rendering  it  necessary  for  the  defenders  to  pass  from  the  stable 
unprotected  to  their  citadel,  the  Indians  would  have  posted 
themselves  accordingly,  and  picked  them  off  one  by  one  as 
they  should  emerge  from  the  stable.  To  provide  against  this 
danger,  ^n  underground  passage  was  constructed  in  each  case, 
leading  from  the  "  dug-out "  to  the  interior  of  the  stable.  With 


404  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

these  arrangements  for  defence  a  few  determined  men  could 
withstand  the  attacks  of  an  entire  tribe  of  savages.  The  recent 

o 

depredations  of  the  Indians  had  so  demoralized  the  men  at  the 
various  stations,  that  many  of  the  latter  were  found  deserted, 
their  former  occupants  having  joined  their  forces  with  those  of 
other  stations.  The  Indians  generally  burned  the  deserted 
stations. 

Almost  at  every  station  we  received  intelligence  of  Indians 
having  been  seen  in  the  vicinity  within  a  few  days  of  our 
arrival.  We  felt  satisfied  they  were  watching  our  movements, 
although  we  saw  no  fresh  signs  of  Indians  until  we  arrived  near 
Downer's  station.  Here,  while  stopping  to  rest  our  horses  for 
a  few  minutes,  a  small  party  of  our  men,  who  had  without 
authority  halted  some  distance  behind,  came  dashing  into  our 
midst,  and  reported  that  twenty-five  or  thirty  Indians  had 
attacked  them  some  five  or  six  miles  in  rear,  and  had  killed  two 
of  their  number.  As  there  was  a  detachment  of  infantry 
guarding  the  station,  and  as  time  was  important,  we  pushed  on 
toward  our  destination.  The  two  men  reported  killed  were  left 
to  be  buried  by  the  troops  on  duty  at  the  station.  Frequent  halts 
and  brief  rests  were  made  along  our  line  of  march  ;  occasionally 
we  would  halt  long  enough  to  indulge  in  a  few  hours'  sleep. 
About  three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  18th,  we  reached 
Fort  Hays,  having  marched  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
in  fifty -five  hours,  including  all  halts.  Some  may  regard  this 
as  a  rapid  rate  of  marching ;  in  fact,  a  few  officers  of  the  army 
who  themselves  have  made  many  and  long  marches  (principally 
in  ambulances  and  railroad  cars)  are  of  the  same  opinion.  It 
was  far  above  the  usual  rate  of  a  leisurely  made  march,  but 
during  the  same  season  with  a  larger  command  .1  marched  sixty 
miles  in  fifteen  hours.  This  was  officially  reported,  but  occa- 
sioned no  remark.  During  the  war,  and  at  the  time  the 
enemy's  cavalry  under  General  J.  E.  B.  Stuart  made  its  famous 
raid  around  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  Maryland,  a  portion 
of  our  cavalry,  accompanied  by  horse  artillery,  in  attempting 


THE    COURT    MARTIAL.  405 

to  overtake  them,  marched  over  ninety  miles  in  twenty-four 
hours.  A  year  subsequent  to  the  events  narrated  in  this  chap- 
ter, I  marched  a  small  detachment  eighty  miles  in  seventeen 
hours,  every  horse  accompanying  the  detachment  completing 
the  march  in  as  fresh  condition  apparently  as  when  the  march 
began. 

Leaving  Hamilton  and  his  command  to  rest  one  day  at  Hays 
and  then  to  follow  on  leisurely  to  Fort  Harker,  I  continued  my 
ride  to  the  latter  post,  accompanied  by  Colonels  Cook  and  Caster 
and  two  troopers.  We  reached  Fort  Harker  at  two  o'clock  that 
night,  having  made  the  ride  of  sixty  miles  without  change  of  ani- 
mals in  less  than  twelve  hours.  As  this  was  the  first  telegraph 
station,  I  immediately  sent  telegrams  to  headquarters  and  to 
Fort  Sedgwick,  announcing  the  fate  of  Kidder  and  his  party. 
General  A.  J.  Smith,  who  was  in  command  of  this  military  dis- 
trict, had  his  headquarters  at  Harker.  I  at  once  reported  to  him 
in  person,  and  acquainted  him  with  every  incident  worthy  of 
mention  which  had  occurred  in  connection  with  my  command, 
since  leaving  him,  weeks  before.  Arrangements  were  made  for 
the  arrival  of  Hamilton's  party  and  for  a  train  containing  sup- 
plies to  be  sent  back  under  their  escort.  Having  made  my  re- 
port to  General  Smith  as  my  next  superior  officer,  and  there 
being  no  occasion  for  my  presence  until  the  train  and  escort 
should  be  in  readiness  to  return,  1  applied  for  and  received  au- 
thority to  visit  Fort  Riley^  about  ninety  miles  east  of  Harker 
by  rail,  where  my  family  was  then  located. 

So  ends  Custer's  story.  The  civilian  reader,  who  has  perused 
the  account,  will  think  nothing  very  wicked  wTas  done.  Yet, 
for  the  events  narrated  in  this  chapter,  Custer  was  actually 
court-martialed,  tried,  and  sentenced  to  be  suspended  from  rank 
and  pay  for  a  whole  year.  In  the  very  last  sentence  of  the 
above  frank  account,  the  part  quoted  in  italics,  the  officers  at 
the  time  set  over  him  found  the  whole  wickedness. 

Charges  were  brought  against  him  on  two  counts :  first, 
for  leaving  Fort  Wallace  without  permission,  marching  his 


406  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

men  excessively,  allowing  two  of  them  to  be  killed,  and 
losing  several  United  States  horses — all  in  a  journey  on 
private  business:  second,  for  excessive  cruelty  and  illegal  con- 
duct in  putting  down  mutiny  in  the  Seventh,  by  shooting  the 
deserters. 

The  second  charge  was  not,  however,  seriously  pressed :  it 
was  the  first  on  which  his  enemies  relied,  and  on  which  they 
obtained  the  conviction  and  sentence.  The  one  inexcusable  sin 
which  Ouster  had  committed,  in  the  estimation  of  the  military 
authorities,  was  going  to  Fort  Riley  to  see  his  wife,  and  the 
preparation  of  the  charges  was  due  to  the  ingenuity  of  one  of 
his  personal  enemies,  an  officer  who  was  soon  after  obliged  to 
leave  the  service  for  drunkenness. 

The  court-martial  now  under  notice,  indeed,  brings  us  to 
that  part  of  Ouster's  life  when  he  was  first  surrounded  with  those 
enemies  who  followed  him  ever  after,  and  the  course  of  his  trial 
will  well  illustrate  those  future  crosses,  which  were  to  develop 
him  into  one  of  the  noblest  characters  of  modern  time.  Hith- 
erto, Ouster  had  enjoyed  a  life  of  constant  success.  His  labors 
had  been  altogether  external,  and  had  included  no  misfortunes 
nor  serious  set-backs.  In  the  great  Union  Volunteer  Army,  where 
there  were  so  many  prizes,  those  which  he  gained  had  not  excited 
that  actively  malignant  envy  which  he  afterwards  experienced. 
Now,  for  the  first  time,  he  found  the  atmosphere  changed,  arid 
also  found  the  great  and  fundamental  difference  between  the 
war  service  of  a  great  army  and  the  nominal  peace  service  of  a 
small  one. 

In  the  present  regular  army  of  the  United  States,  the  great 
trouble  is  found  in  the  fact  that  its  rewards  are  so  few,  its  offi- 
cers so  numerous.  The  consequence  is  that  this  little  army  is 
the  constant  abiding  place,  to  an  extent  of  which  civilians  have 
little  or  no  idea,  of  the  most  intense  jealousy  and  envy  from 
the  majority  towards  every  one  who  possesses  any  great  mili- 
tary merit  and  has  attained  early  distinction.  The  one  fact, 
and  the  only  one  which  commands  respect  in  the  regular  army 


THE  COURT    MARTIAL.  407 

is  seniority,  and  officers  are  forever  computing  their  place  on  the 
list  of  their  rank  and  calculating  how  soon  they  will  "gain  a 
step/'  Before  and  since  the  war,  merit  has  no  place  in  the 
promotions  of  the  regular  array,  the  rigid  rule  of  seniority  being 
inflexibly  adhered  to,  no  services,  however  brilliant,  being 
allowed  to  confer  a  single  step  on  the  officer  rendering  them. 
The  war  changed  all  this  f,or  the  time,  and  promoted,  for  merit 
alone,  a  few  talented  officers,  of  whom  the  most  conspicuous 
at  that  time  were  Sherman,  Sheridan  and  Ouster.  As  a  matter 
of  course,  all  three  of  these  officers  were  then,  and  are  to-day, 
hated  most  cordially  by  most  other  officers,  especially  by  those 
who  graduated  from  West  Point  before  them  and  found  them- 

O 

selves  at  the  close  of  the  war  junior  to  them.  The  system  was 
to  blame  for  this  as  much  as  the  men,  and  inevitably  tended  to 
breed  the  feeling.  The  tendency  of  the  seniority  rule  is  and 
always  has  been  to  enervate  and  destroy  military  spirit.  It 
offers  a  premium  to  all  the  lazy  ones,  the  skulkers,  the  cowards, 
to  keep  out  of  danger  themselves,  to  do  anything  that  promises 
to  keep  themselves  alive  and  to  kill  off  every  senior  in  their  rank, 
so  that  they  may  "gain  steps."  Not  an  Indian  fight  comes  off, 
not  an  attack  of  yellow  fever  visits  a  post,  but  every  officer  in  the 
army  falls  to  calculating  how  many  "  steps  "  he  will  gain  by  so 
many  deaths.  Towards  the  regular  "seniority  seniors  "  as  they 
may  be  called — men  who  have  gained  their  present  rank  by  living 
long  enough,  keeping  up  respectability  the  while — no  animosity 
seems  to  exist  among  the  juniors.  The  expectants  are  always 
looking  for  another  death  to  give  them  "  a  step."  It  is  the 
men  of  brilliant  talent,  the  real  born  soldiers,  the  successful 
ones  of  the  war,  that  they  hate,  and  how  bitterly  they  hate 
them  soon  appears  when  a  group  of  juniors  get  to  drinking 
freely.  Then  the  spite,  envy,  and  jealousy,  restrained  at 
other  times  by  official  reticence  and  esprit  de  corps,  break  out  ; 
and  it  is  rare,  very  rare,  almost  unknown,  to  hear  from  army 
officers  a  single  word  of  frank  generous  praise  of  their  seniors. 
They  can  talk  as  much  ill-natured  gossip  as  fashionable  women 


408  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

at   a  society   ball,   and   for    the    same  reason,  each  and   all, 
jealousy. 

The  close  of  the  Indian  campaign  of  1867  was  the  first 
experience  which  came  to  Ouster  of  the  effects  of  this  feeling, 
and  from  henceforth  it  dogged  him  all  bis  life.  In  the  present 
instance,  the  charges  were  presented  by  an  officer  of  his  own 
regiment  whom  he  had  been  compelled  to  place  in  arrest  for 
repeated  drunkenness  on  duty,  and  who  afterwards  had  to  leave 
the  service  for  similar  offences.  They  were  carefully  and  inge- 
niously drawn,  and  the  acts  of  Ouster  himself  gave  them  a  color 
of  reason.  He  had  left  Fort  Wallace  without  direct  orders, 
but  governed  by  military  necessity  ;  he  had  made  a  tremendous 
inarch  ;  and  some  of  his  men  were  killed ;  and  all  the  main 
facts  were  as  alleged.  The  only  doubt  was  as  to  the  intention. 
Ouster  in  his  defence  showed  that  he  was  acting  under  the  last 
orders  he  had  received — those  from  General  Sherman — which 
were  to  move  towards  Fort  Wallace  to  meet  General  Hancock, 
who  would  give  him  further  orders.  He  showed  that  when  he 
reached  Fort  Wallace  Hancock  had  already  passed  through,  and 
that  he  thought  it  his  duty  to  follow  him  personally,  to  obtain 
his  orders  for  the  future  prosecution  of  the  campaign.  He 
showed  that  while  his  main  command  was  temporarily  quite 
unfit  for  active  work,  the  picked  detachment  he  took  with  him 
was  quite  equal  to  the  march,  and  that  he  had  acted  for  the 
best  in  his  journey,  to  save  his  men  at  Fort  Wallace  from 
threatened  starvation.  He  showed  how,  when  he  arrived  at 
Fort  Harker,  he  found  that  General  Hancock  had  actually 
closed  the  campaign  and  retired  to  Fort  Leavenworth,  and  how 
all  his  labor  had  been  useless.  He  showed  how  he  had  received 
express  permission  from  his  district  commander  to  go  to  Fort 
Blley.  He  showed  in  fact,  in  his  written  defence,  that,  what- 
ever the  appearance  of  his  actions,  he  had  done  all  in  the  very 
spirit  as  well  as  letter  of  the  last  verbal  orders  he  had  received 
from  General  Sherman,  and  he  asserted  that  he  should  certainly 
do  the  like  again,  were  he  placed  in  a  similar  dilemma  with  simi- 


THE    COURT    MARTIAL.  409 

lar  orders.  He  pointed  out  how  he  might  certainly  have  been 
charged  with  cowardice  and  inefficiency  had  he  remained  idly  at 
Fort  Wallace,  letting  his  command  rot  away  piecemeal. 

All  his  defence  was  in  vain.  The  Indian  campaign  of  1867 
was  a  ridiculous  failure,  and  every  army  officer  in  the  depart- 
ment felt  sore  and  angry.  It  was  necessary  to  find  a  victim,  a 
ecapegoat,  some  one  to  court-martial,  some  one  to  hold  ap  as 
the  cause  of  failure.  In  this  instance  Ouster  was  the  man 
selected.  For  very  decency,  the  court  could  not  find  any 
criminality  in  his  manner  of  treating  the  mutineers  of  the 
Seventh,  but  on  the  first  charge  and  all  its  important  specifica- 
tions they  found  him  guilty  of  making  the  journey  on  private 
business,  and  therefore  of  a  serious  breach  of  discipline.  Con- 
sequently he  was  sentenced  to  be  suspended  from  rank  and  pay 
for  a  whole  year. 

Either  this  sentence  was  too  severe  or  too  light.  Had  all 
the  accusations  been  true,  and  had  Ouster  really  made  the  jour- 
ney he  did  on  private  business,  he  ought  to  have  been  dismissed 
the  service,  no  matter  what  his  previous  record.  The  lives  of 
brave  soldiers  are  too  precious  to  be  sacrificed  for  the  private 
business  of  any  one,  however  distinguished.  That  such  could 
have  been  his  motive  is  contradicted  alike  by  his  earnest  protest, 
and  his  previous  and  subsequent  record.  He  never  had  done 
such  a  thing  before,  and  never  did  after.  No  man  was  ever 
found  more  thorough  and  devoted  to  his  ideas  of  duty.  True, 
he  was  given  to  exercising  his  own  judgment  and  discretion 
as  to  the  proper  mode  of  executing  an  order,  a  privilege  allowed 
to  all  general  officers,  especially  those  of  the  cavalry.  At  "Win- 
chester and  at  Sailor's  Creek,  when  receiving  an  order  to 
charge  at  a  wrong  place  or  an  un propitious  moment,  he  had 
assumed  the  responsibility  of  choosing  his  own  time,  and  events 
had  justified  him  fully.  He  had  the  example  of  the  great  Prus- 
sian cavalry  chief,  Seydlitz,  as  a  precedent,  and  that  of  many 
another  great  cavalry  officer.  Seydlitz,  waiting  for  his  moment 
at  Rossbach  (1757),  received  an  order  from  the  king,  Frederick 


410  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

the  Great,  to  charge ;  and  sent  back  word  that  he  would  prefer 
to  choose  his  own  moment  if  his  majesty  would  permit  him. 
His  conduct  was  approved  by  the  king,  and  has  since  been  justi- 
fied by  the  customs  of  war. 

In  Ouster's  present  case  the  worst  that  could  be  alleged 
of  him  on  the  evidence  was  an  error  of  judgment,  for  it  was 
obvious  that  he  fully  believed,  all  the  while,  that  he  was  doing 
right  and  obeying  orders.  Such  an  error  of  judgment  would 
have  been  amply  covered  by  a  reprimand;  while  a  willful  dis- 
obedience of  orders,  prompted  only  by  private  business,  could 
not  have  been  punished  too  severely.  As  it  was,  the  court- 
martial,  like  all  similar  bodies,  took  a  middle  course.  It  was 
necessary  to  punish  some  one  to  silence  public  sneers,  and  Ous- 
ter was  the  most  convenient  scapegoat ;  so  they  degraded  him, 
on  a  flimsy  pretence,  in  1867,  as  he  was  again  degraded  on  a 
still  more  flimsy  pretext,  nine  years  later,  by  another  person. 
They  found  him  guilty  of  the  charges  involving  disobedience 
of  orders,  and  gave  him  such  an  inadequate  sentence  for  such  a 
heinous  offence,  that  even  General  Grant,  reviewing  the  sen- 
tence at  a  distance,  was  compelled  to  notice  the  fact,  and 
announced  that  he  presumed  the  court  had  been  so  merciful  on 
account  of  the  past  services  rendered  by  the  accused. 

So  Ouster  was  degraded,  and'  his  enemies  were  for  a  brief 
space  triumphant.  Every  elderly  respectability  in  the  army, 
every  fossil  with  the  sole  merit  of  long  service,  every  senior 
who  had  enjoyed  the  sweets  of  bureau  duty  during  the  war, 
every  envious  drunkard  in  the  army,  crowed  over  the  victory, 
and  hugged  himself  to  think  that  this  pushing  Ouster,  this 
desperate  marcher  and  fighter,  this  incarnation  of  restless 
activity,  was  out  of  the  way  at  last,  for  a  year  at  all  events. 

His  absence  then  was  a  wonderful  relief,  as  his  death  is  now, 
to  that  numerous  class  of  officers  who  "  make  a  convenience  of 
the  service,"  who  are  always  studying  how  little  they  can  do 
with  respectability,  to  whom  such  men  as  Caster  are  a  constant 
silent  reproach.  How  they  chuckled  over  the  disgrace  of  thia 


THE    COURT    MARTIAL.  411 

"  lucky  fellow  "  this  "  favorite,"  this  "pet."  Truly  their  turn 
had  come  at  last  and  for  a  while  they  were  happy. 

After  a  few  months,  however,  things  began  to  look  a  little  less 
smooth  for  tf  convenience  men."  Unluckily  for  them,  behind 
the  army  lies  the  great  body  of  tax-payers,  who  do  not  admire 
the  "  convenience  men,"  and  even  apply  to  them  such  ignomini- 
ous slang  terms  as  "  deacl  beats  "  and  "  useless  soldiers.''  The 
great  body  of  tax-payers  began  to  growl,  through  the  medium 
of  some  impudent  newspapers,  and  the  criticisms  on  the  man- 
agement of  the  Indian  campaign  were  the  reverse  of  compli- 
mentary. The  result  was  that  General  Sheridan  was  ordered 
to  take  command  of  this  Indian  country,  and  he  arrived  at  Fort 
Leavenworth,  where  Ouster  was  tried,  just  after  the  promulga- 
tion of  the  sentence.  Sheridan,  as  we  well  know,  had  a  pretty 
fair  acquaintance  with  the  merits  of  Ouster,  and  was  likely  to 
understand  his  case.  What  he  thought  of  it  is  evinced  by  a 
single  circumstance,  though  etiquette  closed  his  lips  from  criti- 
cism of  trial  or  sentence. 

When  he  arrived,  he  found  Ouster  a  disgraced  man,  out  of 
the  service  for  a  year,  with  no  right  to  quarters  and  no  apparent 
resource  but  to  go  away  to  Monroe.  Sheridan,  as  department 
commander,  possessed  a  suite  of  apartments  at  Fort  Leaven- 
worth,  and  he  insisted  on  Ouster's  occupation  of  these,  just  as 
long  as  he  pleased ;  so  that  instead  of  being  sent  home  in  dis- 
grace, the  young  culprit  found  himself  just  where  he  was  before, 
with  the  sole  exception  that  he  was  free  from  duty.  Hardly 
could  Sheridan  have  displayed  in  a  more  pointed  manner,  with- 
out speaking,  his  conviction  of  the  injustice  and  malice  of  the 
action  in  Ouster's  case  than  he  thus  did,  and  the  action  is  one 
of  the  bravest  and  most  creditable  of  all  the  brave  deeds  of  that 
frank,  outspoken  soldier,  whose  motto,  like  Ouster's,  might  well 
be  "  Nescio  mentire^ 

With  Sheridan  for  his  friend,  possessing  the  active  sympathy 
of  every  good  officer  in  his  own  regiment,  and  finally  seeing  the 
remorse  even  of  his  reckless  accuser,  Ouster  could  well  afford  to 


412  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

pass  the  winter  at  Leaven  worth.  It  was  not  till  the  spring  that 
he  began  to  experience  the  real  miseries  of  his  position.  When 
the  Indian  campaign  came  on,  and  he  was  compelled  to  see  the 
regiment  depart  for  active  service,  while  he  staid  behind,  then 
indeed  he  could  no  longer  bear  his  position  at  the  scene  of  action. 
lie  broke  up  his  household  and  returned  to  Monroe,  which  he 
reached  in  June.  The  time  was  coming,  though  he  knew  it 
not,  for  the  greatest  triumph  of  his  life.  Hitherto,  the  seniority 
element  had  had  its  own  way.  This  summer  was  to  prove 
whether  seniority  or  merit  is  the  best  ally  in  fighting  an 
active  enemy. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
THE  WINTER  CAMPAIGN". 

IT  can  hardly  be  said  that  Ouster  did  penance  for  his  mis- 
deeds in  leaving  Fort  Wallace,  by  indulgence  in  sackcloth 
and  ashes  to  any  great  extent.  He  retained,  at  this  period  of 
his  life,  a  great  deal  of  the  boy's  nature  with  which  he  had 
started.  He  had  gone  into  his  troubles  regardless  of  the  con- 
sequences, and  having  encountered  them,  was  bound  to  make 
the  best  of  it.  As  he  tells  us,  while  his  regiment,  under  com- 
mand of  General  Sully,  as  part  of  a  large  expedition,  was  study- 
ing how  to  kill  Indians,  Ouster  himself  was  trying  to  kill  time. 
He  pursues  with  his  usual  naivete : 

"  My  campaign  was  a  decided  success.  I  established  my 
base  of  operations  in  a  most  beautiful  little  town  on  the  west- 
ern shores  of  Lake  Erie,  from  which  I  projected  various  hunt- 
ing, fishing,  and  boating  expeditions.  With  abundance  of 
friends  and  companions,  and  ample  success,  time  passed  pleas- 
antly enough  ;  yet  with  all  there  was  a  constant  longing  to  be 
with  my  comrades  in  arms  in  the  far  West,  even  while  aware  of 
the  fact  that  their  campaign  was  not  resulting  in  any  material 
advantage.  I  had  no  reason  to  believe  that  I  would  be  per- 
mitted to  rejoin  them  until  the  following  winter." 

During  the  time  of  Ouster's  enforced  retirement,  the  Indian 
war  languished.  In  the  summer  of  1868  General  Sully,  with  the 
Seventh  Cavalry  and  some  infantry,  marched  against  the  com- 
bined Cheyennes,  Arapahoes  and  Kiowas,  whom  he  struck  near 
the  present  site  of  Camp  Supply.  After  quite  an  animated  tight, 
General  Sully  gave  up  the  attempt  to  proceed  further,  and  re- 


414-  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

tired,  substantially  defeated.  This  was  in  the  Indian  Territory, 
not  far  from  the  north-western  border  of  Texas.  At  the  same 
time  that  Sully  was  operating  down  there.  General  "  Sandy  "  For- 
syth,  with  a  company  of  scouts  and  plainsmen,  enlisted  for  special 
purposes,  was  scouting  to  the  north  round  the  Forks  of  the 
llepublican,  the  same  country  where  Ouster  had  met  Pawnee 
Killer  the  previous  year.  After  some  successes,  Forsyth's  party 
was  at  last  surrounded  by  the  Sioux,  and  besieged  in  a  little 
island,  where  the  scouts  lost  all  their  horses,  six  men  killed,  eight 
crippled  for  life,  and  twelve  more  wounded,  out  of  a  total  of  fifty- 
one  men,  the  rest  being  only  saved  from  total  annihilation  by 
the  arrival  of  reinforcements. 

Altogether,  the  summer  campaign  against  both  Northern 
and  Southern  Indians  had  been  a  failure.  The  troops  had  lost 
men  and  prestige,  the  Indians  had  lost  nothing  but  men  killed 
in  action.  The  fight  with  Forsyth  took  place  the  third  week  in 
September,  and  the  fact  of  his  being  desperately  wounded  ren- 
dered it  impossible  to  rely  on  him  for  any  more  work,  while 
General  Sully  was  getting  too  old  for  real  active  service  against 
such  foes  as  the  Indians.  It  was  on  the  24th  of  September 
that  Ouster,  who  was  then  at  Monroe,  received  the  following 
telegram : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  MISSOURI, 
IN  THE  FIELD,  FORT  HAYS,  KANSAS,  September  24,  1868. 

"General  G.  A.  OUSTER,  Monroe,  Michigan: 

Generals  Sherman,  Sully,  and  myself,  and  nearly  all  the 
officers  of  your  regiment,  have  asked  for  you,  and  I  hope  the  ap- 
plication will  be  successful.  Can  you  come  at  once  ?  Eleven 
companies  of  your  regiment  will  move  about  the  1st  of  October 
against  the  hostile  Indians,  from  Medicine  Lodge  creek  towards 
the  Wichita  mountains. 

P.  H.  SHERIDAN,  Major-General  Commanding." 

It  may  surprise  the  reader  to  hear  that  Ouster,  if  he  obeyed 
this  request,  disobeyed  the  letter  of  the  law  just  as  much  as 
when  he  left  Fort  Wallace  without  orders,  a  proceeding  which 


THE    WINTER    CAMPAIGN. 

cost  him  a  year's  retirement,  owing  to  the  strictures  of  red  tape. 
He  had  been  by  the  War  Department  especially  enjoined  from 
taking  command  of  his  regiment ;  and  his  sentence  had  been 
approved  by  the  President.  No  less  authority  could  give  him 
leave  to  go  into  the  field.  However,  he  decided  to  take  the 
risk  of  Sheridan's  application  being  refused,  and  according!/ 
started  at  once.  It  was  almost  worth  a  court-martial  and  a 
year's  retirement  to  receive  such  a  despatch.  Red  tape  and 
envy  had  sent  him  home,  and  tried  to  get  along  without  him, 
but  red  tape  and  envy  were  found  unequal  to  the  tasks  of  war. 
Like  law,  red  tape  is  all  very  nice  while  people  choose  to  sub- 
mit to  it,  but  it  depends  on  the  consent  of  the  governed.  In 
the  case  of  the  Indians,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Confederates,  it 
proved  useless,  for  both  spurned  it.  A  man  was  wanted,  and 
they  had  to  send  for  Ouster. 

He  telegraphed  to  Sheridan  that  he  was  coining  by  the  next 
train,  and  by  the  next  train  he  went.  He  was  overtaken  at  a 
way  station  by  a  telegram  from  the  adjutant-general  of  the  army, 
directing  him  to  report  to  Sheridan,  so  that,  for  this  once,  red 
tape  yielded  gracefully,  and  legalized  his  journey.  The  rest  of 
his  story  we  shall  tell  briefly  and  as  much  in  his  own  words  as 
possible. 

"  Arriving  at  Fort  Hays,"  says  Ouster,  "  on  the  morning  of 
the  30th,  I  found  General  Sheridan,  who  had  transferred  his 
headquarters  temporarily  from  Fort  Leavenworth  to  that  point, 
in  order  to  be  nearer  the  field  of  operations.  My  regiment  was  at 
that  time  on  or  near  the  Arkansas  River,  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort 
Dodge,  and  about  three  easy  marches  from  Fort  Hays.  After 
remaining  at  General  Sheridan's  headquarters  one  day  and  re- 
ceiving his  instructions,  I  set  out  with  a  small  escort  across  the 
country  to  Fort  Dodge  to  resume  command  of  my  regiment. 
Arriving  at  Fort  Dodge  without  incident,  I  found  General  Sully, 
who  at  that  time  was  in  command  of  the  district  in  which  my 
regiment  was  serving.  "With  the  exception  of  a  few  detach- 
ments, the  main  body  of  the  regiment  was  encamped  on  Bluff 


416  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

Creek,  a  small  tributary  of  the  Arkansas,  the  camp  being  some 
thirty  miles  southeast  from  Fort  Dodge.  Taking  with  me  the 
detachment  at  the  fort,  I  proceeded  to  the  main  camp,  arriving 
there  in  the  afternoon." 

He  found  his  regiment  practically  in  a  state  of  siege,  the 
Indians  having  become  so  impudent  that  they  fired  into  the 
pickets  almost  every  afternoon,  and  made  the  vicinity  of  the 
camp  decidedly  dangerous. 

His  arrival  changed  matters  materially.  All  that  the  troops 
needed  was  a  man  like  Ouster  at  their  head,  one  who  was  not 
afraid  of  the  enemy.  The  atternoon  of  his  arrival  was  distin- 
guished by  a  skirmish,  and  the  very  same  night  he  inaugurated 
the  first  scout  against  the  Indians  in  which  the  regiment  had 
indulged  since  General  Sully's  repulse.  Four  squadrons  were 
sent  out  in  different  directions,  each  accompanied  by  scouts,  and 
it  is  on  this  occasion  that  we  are  first  introduced  to  Ouster's 
great  subsequent  ally  and  friend,  California  Joe,  whom  he  here 
appointed  chief  of  scouts.  He  thus  describes  the  meeting,  in 
which  Joe  received  news  of  his  promotion : 

"  After  the  official  portion  of  the  interview  had  been  com- 
pleted, it  seemed  proper  to  Joe's  mind,  that  a  more  intimate 
acquaintance  between  us  should  be  cultivated,  as  we  had  never 
met  before.  His  first  interrogatory,  addressed  to  me  in  fur- 
therance of  this  idea,  was  frankly  put  as  follows : 

" '  See  hyar,  Gineral,  in  order  that  we  hev  no  misonder- 
standin',  I'd  jest  like  to  ask  ye  a  few  questions.' 

"  Seeing  that  I  had  somewhat  of  a  character  to  deal  with,  I 
signified  my  perfect  willingness  to  be  interviewed  by  him. 

"  '  Air  you  an  ambulance  man,  ur  a  hoss  man  ? ' 

"  Pretending  not  to  discover  his  meaning,  I  requested  him 
to  explain. 

"  *  I  mean  do  you  b'leve  in  catchin'  Injuns  in  ambulances  or 
on  hossback  ? ' 

"  Still  assuming  ignorance,  I  replied,  '  "Well,  Joe,  I  believe  in 
catching  Indians  wherever  we  can  find  them,  whether  they  are 


THE    WINTER    CAMPAIGN.  417 

found  in  ambulances  or  on  horseback.'  This  did  not  satisfy 
him. 

" '  That  ain't  what  I'm  drivin'  at.  S'pose  you're  after  Injnns 
and  really  want  to  hev  a  tussle  with  'em,  would  ye  start  after 
'em  on  hossback,  or  would  ye  climb  into  an  ambulance  and  be 
hauled  after  'em  ?  That's  the  pint  I'm  headin'  fur.' 

"  I  answered  that  I  would  prefer  the  method  on  horseback, 
provided  I  really  desired  to  catch  the  Indians;  but  if  I  wished 
them  to  catch  me,  I  would  adopt  the  ambulance  system  of 
attack. 

"  This  reply  seemed  to  give  him  complete  satisfaction. 

"  '  You've  hit  the  nail  squar  on  the  hed.  I've  bin  with  'em 
on  the  plains  whar  they  started  out  after  the  Injuns  on  wheels, 
jist  as  ef  they  war  goin'  to  a  town  funeral  in  the  states,  an'  they 
stood  'bout  as  many  chances  uv  catchin'  Injuns  az  a  six-mule 
team  wud  uv  catchin'  a  pack  of  thievin'  Ki-o-tees,  jist  as  much. 
Why  that  sort  uv  work  is  only  fun  fur  the  Injuns  ;  they  don't 
want  anything  better.  Ye  ort  to've  seen  how  they  peppered 
it  to  us,  an'  we  a  doin'  nuthin'  a'  the  time.  Sum  uv  'em  wuz 
'fraid  the  mules  war  goin'  to  stampede  and  run  off  with  the 
train  an'  all  our  forage  and  grub,  but  that  wuz  impossible ;  fur 
besides  the  big  loads  uv  corn  an'  bacon  an'  baggage  the  wagons 
hed  in  them,  thar  war  from  eight  to  a  dozen  infantry  men  piled 
into  them  besides.  Ye  ort  to  hev  heard  the  quartermaster  in 
charge  uv  the  train  tryin'  to  drive  the  infantry  men  out  of  the 
wagons  and  git  them  into  the  fight.  I  'spect  he  wuz  an  Irish- 
man by  his  talk,  fur  he  sed  to  them,  "  Git  out  uv  thim  wagons  ; 
yez'll  hev  me  tried  fur  disobadience  uv  ordhers  fur  marchin' 
tin  min  in  a  wagon  whin  I've  ordhers  but  fur  ait ! ' " 

Joe's  career  as  a  chief  scout  was  cut  short.  He  got  drunk 
the  very  first  night,  and  another  man  was  put  in  his  place,  but 
as  a  scout,  pure  and  simple,  he  remained  with  Ouster  the  rest 
of  the  campaign,  and  did  good  service. 

The  first  night's  expeditions  found  no  Indians.  They  served 
however,  to  accustom  the  regiment  to  taking  the  aggressive 
27 


GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

once  more ;  and  the  Indians,  finding  the  trails  of  the  four  par- 
ties, realized  the  fact  that  their  enemies  had  ceased  to  fear 
them.  The  next  move  was  to  transfer  the  regiment  from  Bluff 
Creek  to  Medicine  Lodge  Creek,  which  was  done  the  day  after. 
The  reason  for  the  move  was  that  the  war-parties  that  annoyed 
the  camp  were  said  to  come  from  the  direction  of  Medicine 
Lodge  Creek,  and  it  was  always  Glister's  instinct  to  beat  up  his 
enemies  in  their  own  quarters.  As  soon  as  he  started  out,  the 
waiting  Indians  charged  his  wagon  train,  which  was  in  the 
rear,  and  compelled  him  to  detach  two  companies  for  a  rear- 
guard to  repel  their  attacks.  Having  driven  them  off  without 
halting,  they  abandoned  the  attempt  to  stop  his  march,  and  he 
established  a  temporary  camp  at  Medicine  Lodge  Creek.  After 
scouting  a  few  days  in  that  vicinity,  he  marched  the  regiment 
to  Fort  Dodge,  on  the  Arkansas  River,  and  put  them  into  camp 
on  the  21st  of  October,  1868,  where  they  remained  till  Novem- 
ber 12th,  when  they  started  on  the  soon-to-be-famous  Washita 
campaign. 

Custer  made  this  halt  in  his  movement  for  one  purpose. 
He  had  found  on  his  arrival  in  camp,  that  the  Seventh  Cavalry 
was  not  what  it  used  to  be.  So  many  of  the  old  men  had 
deserted,  encouraged  by  the  fact  that  their  commander  had 
been  court-martialed  for  stopping  desertion,  and  so  many 
recruits  had  been  put  in,  that  the  regiment,  as  a  whole,  was 
greener  than  when  it  started.  It  was  full  enough  as  to  num- 
bers, but  the  men  had  not  been  drilled :  they  could  not  ride, 
they  could  not  shoot,  and  they  were  to  be  pitted  against  "  the 
best  light  cavalry  in  the  world."  He  saw  plainly,  that  if  he 
wanted  to  get  a  regiment  fit  to  fight  the  Indians,  he  must  give  it 
a  little  training.  The  three  weeks'  encampment  at  Fort  Dodge 
was  accordingly  devoted  to  the  individual  instruction  of  the 
men  in  rifle  shooting  and  riding ;  and,  to  secure  emulation,  he  or- 
ganized a  picked  body  of  forty  men,  to  be  called  the  sharpshoot- 
ers, and  to  be  selected  from  the  men  showing  the  best  records  of 
shooting  in  the  command.  These  were  commanded  by  Colonel 


THE    WINTER    CAMPAIGN.  419 

Cook,  the  same  young  officer  who  with  Bobbins,  had  defended 
the  train  the  previous  year.  The  horses  of  the  regiment  were 
then  divided  off  into  squadrons,  each  of  a  single  color,  and  the 
result  of  all  the  preparations  was  that,  on  the  12th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1868,  Ouster  led  out  of  camp  a  smart  regiment  of  horse, 
able  to  give  a  good  account  of  themselves.  He  had  entirely 
remade  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  and  he  had  laid  the  foundations 
of  a  regimental  pride  which  was  soon  to  be  consolidated  by  the 
triumph  of  the  Washita. 

The  question  may  now  be  asked,  what  was  the  object  ot 
moving  out  of  camp  into  the  Indian  country  at  the  very  begin- 
ning: of  winter.  Custer  tells  the  reason  in  a  few  words.  It 

D 

was  the  policy  of  Sheridan,  founded  on  rude  common  sense. 

"  We  had  crossed  weapons  with  the  Indians."  says  Custer, 
"  time  and  again  during  the  mild  summer  months,  when  the 
rich  verdure  of  the  valleys  served  as  bountiful  and  inexhausti- 
ble granaries  in  supplying  forage  to  their  ponies,  and  the 
immense  herds  of  buffalo  and  other  variety  of  game  roaming 
undisturbed  all  over  the  plains  supplied  all  the  food  that  was 
necessary  to  subsist  the  war  parties,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
allow  their  villages  to  move  freely  from  point  to  point ;  and 
the  experience  of  both  officers  and  men  went  to  prove  that  in 
attempting  to  fight  Indians  in  the  summer  season  we  were 
yielding  to  them  the  advantages  of  climate  and  supplies — we 
were  meeting  them  on  ground  of  their  own  selection,  and  at  a 
time  when  every  natural  circumstance  controlling  the  result  of 
a  campaign  was  wholly  in  their  favor ;  and  as  a  just  conse- 
quence the  troops,  in  nearly  all  these  contests  with  the  red 
men,  had  come  off  second  best. 

"  During  the  fall,  when  the  buffaloes  are  in  the  best  condi- 
tion to  furnish  food,  and  the  hides  are  suitable  to  be  dressed  as 
robes,  or  to  furnish  covering  for  the  lodges,  the  grand  annual 
hunts  of  the  tribes  take  place,  by  which  the  supply  of  meat  for 
the  winter  is  procured.  This  being  done,  the  chiefs  determine 
upon  the  points  at  which  the  village  shall  be"  located  ;  if  the 


420  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

tribe  is  a  large  one,  the  village  is  often  subdivided,  one  portion 
or  band  remaining  at  one  point,  other  portions  choosing  locali- 
ties within  a  circuit  of  thirty  or  forty  miles. 

"Even  during  a  moderate  winter  season,  it  is  barely  possible 
for  the  Indians  to  obtain  sufficient  food  for  their  ponies  to  keep 
the  latter  in  anything  above  a  starving  condition.  Many  of  the 
ponies  actually  die  from  want  of  forage,  while  the  remaining 
ones  become  so  weak  and  attenuated  that  it  requires  several 
weeks  of  good  grazing  in  the  spring  to  fit  them  for  service — 
particularly  such  service  as  is  required  from  the  war  ponies. 
Guided  by  these  facts,  it  was  evident  that  if  we  chose  to  avail 
ourselves  of  the  assistance  of  so  exacting  and  terrible  an  ally 
as  the  frosts  of  winter — an  ally  who  would  be  almost  as  unin- 
viting to  friends  as  to  foes — we  might  deprive  our  enemy  of  his 
points  of  advantage,  and  force  him  to  engage  in  a  combat  in 
which  we  should  do  for  him  what  he  had  hitherto  done  for  us ; 
compel  him  to  fight  upon  ground  and  under  circumstances  of 
our  own  selection.  To  decide  upon  making  a  winter  campaign 
against  the  Indians  was  certainly  in  accordance  with  that  max- 
im in  the  art  of  war  which  directs  one  to  do  that  which  the 
enemy  neither  expects  nor  desires  to  be  done.  At  the  same 
time  it  would  dispel  the  old-fogy  idea,  which  was  not  without 
supporters  in  the  army,  and  which  was  confidently  relied  on  by 
the  Indians  themselves,  that  the  winter  season  was  an  insur- 
mountable barrier  to  the  prosecution  of  a  successful  campaign." 

This  policy  of  a  winter  campaign  was  inaugurated  by  Gen- 
eral Sheridan ;  and  Ouster,  with  his  old  eager  assent  to  anything 
requiring  action,  cooperated  with  him  heartily.  The  regiment 
being  in  good  trim,  thirteen  of  the  Osage  Indians,  a  semi-civil- 
ized tribe  living  on  their  reservations,  were  engaged  as  scouts 
and  the  expedition  started  from  Fort  Dodge,  November  12th. 

It  was  well  planned  for  success.  A  train  of  four  hundred 
wagons,  with  a  guard  of  infantry,  was  to  accompany  the 
Seventh  Cavalry  to  the  edge  of  the  Indian  country,  and  then 
establish  a  depot  of  supplies,  from  which  the  cavalry  could  move 


THE    WINTER    CAMPAIGN.  421 

out  on  a  three  or  four  days'  march,  with  a  secure  basis  on  which 
to  fall  back  in  "  Camp  Supply,"  as  the  new  station  was  named. 
Ouster  was  not  in  command  of  the  whole  expedition,  but  Gen- 
eral Sully  conducted  the  march  in  such  a  manner  as  to  encoun- 
ter the  least  possible  danger  from  any  Indians  that  should  attack 
them  while  encumbered  with  this  enormous  supply  train.  Ous- 
ter thus  describes  the  arrangements  : 

"  The  country  over  which  we  were  to  march  was  favorable  to 
us,  as  we  were  able  to  move  our  trains  in  four  parallel  columns 
formed  close  together.  This  arrangement  shortened  our  flanks 
and  rendered  them  less  exposed  to  attack.  The  following 
morning  after  reaching  Mulberry  Creek  the  inarch  was  resumed 
soon  after  daylight,  the  usual  order  being :  the  four  hundred 
wagons  of  the  supply  train  and  those  belonging  to  the  troops 
formed  in  four  equal  columns ;  in  advance  of  the  wagons  at  a 
proper  distance  rode  the  advance  guard  of  cavalry;  a  corre- 
sponding cavalry  force  formed  the  rear-guard.  The  remainder 
of  the  cavalry  was  divided  into  three  equal  detachments;  these 
six  detachments  were  disposed  of  along  the  flanks  of  the  col- 
umn, three  on  a  side,  maintaining  a  distance  between  themselves 
and  the  train  of  from  a  quarter  to  a  half  mile,  while  each 
of  them  had  flanking  parties  thrown  out  opposite  the  train, 
rendering  it  impossible  for  an  enemy  to  appear  in  any  direction 
without  timely  notice  being- received.  The  infantry  on  begin- 
ning the  march  in  the  morning  were  distributed  throughout  the 
train  in  such  manner  that  should  the  enemy  attack,  their  ser- 
vices could  be  rendered  most  effective.  Unaccustomed,  how- 
ever, to  field  service,  particularly  marching,  the  infantry  appar- 
ently were  only  able  to  march  for  a  few  hours  in  the  early  part 
of  the  day,  when,  becoming  weary,  they  would  straggle  from 
their  companions  and  climb  into  the  covered  wagons,  from 
which  there  was  no  determined  effort  to  rout  them.  In  the 
afternoon  there  would  be  little  evidence  perceptible  to  the  eye 
that  infantry  formed  any  portion  of  the  expedition,  save  here 
and  there  the  butt  of  a  musket  or  point  of  a  bayonet  peeping 


422  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

out  from  under  the  canvas  wagon  covers,  or  perhaps  an  officer 
of  infantry,  "  treading  alone  his  native  heath,"  or  better  still, 
mounted  on  an  Indian  pony — the  result  of  some  barter  with  the 
Indians  when  times  were  a  little  more  peaceable,  and  neithei 
wars  nor  rumors  of  wars  disturbed  the  monotony  of  garrison 
life." 

Nothing  of  interest  occurred,  however,  till  the  command 
reached  Camp  Supply,  where  it  lay  some  days,  when  General 
Sheridan  arrived.  His  arrival  was  the  signal  for  Ouster's  eman- 
cipation from  the  control  of  General  Sully,  whose  age  and  ex- 
treme caution  had  served  as  a  continual  curb  on  the  fiery  young 
chief  of  horse ;  and  he  narrates  it  with  evident  glee. 

"  Hearing  of  his  near  approach,  I  mounted  my  horse  and  was 
soon  galloping  beyond  the  limits  of  camp  to  meet  him.  If  there 
were  any  persons  in  the  command  who  hitherto  had  been  in 
doubt  as  to  whether  the  proposed  winter  campaign  was  to  be 
a  reality  or  otherwise,  such  persons  soon  had  cause  to  dispel  all 
mistrust  on  this  point.  Selecting  from  the  train  a  sufficient 
number  of  the  best  teams  and  wagons  to  transport  our  supplies 
of  rations  and  forage,  enough  to  subsist  the  command  upon  for 
a  period  of  thirty  days,  our  arrangements  were  soon  completed, 
by  which  the  cavalry,  consisting  of  eleven  companies  and  num- 
bering between  eight  and  nine  hundred  men,  were  ready  to  re- 
sume the  march.  In  addition,  we  were  to  be  accompanied  by  a 
detachment  of  scouts,  among  the  number  being  California  Joe  ; 
also  our  Indian  allies  from  the  Osage  tribe,  headed  by  Little 
Beaver  and  Hard  Rope.  As  the  country  in  which  we  were  to 
operate  was  beyond  the  limits  of  the  district  which  constituted 
the  command  of  General  Sully,  that  officer  was  relieved  from 
further  duty  with  the  troops  composing  the  expedition,  and  in 
accordance  with  his  instructions  withdrew  from  Camp  Supply 
and  returned  to  his  headquarters  at  Fort  Harker,  Kansas,  ac- 
companied by  Colonel  Keogh,  Seventh  Cavalry,  then  holding 
the  position  of  staff  officer  at  district  headquarters. 

"After  remaining  at  Camp'  Supply  six  days,  nothing  was  re- 


THE    WINTER    CAMPAIGN.  423 

quired  but  the  formal  order  directing  the  movement  to  com- 
mence. This  came  in  the  shape  of  a  brief  letter  of  instructions 
from  Department  headquarters.  Of  course,  as  nothing  was 
known  positively  as  to  the  exact  whereabouts  of  the  Indian  vil- 
lages, the  instructions  had  to  be  general  in  terms.  In  substance, 
I  was  to  march  my  command  in  search  of  the  winter  hiding- 
places  of  the  hostile  Indians,  and  wherever  found,  to  administer 
such  punishment  for  past  depredations  as  my  force  was  able  to. 
On  the  evening  of  ^November  22d,  orders  were  issued  to  be  in 
readiness  to  move  promptly  at  daylight  the  following  morning. 
That  night,  in  the  midst  of  other  final  preparations  for  a  long 
separation  from  all  means  of  communication  with  absent  friends, 
most  of  us  found  time  to  hastily  pen  a  few  parting  lines,  in- 
forming them  of  our  proposed  expedition,  and  the  uncertainties 
with  which  it  was  surrounded,  as  none  of  us  knew  when  or 
where  we  should  be  heard  from  again,  once  we  bade  adieu  to 
the  bleak  hospitalities  of  Camp  Supply.  It  began  snowing  the 
evening  of  the  22d,  and  continued  all  night,  so  that  when  the 
shrill  notes  of  the  bugle  broke  the  stillness  of  the  morning  air 
at  reveille  on  the  23d,  we  awoke  at  four  o'clock  to  find  the 
ground  covered  with  snow  to  a  depth  of  over  one  foot,  and  the 
storm  still  raging  in  full  force.  Surely  this  was  anything  but 
an  inviting  prospect  as  we  stepped  from  our- frail  canvas  shel- 
ters and  found  ourselves  standing  in  the  constantly  and  rapidly 
increasing  depth  of  snow  which  appeared  in  every  direction. 

" '  How  will  this  do  for  a  winter  campaign  ? '  was  the  half 
sarcastic  query  of  the  adjutant,  as  he  came  trudging  back  to 
the  tent  through  a  field  of  snow  extending  almost  to  the  top  of 
his  tall  troop  boots,  after  having  received  the  reports  of  the 
different  companies  at  reveille.  '  Just  what  we  want,'  was  the 
reply.  Little  grooming  did  the  shivering  horses  receive  from 
the  equally  uncomfortable  troopers  that  morning.  Breakfast 
was  served  and  disposed  of  more  as  a  matter  of  form  and  regu- 
lation than  to  satisfy  the  appetite.  It  still  lacked  some  minutes 
of  daylight  when  the  various  commanders  reported  their  com- 


424  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

mands  in  readiness  to  move,  save  the  final  act  of  saddling:  the 

7  O 

horses.  While  they  were  thus  employed,  I  improved  the  time 
to  gallop  through  the  darkness  across  the  narrow  plain  to  the 
tents  of  General  Sheridan,  and  say  good-by.  I  found  the 
headquarter  tents  wrapped  in  silence,  and  at  first  imagined  that 
no  one  was  yet  stirring  except  the  sentinel  in  front  of  the 
General's  tent,  who  kept  up  his  lonely  tread,  apparently  indif- 
ferent to  the  beating  storm.  But  I  had  no  sooner  given  the 
bridle-rein  to  my  orderly  than  the  familiar  tones  ot  the  General 
called  out,  letting  me  know  that  he  was  awake,  and  had  been 
an  attentive  listener  to  our  notes  of  preparation.  His  first 
greeting  was  to  ask  what  I  thought  about  the  snow  and  the 
storm.  To  which  I  replied  that  nothing  could  be  more  to  our 
purpose.  We  could  move  and  the  Indian  villages  could  not. 
With  an  earnest  injunction  from  my  chief  to  keep  him  in- 
formed, if  possible,  should  anything  important  occur,  and  many 
hearty  wishes  for  a  successful  issue  to  the  campaign,  I  bade 
him  adieu.  By  the  time  I  rejoined  my  men  they  ha-d  saddled 
their  horses  and  were  in  readiness  for  the  march.  '  To  horse ' 
was  sounded,  and  each  trooper  stood  at  his  horse's  head.  Then 
followed  the  commands  'Prepare  to  mount'  and  'Mount,' 
when  nothing  but  the  signal  'Advance'  was  required  to  put 
the  column  in  motion.  The  band  took  its  place  at  the  head  of 
the  column,  preceded  by  the  guides  and  scouts,  and  when  the 
march  began  it  was  to  the  familiar  notes  of  that  famous  old 
inarching  tune,  'The  girl  I  left  behind  me.'" 
The  Washita  campaign  was  begun. 


K 


HP? 


CHAPTER  VII. 
BATTLE  OF  THE  WASHITA. 

march  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  was  begun  in  the  face 
I  of  the  blinding  snowstorm ;  and  before  they  had  gone 
many  miles,  even  the  Indian  guides  owned  that  they  had  lost 
their  way  and  could  not  recognize  the  country  till  the  snow 
ceased.  It  had  been  intended  to  encamp  at  Wolf  Creek,  fifteen 
miles  from  Camp  Supply,  but  the  guides  could  not  find  it. 
Most  men  would  have  stopped,  in  the  face  of  such  obstacles. 
Not  so  Custer.  He  took  his  course  by  the  pocket  compass,  be- 
came his  own  guide,  and  reached  Wolf  Creek  in  the  afternoon. 
Next  morning  at  dawn  the  column  started,  with  eighteen  inches 
of  snow  on  the  ground,  but  a  clear  sky  overhead,  with  a  cold 
north  wind.  The  march  was  continued  with  little  incident  ex- 
cept the  cold,  through  a  country  abounding  in  game,  where  they 
found  plenty  of  buffalo.  At  last  they  crossed  the  Canadian 
River.  The  crossing  with  the  wagons  occupied  the  best  part 
of  a  day,  and  during  that  time  Major  Elliot,  with  three  troops, 
was  despatched  on  a  scout  down  the  Canadian  to  hunt  for  Indian 
sign.  So  far  the  column  had  met  no  Indians.  Bad  as  the  storm 
was  for  the  soldiers,  the  Indians  had  found  it  still  worse.  It 
had  made  them  hug  their  lodges. 

The  last  wagon  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  had  crossed  the 
ford,  and  was  parked  on  the  plains  to  the  south,  when  a  courier 
from  Major  Elliot  came  dashing  in,  to  report  to  Custer  that 
Elliot  had  found  the  fresh  trail  of  a  war  party,  150  strong,  lead- 
ing nearly  due  south,  with  a  trifle  of  easting.  It  was  evidently 
•••hat  of  the  last  war-party  of  the  season,  going  home,  disgusted 


426  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

with  the  cold  weather ;  and  the  snow  had  given  it  into  Ouster's 
hands.  There  was  no  more  difficulty  about  finding  the  Indian 
village.  Ouster's  perseverance  and  pluck  in  marching  away  in 
the  midst  of  a  blinding  snow  storm  had  been  rewarded  by 
"  Ouster's  luck."  A  little  earlier  start,  and  the  war  party  would 
have  probably  found  him,  not  he  them.  As  it  was,  he  had  the 
advantage  of  a  surprise:  he  was  in  the  heart  of  the  Indian 
country,  and  as  yet  unperceived  :  the  snow  had  proved  his  sal- 
vation. The  pursuit  was  almost  immediately  taken  up.  Ouster 
gave  the  regiment  just  twenty  minutes  to  prepare  :  then,  leaving 
eighty  men,  with  the  poorest  horses,  as  a  guard  for  the  wagons, 
he  started  with  the  rest,  provided  only  with  what  supplies  could 
be  carried  on  the  horses,  to  intercept  Major  Elliot's  party. 
The  train  was  ordered  to  follow  the  trail  of  the  regiment. 

Ouster  struck  off  at  an  angle,  to  intercept  Elliot's  supposed 
course.  That  officer,  having  started  the  Indian  trail  twelve 
miles  down  the  river,  and  at  right  angles  thereto,  it  was  prob- 
able that  if  Ouster  moved  off  to  the  south-east,  he  would  cut  the 
line  of  march.  Just  about  sunset  he  found  it,  but  it  was  not  till 
nine  o'clock  at  night  that  the  whole  command  overtook  Elliot's 
party,  in  camp  on  the  trail  of  the  Indians.  Then  the  whole 
regiment,  800  strong,  was  reunited  at  last.  They  remained  an 
hour  in  camp,  getting  supper  and  feeding  the  horses  ;  and  at  ten 
resumed  the  march.  They  were  already  in  the  valley  of  the 
"Washita  Biver,  and  so  close  to  their  enemies  that  henceforth 
we  must  let  Ouster  tell  the  story  his  own  way.  He  says : 

As  soon  as  each  troop  was  in  readiness  to  resume  the  pur- 
suit, the  troop  commander  reported  that  fact  at  headquarters 
Ten  o'clock  came  and  found  us  in  our  saddles.  Silently  the 
command  stretched  out  its  long  length  as  the  troopers  filed  off 
four  abreast.  First  came  two  of  our  Osage  scouts  on  foot :  these 
were  to  follow  the  trail  and  lead  the  command :  they  were 
our  guides ;  and  the  panther,  creeping  upon  its  prey,  could  not 
have  advanced  more  cautiously  or  quietly  than  did  these  friendly 
Indians,  as  they  seemed  to  glide  rather  than  walk  over  the 


BATTLE    OF    THE    WASHITA.  427 

» 
snow  clad  surface.     To  prevent  the  possibility  of  the  command 

coming  precipitately  upon  our  enemies,  the  two  scouts  were 
directed  to  keep  three  or  four  hundred  yards  in  advance  of  all 
others;  then  came,  in  single  file,  the  remainder  of  our  Osage 
guides  and  the  white  scouts — among  the  rest  California  Joe. 
"With  these  I  rode,  that  I  might  be  as  near  the  advance  guard 
as  possible.  The  cavalry  followed  in  rear,  at  the  distance  of  a 
quarter  or  half  a  mile ;  this  precaution  was  necessary,  from  the 
fact  that  the  snow,  which  had  thawed  slightly  daring  the  day, 
was  then  freezing,  forming  a  crust  which,  broken  by  the  tread 
of  so  many  hundreds  of  feet,  produced  a  noise  capable  of  being 
heard  at  a  long  distance.  Orders  were  given  prohibiting  even 
a  word  being  uttered  above  a  whisper.  No  one  was  permitted 
to  strike  a  match  or  light  a  pipe — the  latter  a  great  deprivation 
to  the  soldier.  In  this  silent  manner  we  rode  mile  after  mile. 
Occasionally  an  officer  would  ride  by  my  side  and  whisper  some 
inquiry  or  suggestion,  but  aside  from  this  our  march  was  un- 
broken by  sound  or  deed.  At  last  we  discovered  that  our  two 
guides  in  front  had  halted,  and  were  awaiting  my  arrival. 
"Word  was  quietly  sent  to  halt  the  column  until  inquiry  in  front 
could  be  made.  Upon  coming  up  with  the  two  Osages  we 
were  furnished  an  example  of  the  wonderful  and  peculiar  powers 
of  the  Indian.  One  of  them  could  speak  broken  English,  and 
in  answer  to  my  question  as  to  "What  is  the  matter?"  he 
replied,  "  Me  don't  know,  but  me  smell  fire."  By  this  time 
several  of  the  officers  had  quietly  ridden  up,  and  upon  being  in- 
formed of  the  Osage's  remark,  each  endeavored,  by  sniffing  the 
air,  to  verify  or  disprove  the  report.  All  united  in  saying  that 
our  guide  was  mistaken.  Some  said  he  was  probably  fright- 
ened, but  we  were  unable  to  shake  the  confidence  of  the  Osage 
warrior  in  his  first  opinion.  I  then  directed  him  and  his  com- 
panion to  advance  even  more  cautiously  than  before,  and  the 
column,  keeping  up  the  interval,  resumed  its  march.  After 
proceeding  about  half  a  mile,  perhaps  further,  again  our  guides 
halted,  and  upon  coming  up  with  them  I  was  greeted  with  the 


428  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

* 

remark,  uttered  in  a  whisper,  "  Me  told  you  so ; "  and  sure 
enough,  looking  in  the  direction  indicated,  were  to  be  seen  thf 
embers  of  a  wasted  tire,  scarcely  a  handful,  yet  enough  to  prove 
that  our  guide  was  right,  and  to  cause  us  to  feel  the  greater 
confidence  in  him.  The  discovery  of  these  few  coals  of  fire 
produced  almost  breathless  excitement.  The  distance  from 
where  we  stood  was  from  seventy-five  to  a  hundred  yards,  not 
in  the  line  of  our  march,  but  directly  to  our  left,  in  the  edge 
of  the  timber.  "We  knew  at  once  that  none  but  Indians,  and 
they  hostile,  had  built  that  fire.  Where  were  they  at  that 
moment?  Perhaps  sleeping  in  the  vicinity  of  the  fire. 

It  was  almost  certain  to  our  minds  that  the  Indians  we  had 
been  pursuing  were  the  builders  of  the  fire.  "Were  they  still  there 
and  asleep  ?  We  were  too  near  already  to  attempt  to  withdraw 
undiscovered.  Our  only  course  was  to  determine  the  facts  at 
once,  and  be  prepared  for  the  worst.  I  called  for  a  few  volun- 
teers to  quietly  approach  the  fire  and  discover  whether  there 
were  Indians  in  the  vicinity ;  if  not,  to  gather  such  information 
as  was  obtainable,  as  to  their  numbers  and  departure.  All  the 
Osages,  and  a  few  of  the  scouts  quickly  dismounted,  and  with 
rifles  in  readiness  and  fingers  on  the  triggers,  silently  made 
their  way  to  the  nearest  point  of  the  timber,  Little  Beaver  and 
Hard  Rope  leading  the  way.  After  they  had  disappeared  in 
the  timber,  they  still  had  to  pass  over  more  than  half  the  dis- 
tance, before  reaching  the  fire.  These  moments  seemed  like 
hours,  and  those  of  us  who  were  left  sitting  on  our  horses,  in 
the  open  moonlight,  and  within  easy  range  from  the  spot  where 
the  fire  was  located,  felt  anything  but  comfortable  during  this 
suspense.  If  Indians,  as  then  seemed  highly  probable,  were 
sleeping  around  the  fire,  our  scouts  would  arouse  them  and  we 
would  be  in  a  fair  way  to  be  picked  off  without  being  in  a  posi- 
tion to  defend  ourselves.  The  matter  was  soon  determined. 
Our  scouts  soon  arrived  at  the  fire,  and  discovered  it  to  be 
deserted.  Again  did  the  skill  and  knowledge  of  our  Indian 
allies  come  in  play.  Had  they  not  been  with  us,  we  should 


BATTLE    OF    THE    WASHITA.  4:29 

undoubtedly  have  assumed  that  the  Indians  who  had  had  occa- 
sion to  build  the  fire  and  those  we  were  pursuing  constituted 
one  party.  From  examining  the  h're  and  observing  the  great 
number  of  pony  tracks  in  the  snow,  the  Osages  arrived  at  a  dif- 
ferent conclusion,  and  were  convinced  that  we  were  then  on  the 
ground  used  by  the  Indians  for  grazing  their  herds  of  ponies. 
The  fire  had  been  kindled  by  the  Indian  boys,  who  attend  to 
the  herding,  to  warm  themselves  by,  and  in  all  probability  we 
were  then  within  two  or  three  miles  of  the  village.  I  will  not 
endeavor  to  describe  the  renewed  hope  and  excitement  that 
sprang  up.  Again  we  set  out,  this  time  more  cautiously  if 
possible,  than  before,  the  command  and  scouts  moving  at  a 
greater  distance  in  rear. 

In  order  to  judge  of  the  situation  more  correctly,  I  this  time 
accompanied  the  two  Osages.  Silently  we  advanced,  I  mounted, 
they  on  foot,  keeping  at  the  head  of  my  horse.  Upon  nearing 
the  crest  of  each  hill,  as  is  invariably  the  Indian  custom,  one  of 
the  guides  would  hasten  a  few  steps  in  advance,  and  peer  cau- 
tiously over  the  hill.  Accustomed  to  this,  I  was  not  struck  by 
observing  it  until  once,  when  the  same  one  who  had  discovered 
the  fire  advanced  cautiously  to  the  crest,  and  looked  carefully 
into  the  valley  beyond.  I  saw  him  place  his  hand  above  his 
eyes  as  if  looking  intently  at  some  object,  then  crouch  down  and 
come  creeping  back  to  where  I  waited  for  him.  "  What  is  it  ? " 
I  inquired  as  soon  as  he  reached  my  horse's  side.  "Heaps 
Injuns  down  there,"  pointing  in  the  direction  from  which  he 
had  just  come.  Quickly  dismounting  and  giving  the  reins  to 
the  other  guide,  I  accompanied  the  Osage  to  the  crest,  both  of 
UB  crouching  low  so  as  not  to  be  seen  in  the  moonlight  against 
the  horizon.  Looking  in  the  direction  indicated,  I  could 
indistinctly  recognize  the  presence  of  a  large  body  of 
animals  of  some  kind  in  the  valley  below,  and  at  a  dis- 
tance which  then  seemed  not  more  than  half  a  mile.  I  looked 
at  them  long  and  anxiously,  the  guide  uttering  not  a  word, 
but  was  unable  to  discover  anything  in  their  appearance  differ. 


430  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

ent  from  what  might  be  presented  by  a  herd  of  buffalo  under 
similar  circumstances.  Turning  to  the  Osage,  I  inquired  in  a 
low  tone  \vhy  he  thought  there  were  Indians  there.  "  Me 
heard  dog  bark,"  was  the  satisfactory  reply.  Indians  are 
noted  for  the  large  number  of  dogs  always  found  in  their  villa- 
ges, but  never  accompanying  their  war  parties.  I  waited 
quietly  to  be  convinced ;  I  was  assured,  but  wanted  to  be 
doubly  so.  I  was  rewarded  in  a  moment  by  hearing  the  bark- 
ing of  a  dog  in  the  heavy  timber  off  to  the  right  of  the  herd, 
and  soon  after  I  heard  the  tinkling  of  a  small  bell ;  this  con- 
vinced me  that  it  was  really  the  Indian  herd  I  then  saw,  the 
bell  being  one  worn  around  the  neck  of  some  pony  who  was 
probably  the  leader  of  the  herd.  I  turned  to  retrace  my  steps 
when  another  sound  was  borne  to  my  ear  through  the  cold, 
clear  atmosphere  of  the  valley — it  was  the  distant  cry  of  an 
infant ;  and  savages  though  they  were,  and  justly  outlawed  by 
the  number  and  atrocity  of  their  recent  murders  and  depreda- 
tions on  the  helpless  settlers  of  the  frontier,  I  could  but  regret 
that  in  a  war  such  as  we  were  forced  to  engage  in,  the  mode 
and  circumstances  of  battle  would  possibly  prevent  discrimi- 
nation. 

Leaving  the  two  Osages  to  keep  a  careful  lookout,  I  has- 
tened back  until  I  met  the  main  party  of  the  scouts  and  Osages. 
They  were  halted  and  a  message  sent  back  to  halt  the  cavalry, 
enjoining  complete  silence,  and  directing  every  officer  to  ride  to 
the  point  we  then  occupied.  The  hour  was  past  midnight. 
Soon  they  came,  and  after  dismounting  and  collecting  in  a 
little  circle,  I  informed  them  of  what  I  had  seen  and  heard  ; 
and  in  order  that  they  might  individually  learn  as  much  as 
possible  of  the  character  of  the  ground  and  the  location  of  the 
village,  I  proposed  that  all  should  remove  their  sabres,  that 
their  clanking  might  make  no  noise,  proceed  gently  to  the  crest 
and  there  obtain  a  view  of  the  valley  beyond.  This  was  done  ; 
not  a  word  was  spoken  until  we  crouched  together  and  cast  our 
eyes  in  the  direction  of  the  herd  and  village.  In  whispers  I 


BATTLE  OF  THE  WASHITA.  431 

briefly  pointed  out  everything  that  was  to  be  seen,  then  mo- 
tioned all  to  return  to  where  we  had  left  our  sabres  ;  then, 
standing  in  a  group  upon  the  ground  or  crust  of  snow,  the  plan 
of  the  attack  was  explained  to  all  and  each  assigned  his  part. 
The  general  plan  was  to  employ  the  hours  between  then  and 
daylight  to  completely  surround  the  village,  and,  at  daybreak, 
or  as  soon  as  it  was  barely  light  enough  for  the  purpose,  to 
attack  the  Indians  from  all  sides.  The  command,  numbering 
as  has  been  stated,  about  eight  hundred  mounted  men,  was 
divided  into  four  nearly  equal  detachments.  Two  of  them  set 
out  at  once,  as  they  had  each  to  make  a  circuitous  march  of 
several  miles  in  order  to  arrive  at  the  points  assigned  them 
from  which  to  make  their  attack.  The  third  detachment 
moved  to  its  position  about  an  hour  before  day,  and  until  that 
time  remained  with  the  main  or  fourth  column.  This  last,  whose 
movements  I  accompanied,  was  to  make  the  attack  from  the 
point  from  which  we  had  first  discovered  the  herd  and  village. 
Major  Elliot  commanded  the  column  embracing  G,  H  and  M 
troops,  Seventh  Cavalry,  which  moved  around  from  our  left  to 
a  position  almost  in  rear  of  the  village ;  while  Colonel  Thompson 
commanded  the  one  consisting  of  B  and  F  troops,  which  moved 
in  a  corresponding  manner  from  our  right  to  a  position  which 
was  to  connect  with  that  of  Major  Elliot.  Colonel  Myers  com- 
manded the  third  column,  composed  of  E  and  I  troops,  which 
was  to  take  position  in  the  valley  and  timber  a  little  less  than 
a  mile  to  my  right.  By  this  disposition  it  was  hoped  to  pre- 
vent the  escape  of  every  inmate  of  the  village.  That  portion 
of  the  command  which  I  proposed  to  accompany  consisted  of 
A,  C,  D,  and  K  troops,  Seventh  Cavalry,  the  Osages  and  scouts, 
and  Colonel  Cook  with  his  forty  sharpshooters.  Captain  Hamil- 
ton commanded  one  of  the  squadrons,  Colonel  West  the  other. 
After  the  first  two  columns  bad  departed  for  their  posts — it 
was  still  four  hours  before  the  hour  of  attack — the  men  of  the 
other  two  columns  were  permitted  to  dismount,  but  much 
intense  suffering  was  unavoidably  sustained.  The  night  grew 


±32  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

extremely  cold  towards  morning;  no  fires  of  course  could  be 
permitted,  and  the  men  were  even  ordered  to  desist  from 
stamping  their  feet  and  walking  back  and  forth  to  keep  warm, 
as  the  crushing  of  the  snow  beneath  produced  so  much  noise 
that  it  might  give  the  alarm  to  our  wily  enemies. 

During  all  these  long  weary  hours  of  this  terribly  cold  and 
comfortless  night  each  man  sat,  stood,  or  lay  on  the  snow  by  his 
horse,  holding  to  the  rein  of  the  latter.  The  officers,  buttoning 
their  huge  overcoats  closely  about  them,  collected  in  knots  of 
four  or  five,  and,  seated  or  reclining  upon  the  snow's  hard  crust, 
discussed  the  probabilities  of  the  coming  battle — for  battle  we 
knew  it  would  be,  and  we  could  not  hope  to  conquer  or  kill  the 
warriors  of  an  entire  village  without  suffering  in  return  more 
or  less  injury.  Some,  wrapping  their  capes  about  their  heads, 
spread  themselves  at  full  length  upon  the  snow  and  were  appar- 
ently soon  wrapped  in  deep  slumber.  After  being  satisfied  that 
all  necessary  arrangements  were  made  for  the  attack,  I  imitated 
the  example  of  some  of  my  comrades,  and  gathering  the  cavalry 
cape  of  my  great  coat  about  my  head,  lay  down  and  slept 
soundly  for  perhaps  an  hour.  At  the  end  of  that  time  I  awoke, 
and  on  consulting  my  watch  found  there  remained  nearly  two 
hours  before  we  would  move  to  the  attack.  Walking  about 
among  the  horses  and  troopers,  I  found  the  latter  generally  hud- 
dled at  the  feet  of  the  former  in  squads  of  three  and  four,  in 
the  endeavor  to  keep  warm.  Occasionally  I  would  find  a  small 
group  engaged  in  conversation,  the  muttered  tones  and  voices 
etrangely  reminding  me  of  those  heard  in  the  death-chamber. 
The  officers  had  disposed  of  themselves  in  similar  but  various 
ways ;  here  at  one  place  were  several  stretched  out  together 
upon  the  snow,  the  body  of  one  being  used  by  the  others  as 
a  pillow.  Nearly  all  were  silent ;  conversation  had  ceased,  and 
those  who  were  prevented  by  the  severe  cold  from  obtaining 
sleep  were  no  doubt  fully  occupied  in  their  minds  with  thoughts 
upon  the  morrow  and  the  fate  that  might  be  in  store  for  them. 
Seeing  a  small  group  collected  under  the  low  branches  of  a  tree 


BATTLE    OF    THE    WASH1TA.  433 

which  stood  a  little  distance  from  the  ground  occupied  by  the 
troops,  I  made  my  way  there  to  find  the  Osage  warriors,  with 
their  chiefs,  Little  Beaver  and  Hard  Rope.  They  were  wrapped 
up  in  their  blankets,  sitting  in  a  circle,  and  had  evidently  made 
no  effort  to  sleep  during  the  night.  It  was  plain  to  be  seen 
that  they  regarded  the  occasion  as  a  momentous  one,  and  that 
the  coming  battle  had  been  the  sole  subject  of  their  conference. 
What  the  views  expressed  by  them  were,  I  did  not  learn  until  after 
the  engagement  was  fought,  when  they  told  me  what  ideas  they 
had  entertained  regarding  the  manner  in  which  the  white  men 
would  probably  conduct  and  terminate  the  struggle  next  day. 
After  the  success  of  the  day  was  decided,  the  Osages  told  me 
that,  with  the  suspicion  so  natural  and  peculiar  to  the  Indian 
nature,  they  had,  in  discussing  the  proposed  attack  upon  the 
Indian  village,  concluded  that  we  would  be  outnumbered  by 
the  occupants  of  the  village,  who  of  course  would  fight  with  the 
utmost  desperation  in  defence  of  their  lives  and  lodges,  and  to 
prevent  a  complete  defeat  of  our  forces  or  to  secure  a  drawn 
battle,  we  might  be  induced  to  engage  in  a  parley  with  the  hos- 
tile tribe,  and  on  coming  to  an  agreement  we  would  probably, 
to  save  ourselves,  offer  to  yield  up  our  Osage  allies  as  a  compro- 
mise measure  between  our  enemies  and  ourselves.  They  also 
mistrusted  the  ability  of  the  whites  to  make  a  successful  attack 
upon  a  hostile  village,  located — as  this  one  was  known  to  be — 
in  heavy  timber,  and  aided  by  the  natural  banks  of  the  stream. 
Disaster  seemed  certain  in  the  minds  of  the  Osages  to  follow  us, 
if  we  attacked  a  force  of  unknown  strength  and  numbers  ;  and 
the  question  with  them  was  to  secure  such  a  position  in  the  at- 
tack as  to  be  able  promptly  to  detect  any  move  disadvantageous 
to  them.  With  this  purpose  they  carne  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  standard-bearer  was  a  very  important  personage,  and  neither 
he  nor  his  standard  would  be  carried  into  danger  or  exposed  to 
the  bullets  of  the  enemy.  They  determined  therefore  to  take 
their  station  immediately  behind  my  standard-bearer  when  the 
lines  became  formed  for  attack  to  follow  him  during  the  action, 
28 


434  GENERAL  .  GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

and  thus  be  able  to  watch  our  movements,  and  if  we  were  suc- 
cessful over  our  foes  to  aid  us;  if  the  battle  should  go  against 
us,  then  they,  being  in  a  safe  position,  could  take  advantage  of 
circumstances  and  save  themselves  as  best  they  might. 

Turning  from  our  Osage  friends,  who  were,  unknown  to  us, 
entertaining  such  doubtful  opinions  as  to  our  fidelity  to  them, 
I  joined  another  group  near  by,  consisting  of  most  of  the  white 
scouts.  Here  were  California  Joe  and  several  of  his  compan- 
ions. One  of  the  latter  deserves  a  passing  notice.  He  was  a 
low,  heavy-set  Mexican,  with  features  resembling  somewhat 
those  of  the  Ethiopian — thick  lips,  depressed  nose,  and  low 
forehead.  He  was  quite  a  young  man,  probably  not  more  than 
twenty-five  years  of  age,  but  had  passed  the  greater  portion  of 
his  life  with  the  Indians,  had  adopted  their  habits  of  life  and 
modes  of  dress,  and  had  married  among  them.  Familiar  with 
the  language  of  the  Cheyennes  and  other  neighboring  tribes, 
he  was  invaluable  both  as  a  scout  and  interpreter.  His  real 
name  was  Romero,  but  some  of  the  officers  of  the  command, 
with  whom  he  was  a  sort  of  favorite,  had  dubbed  him  Romeo, 
and  by  this  name  he  was  always  known,  a  sobriquet  to  which 
he  responded  as  readily  as  if  he  had  been  christened  under  it ; 
never  protesting,  like  the  original  Romeo  : 

Tut,  I  have  lost  myself  ;  I  am  not  here  ; 
This  is  not  Romeo,  he's  some  other  where. 

The  scouts,  like  nearly  all  the  other  members  of  the  com- 
mand, had  been  interchanging  opinions  as  to  the  result  of  the 
movements  of  the  following  day.  Not  sharing  the  mistrust 
and  suspicion  of  the  Osage  guides,  yet  the  present  experience 
was  in  many  respects  new  to  them,  and  to  some  the  issue  seemed 
at  least  shrouded  in  uncertainty.  Addressing  the  group,  I  be- 
gan the  conversation  with  the  question  as  to  what  they  thought 
of  the  prospect  of  our  having  a  fight.  "  Fight ! "  responded 
California  Joe ;  "  I  havn't  nary  doubt  concern  in'  that  part  uv 
the  business;  what  I've  been  tryin'  to  get  through  my  topknot 


BATTLE    OF    THE    WASHITA.  435 

all  night  is  whether  we'll  rim  aginst  more  than  we  bargain  fur." 
"  Then  you  do  not  think  the  Indians  will  run  away,  Joe  ? " 
"  Run  away  !  How  in  creation  can  Injuns  or  anybody  else  run 
away  when  we'll  have  'em  clean  surrounded  afore  daylight  ? " 
"  Well,  suppose  then  that  we  succeed  in  surrounding  the  vil- 
lage, do  you  think  we  can  hold  our  own  against  the  Indians  ? " 
"  That's  the  very  pint  that's  been  botherin'  me  ever  since  we 
planted  ourselves  down  here,  and  the  only  conclusion  I  kin 
come  at  is  that  it's  purty  apt  to  be  one  thing  or  t'other  ;  if  we 
jump  these  Injuns  at  daylight,  we're  either  goin'  to  make  a 
spoon  or  spile  a  horn,  an'  that's  my  candid  judgment,  sure. 
One  thing's  sartin,  ef  them  Injuns  doesn't  har  anything  uv  us 
till  we  open  on  'em  at  daylight,  they'll  be  the  most  powerful 
'stonished  redskins  that's  been  in  these  parts  lately — they  .will, 
sure.  An'  ef  we  git  the  bulge  on  'em  and  keep  puttin'  it  to  'em 
sort  a  lively  like,  we'll  sweep  the  platter — thar  won't  be  nary 
trick  left  for  'em.  As  the  deal  stands  now,  we  hold  the  keerds 
and  are  holdin'  over  'em  ;  they've  got  to  straddle  our  blind  or 
throw  up  their  hands.  Howsomever,  thar's  a  mighty  sight  in 
the  draw." 

The  night  passed  in  quiet.  I  anxiously  watched  the  open- 
ing signs  of  dawn  in  order  to  put  the  column  in  motion.  We 
were  only  a  few  hundred  yards  from  the  point  from  which  we 
were  to  attack.  The  moon  disappeared  about  two  hours  before 
dawn,  and  left  us  enshrouded  in  thick  and  utter  darkness,  mak- 
ing the  time  seem  to  drag  even  slower  than  before. 

At  last  faint  signs  of  approaching  day  were  visible,  and  I 
proceeded  to  collect  the  officers,  awakening  those  who  slept. 
We  were  standing  in  a  group  near  the  head  of  the  column,  when 
suddenly  our  attention  was  attracted  by  a  remarkable  sight,  and 
for  a  time  we  felt  that  the  Indians  had  discovered  our  presence. 
Directly  beyond  the  crest  of  the  hill  which  separated  us  from 
the  village,  and  in  a  line  with  the  supposed  location  of  the  latter, 
we  saw  rising  slowly  but  perceptibly,  as  we  thought,  up  from 
the  village,  and  appearing  in  bold  relief  against  the  dark  sky  as 


436  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

a  background,  something  which  we  could  only  compare  to  a  signal 
rocket,  except  that  its  motion  was  slow  and  regular.  All  eyes  were 
turned  to  it  in  blank  astonishment,  and  but  one  idea  seemed  to 
be  entertained,  and  that  was  that  one  or  both  of  the  attacking 
columns  under  Elliot  or  Thompson  had  encountered  a  portion 
Df  the  village,  and  this  that  we  saw  was  the  signal  to  other  por- 
tions of  the  band  near  at  hand.  Slowly  and  majestically  it  con- 
tinued to  rise  above  the  crest  of  the  hill,  first  appearing  as  a 
small  brilliant  flaming  globe  of  bright  golden  hue.  As  it  as- 
cended still  higher  it  seemed  to  increase  in  size,  to  move  more 
slowly,  while  its  colors  rapidly  changed  from  one  to  the  other, 
exhibiting  in  turn  the  most  beautiful  combinations  of  prismatic 
tints.  There  seemed  to  be  not  the  shadow  of  a  doubt  that  we 
were  discovered.  The  strange  apparition  in  the  heavens  main- 
tained its  steady  course  upward.  One  anxious  spectator,  ob- 
serving it  apparently  at  a  standstill,  exclaimed,  "  How  long  it 
hangs  fire  !  why  don't  it  explode  ?  "  still  keeping  the  idea  of  a 
signal  rocket  in  mind.  It  had  risen  perhaps  to  the  height  of 
half  a  degree  above  the  horizon  as  observed  from  our  position, 
when,  lo  !  the  mystery  was  dispelled.  Rising  above  the  mysti- 
fying influences  of  the  atmosphere,  that  which  had  appeared  so 
suddenly  before  us,  and  excited  our  greatest  apprehensions,  de- 
veloped into  the  brightest  and  most  beautiful  of  morning  stars. 
Often  since  that  memorable  morning  have  I  heard  officers  re- 
mind each  other  of  the  strange  appearance  which  had  so  excited 
our  anxiety  and  alarm.  In  less  perilous  moments  we  probably 
would  have  regarded  it  as  a  beautiful  phenomenon  of  nature,  ot 
which  so  many  are  to  be  witnessed  through  the  pure  atmos- 
phere of  the  plains. 

All  were  ordered  to  get  ready  to  advance ;  not  a  word  to 
officer  or  men  was  spoken  above  undertone.  It  began  growing 
lighter  in  the  east,  and  we  moved  forward  toward  the  crest  of 
the  hill.  Up  to  this  time  two  of  the  officers  and  one  of  the 
Osages  had  remained  on  the  hill  overlooking  the  valley  beyond, 
so  as  to  detect  any  attempt  at  a  movement  on  the  part  of  the 


BATTLE  OF  THE  WASHITA.  437 

village  below.  These  now  rejoined  the  troops.  Colonel  West's 
squadron  was  formed  in  line  on  the  right,  Captain  Hamilton's 
squadron  in  line  on  the  left,  while  Colonel  Cook  with  his 
forty  sharpshooters  was  formed  in  advance  of  the  left,  dis- 
mounted. Although  the  early  morning  air  was  freezingly 
cold,  the  men  were  directed  to  remove  their  overcoats  and  ha- 
versacks, so  as  to  render  them  free  in  their  movements.  Before 
advancing  beyond  the  crest  of  the  hill,  strict  orders  were  issued 
prohibiting  the  firing  of  a  single  shot  until  the  signal  to  attack 
should  be  made.  The  other  three  detachments  had  been  in- 
formed before  setting  out  that  the  main  column  would  attack 
promptly  at  daylight,  without  waiting  to  ascertain  whether  they 
were  in  position  or  not.  In  fact  it  would  be  impracticable  to 
communicate  with  either  of  the  first  two  until  the  attack  began. 
The  plan  was  for  each  party  to  approach  as  closely  to  the  village 
as  possible  without  being  discovered,  and  there  await  the  ap- 
proach of  daylight.  The  regimental  band  was  to  move  with  my 
detachment,  and  it  was  understood  that  the  band  should  strike 
up  the  instant  the  attack  opened.  Colonel  Myers,  commanding 
the  third  party,  was  also  directed  to  move  one-half  of  his  de- 
tachment dismounted.  In  this  order  we  began  to  descend  the 
slope  leading  down  to  the  village.  The  distance  to  the  timber 
in  the  valley  proved  greater  than  it  had  appeared  to  the  eye  in 
the  darkness  of  the  night.  We  soon  reached  the  outskirts  of 
the  herd  of  ponies.  The  latter  seemed  to  recognize  us  as  hos- 
tile parties  and  moved  quickly  away.  The  light  of  day  was 
each  minute  growing  stronger,  and  we  feared  discovery  before 
we  could  approach  near  enough  to  charge  the  village.  The 
movement  of  our  horses  over  the  crusted  snow  produced  con- 
siderable noise,  and  would  doubtless  have  led  to  our  detection, 
but  for  the  fact  that  the  Indians,  if  they  heard  it  at  all,  pre- 
sumed it  was  occasioned  by  their  herd  of  ponies.  I  would  have 
given  much  at  that  moment  to  know  the  whereabouts  of  the 
two  columns  first  sent  out.  Had  they  reached  their  assigned 
positions,  or  had  unseen  and  unknown  obstacles  delayed  or  mis- 


4:38  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

led  them  ?  These  were  questions  which  could  not  then  be  an- 
swered. We  had  now  reached  the  level  of  the  valley,  and 
began  advancing  in  line  toward  the  heavy  timber  in  which,  and 
close  at  hand,  we  knew  the  village  was  situated. 

Immediately  in  rear  of  my  horse  came  the  band,  all  mounted, 
and  each  with  his  instrument  in  readiness  to  begin  playing  the 
moment  their  leader,  who  rode  at  their  head,  and  who  kept  his 
cornet  to  his  lips,  should  receive  the  signal.  I  had  previously 
told  him  to  play  "  Garry  Owen "  as  the  opening  piece.  "We 
had  approached  near  enough  to  the  village  now  to  plainly  catch 
a  view  here  and  there  of  the  tall  white  lodges  as  they  stood  in 
irregular  order  among  the  trees.  From  the  openings  at  the  top 
of  some  of  them  we  could  perceive  faint  columns  of  smoke 
ascending,  the  occupants  no  doubt  having  kept  up  their  feeble 
fires  during  the  entire  night.  We  had  approached  so  near  the 
village  that  from  the  dead  silence  which  reigned  I  feared  the 
lodges  were  deserted,  the  Indians  having  fled  before  we  ad- 
vanced. I  was  about  to  turn  in  my  saddle  and  direct  the  signal 
for  attack  to  be  given — still  anxious  as  to  where  the  other 
detachments  were — when  a  single  rifle  shot  rang  sharp  and  clear 
on  the  far  side  of  the  village  from  where  we  were.  Quickly 
turning  to  the  band  leader,  I  directed  him  to  give  us  "  Garry 
Owen."  At  once  the  rollicking  notes  of  that  familiar  marching 
and  fighting  air  sounded  forth  through  the  valley,  and  in  a 
moment  were  re-echoed  back  from  the  opposite  sides  by  the 
loud  and  continued  cheers  of  the  men  of  the  other  detachments, 
who,  true  to  their  orders,  were  there  and  in  readiness  to  pounce 
upon  the  Indians  the  moment  the  attack  began.  In  this  man- 
ner the  battle  of  the  Washita  commenced.  The  bugle  sounded 
the  charge,  and  the  entire  command  dashed  rapidly  into  the 
village.  The  Indians  were  caught  napping;  but  realizing  at 
once  the  dangers  of  their  situation,  they  quickly  overcame 
tneir  first  surprise,  in  an  instant  seized  their  rifles,  bows,  and 
arrows,  and  sprang  behind  the  nearest  trees,  while  some  leaped 
into  the  stream,  nearly  waist  deep,  and  using  the  bank  as  a  rifle- 


BATTLE    OF    THE    WASHITA.  439 

pit,  began  a  vigorous  and  determined  defence.  Mingled  with 
the  exultant  cheers  of  my  men  could  be  heard  the  defiant  war- 
whoop  of  the  warriors,  who  from  the  first  fought  with  a  despera- 
tion and  courage  which  no  race  of  men  could  surpass.  Actual 
possession  of  the  village  and  its  lodges  was  ours  within  a  few 
moments  after  the  charge  was  made,  but  this  was  an  empty  vic- 
tory unless  we  could  vanquish  the  late  occupants,  who  were 
then  pouring  in  a  rapid  and  well-directed  fire  from  their  stations 
behind  trees  and  banks.  At  the  first  onset  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  the  Indians  rushed  from  the  village  in  the  direction  from 
which  Elliot's  party  had  attacked.  Some  broke  through  the 
lines,  while  others  came  in  contact  with  the  mounted  troopers, 
and  were  killed  or  captured. 

We  had  gained  the  centre  of  the  village,  and  were  in  the 
midst  of  the  lodges,  while  on  all  sides  could  be  heard  the  sharp 
crack  of  the  Indian  rifles  and  the  responses  from  the 'carbines 
of  the  troopers.  After  disposing  of  the  smaller  and  scattering 
parties  of  warriors,  who  had  attempted  a  movement  down  the 
valley,  and  in  which  some  were  successful,  there  was  but  little 
opportunity  left  for  the  successful  employment  of  mounted 
troops.  As  the  Indians  by  this  time  had  taken  cover  behind 
logs  and  trees,  and  under  the  banks  of  the  stream  which  flowed 
through  the  centre  of  the  village,  from  which  stronghold  it  was 
impracticable  to  dislodge  them  by  the  use  of  mounted  men,  a 
large  portion  of  the  command  was  at  once  ordered  to  fight  on 
foot,  and  the  men  were  instructed  to  take  advantage  of  the 
trees  and  other  natural  means  of  cover,  and  fight  the  Indians  in 
their  own  style.  Cook's  sharpshooters  had  adopted  this  method 
from  the  first,  and  with  telling  effect.  Slowly  but  steadily  the 
Indians  were  driven  from  behind  the  trees,  and  those  who 
escaped  the  carbine  bullets  posted  themselves  with  their  com- 
panions who  were  already  firing  from  the  banks.  One  party  of 
troopers  came  upon  a  squaw  endeavoring  to  make  her  escape, 
leading  by  the  hand  a  little  white  boy,  a  prisoner  in  the  hands 
of  the  Indians,  and  who  doubtless  had  been  captured  by  some 


440  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    OUSTER. 

of  their  war  parties  during  a  raid  upon  the  settlements.  Who 
or  where  his  parents  were,  or  whether  still  alive  or  murdered 
by  the  Indians,  will  never  be  known,  as  the  squaw,  finding  her- 
self and  prisoner  about  to  be  surrounded  by  the  troops,  and  her 
escape  cut  off,  determined,  with  savage  malignity,  that  the 
triumph  of  the  latter  should  not  embrace  the  rescue  of  the 
white  boy.  Casting  her  eyes  quickly  in  all  directions,  to  con- 
vince herself  that  escape  was  impossible,  she  drew  from  beneath 
her  blanket  a  huge  knife  and  plunged  it  into  the  almost  naked 
body  of  her  captive.  The  next  moment  retributive  justice 
reached  her  in  the  shape  of  a  well-directed  bullet  from  one  of 
the  troopers'  carbines.  Before  the  men  could  reach  them  life 
was  extinct  in  the  bodies  of  both  the  squaw  and  her  unknown 
captive. 

The  desperation  with  which  the  Indians  fought  may  be 
inferred  from  the  following :  Seventeen  warriors  had  posted 
themselves  in  a  depression  in  the  ground,  which  enabled  them 
to  protect  their  bodies  completely  from  the  fire  of  our  men, 
and  it  was  only  when  the  Indians  raised  their  heads  to  fire 
that  the  troopers  could  aim  with  any  prospect  of  success.  All 
efforts  to  drive  the  warriors  from  this  point  proved  abortive, 
and  resulted  in  severe  loss  to  our  side.  They  were  only  van- 
quished by  our  men  securing  position  under  cover  and  picking 
them  off  by  sharpshooting  as  they  exposed  themselves  to  get  a 
shot  at  the  troopers.  Finally  the  last  one  was  despatched  in 
this  manner.  In  a  deep  ravine  near  the  suburbs  of  the  village 
the  dead  bodies  of  thirty-eight  warriors  were  reported  after  the 
fight  terminated.  Many  of  the  squaws  and  children  had  very 
prudently  not  attempted  to  leave  the  village  when  we  attacked 
it,  but  remained  concealed  inside  their  lodges.  All  these 
escaped  injury,  although  when  surrounded  by  the  din  and  wild 
excitement  of  the  fight,  and  in  close  proximity  to  the  contend- 
ing parties,  their  fears  overcame  some  of  them,  and  they  gave 
vent  to  their  despair  by  singing  the  death  song,  a  combination 
of  weird-like  sounds  which  were  suggestive  of  anything  but 


BATTLE    OF    THE    WASHITA.  441 

musical  tones.  As  soon  as  we  had  driven  the  warriors  from 
the  village,  and  the  fighting  was  pushed  to  the  country  outside, 
I  directed  "  Komeo,"  the  interpreter,  to  go  around  to  all  the 
lodges  and  assure  the  squaws  and  children  remaining  in  them 
that  they  would  be  unharmed  and  kindly  cared  for  ;  at  the  same 
time  he  was  to  assemble  them  in  the  large  lodges  designated  for 
that  purpose,  which  were  standing  near  the  centre  of  the  vil- 
lage. This  was  quite  a  delicate  mission,  as  it  was  difficult  to 
convince  the  squaws  and  children  that  they  had  any  thing  but 
death  to  expect  at  our  hands. 

It  was  perhaps  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  and  the  fight 
was  still  raging,  when  to  our  surprise  we  saw  a  small  party  of 
Indians  collected  on  a  knoll  a  little  over  a  mile  below  the  vil- 
lage, and  in  the  direction  taken  by  those  Indians  who  had  ef- 
fected an  escape  through  our  lines  at  the  commencement  of  the 
attack.  My  surprise  was  not  so  great  at  first,  as  I  imagined 
that  the  Indians  we  saw  were  those  who  had  contrived  to  es- 
cape, and  having  procured  their  ponies  from  the  herd,  had 
mounted  them,  and  were  then  anxious  spectators  of  the  fight, 
which  they  felt  themselves  too  weak  in  numbers  to  participate 
in.  In  the  meantime  the  herds  of  ponies  belonging  to  the  vil- 
lage, on  being  alarmed  by  the  firing  and  shouts  of  the  contest- 
ants, had,  from  a  sense  of  imagined  security  or  custom,  rushed 
into  the  village,  where  details  of  troopers  were  made  to  receive 
them.  California  Joe,  who  had  been  moving  about  in  a  pro- 
miscuous and  independent  manner,  came  galloping  into  the 
village,  and  reported  that  a  large  herd  of  ponies  was  to  be  seen 
near  by,  and  requested  authority  and  some  men  to  bring  them 
in.  The  men  were  otherwise  employed  just  then,  but  he  was 
authorized  to  collect  and  drive  in  the  herd  if  practicable.  He 
departed  on  his  errand,  and  I  had  forgotten  all  about  him  and 
the  ponies,  when  in  the  course  of  half  an  hour  1  saw  a  herd  of 
nearly  three  hundred  ponies  coming  on  the  gallop  toward  the 
village,  driven  by  a  couple  of  squaws,  who  were  mounted,  and 
had  been  concealed  near  by,  no  doubt ;  while  bringing  up  the 


442  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

rear  was  California  Joe,  riding  his  favorite  mule,  and  whirling 
about  his  head  a  long  lariat,  using  it  as  a  whip  in  urging  the 
herd  forward.  He  had  captured  the  squaws  while  endeavoring 
to  secure  the  ponies,  and  very  wisely  had  employed  his  captives 
to  assist  in  driving  the  herd.  By  this  time  the  group  of  Indians 
already  discovered  outside  our  lines  had  increased  until  it  num- 
bered upwards  of  a  hundred.  Examining  them  through  my 
field  glass,  I  could  plainly  perceive  that  they  were  all  mounted 
warriors ;  not  only  that,  but  they  were  armed  and  caparisoned 
in  full  war  costume,  nearly  all  wearing  the  bright-colored  war- 
bonnets  and  floating  their  lance  pennants.  Constant  accessions 
to  their  numbers  were  to  be  seen  arriving  from  beyond  the  hill 
on  which  they  stood.  All  this  seemed  inexplicable.  A  few 
Indians  might  have  escaped  through  our  lines  when  the  attack 
on  the  village  began,  but  only  a  few,  and  even  these  must  have 
gone  with  little  or  nothing  in  their  possession  save  their  rifles 
and  perhaps  a  blanket.  Who  could  these  new  parties  be,  and 
from  whence  came  the}7  ?  To  solve  these  troublesome  ques- 
tions I  sent  for  "  Romeo,"  and  taking  him  with  me  to  one  of 
the  lodges  occupied  by  the  squaws,  I  interrogated  one  of  the 
latter  as  to  who  were  the  Indians  to  be  seen  assembling  on  the 
hill  below  the  village.  She  informed  me,  to  a  surprise  on  my 
part  almost  equal  to  that  of  the  Indians  at  our  sudden  appear- 
ance at  daylight,  that  just  below  the  village  we  then  occupied, 
and  which  was  a  part  of  the  Cheyenne  tribe,  were  located  in 
succession  the  winter  villages  of  all  the  hostile  tribes  of  the 
southern  plains  with  which  we  were  at  war,  including  the  Ar- 
ipahoes,  Kiowas,  the  remaining  band  of  Cheyennes,  the  Co- 
manches,  and  a  portion  of  the  Apaches ;  that  the  nearest  vil- 
lage was  about  two  miles  distant,  and  the  others  stretched  along 
through  the  timbered  valley  to  the  one  furthest  off,  which  was 
not  over  ten  miles. 

What  was  to  be  done  ? — for  I  needed  no  one  to  tell  me  that, 
we  were  certain  to  be  attacked,  and  that,  too,  by  greatly  supe- 
rior numbers,  just  as  soon  as  the  Indians  below  could  make  their 


BATTLE  OF  THE  WASHITA.  443 

arrangements  to  do  so  ;    and  the}7  had    probably  been  busily 
employed   at    these    arrangements    ever  since  the    sound   of 
firing   had    reached   them   in    the    early  morning,   and    been 
reported  from   village  to  village.     Fortunately,  affairs  took  a 
favorable  turn  in  the  combat  in  which  we  were  then  engaged, 
and  the   firing  had  almost  died  away.     Only  here  and  there 
where  some  warrior  still  maintained  his  position  was  the  fight 
continued.     Leaving  as  few   men  as  possible  to  look  out  for 
these,  I  hastily  collected  and  re-formed  my  command,  and  posted 
them  in  readiness  for  the  attack  which  we  all  felt  was  soon  to 
be  made  ;  for  already  at  different  points  and  in  more  than  one 
direction  we  could  see  more  than  enough  warriors  to  outnum- 
ber us,  and  we  knew  they  were  only  waiting  the  arrival  of  the 
chiefs  and  warriors  from  the  lower  villages  before  making  any 
move  against   us.     In  the  meanwhile  our  temporary  hospital 
had  been  established  in  the  centre  of   the  village,  where  the 
wounded   were  receiving  such  surgical  care  as  circumstances 
would  permit.     Our  losses  had  been  severe ;  indeed  we  were 
not  then  aware  how  great  they  had  been.     Hamilton,  who  rode 
at  my  side  as  we  entered  the  village,  and  whose  soldierly  tones 
I  heard  for  the  last  time  as  he  calmly  cautioned  his  squadron, 
"  Now,  men,  keep  cool,  fire  low,  and  not  too  rapidly,"  was  among 
the  first  victims  of  the  opening  charge,  having  been  shot  from 
his  saddle  by  a  bullet  from  an  Indian  rifle.     He  died  instantly. 
His  lifeless  remains  were  tenderly  carried  by  some  of  his  troop- 
ers to  the   vicinity   of   the  hospital.     Soon  afterward    I   saw 
four  troopers  coming  from  the  front  bearing  between  them,  in 
a  blanket,  a  wounded  soldier ;  galloping  to  them,  I  discovered 
Colonel  Barnitz,  another  troop  commander,  who  was  almost  in 
a  dying  condition,  having  been  shot  by  a  rifle  bullet  directly 
through  the  body  in  the  vicinity  of  the  heart.    Of  Major  Elliot, 
the   officer  second  in  rank,  nothing  had  been    seen  since  the 
attack  at  daylight,  when  he  rode  with  his  detachment  into  the 
village.     He,  too,  had  evidently  been  killed,  but  as  yet  we  knew 
not  where  or  how  he  had  fallen.   Two  other  officers  had  received 


444:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

wounds,  while  the  casualties  among  the  enlisted  men  were  also 
large.  The  sergeant-major  of  the  regiment,  who  was  with  me 
when  the  first  shot  was  heard,  had  not  been  seen  since  that 
moment.  We  were  not  in  as  effective  condition  by  far  as  when 
the  attack  was  made,  yet  we  were  soon  to  be  called  upon  to 
contend  against  a  force  immensely  superior  to  the  one  with 
which  we  had  been  engaged  during  the  early  hours  of  the  day. 
The  captured  herds  of  ponies  were  carefully  collected  inside  our 
lines,  and  so  guarded  as  to  prevent  their  stampede  or  recapture 
by  the  Indians.  Our  wounded,  and  the  immense  amount  of 
captured  property  in  the  way  of  ponies,  lodges,  etc.,  as  well  as 
our  prisoners,  were  obstacles  in  the  way  of  our  attempting  an 
offensive  movement  against  the  lower  villages.  To  have  done 
this  would  have  compelled  us  to  divide  our  forces,  when  it  was 
far  from  certain  that  we  could  muster  strength  enough  united 
to  repel  the  attacks  of  the  combined  tribes.  On  all  sides  of  us 
the  Indians  could  now  be  seen  in  considerable  numbers,  so  that 
from  being  the  surrounding  party,  as  we  had  been  in  the  morn- 
ing, we  now  found  ourselves  surrounded  and  occupying  the 
position  of  defenders  of  the  village.  Fortunately  for  us,  as  the 
men  had  been  expending  a  great  many  rounds,  Major  Bell,  the 
quartermaster,  who  with  a  small  escort  was  endeavoring  to 
reach  us  with  a  fresh  supply  of  ammunition,  had  by  constant 
exertion  and  hard  marching  succeeded  in  doing  so,  and  now 
appeared  on  the  ground  with  several  thousand  rounds  of  car- 
bine ammunition,  a  reinforcement  greatly  needed.  He  had  no 
sooner  arrived  safely  than  the  Indians  attacked  from  the  direc- 
tion from  which  he  came.  How  he  had  managed  to  elude  their 
watchful  eyes,  I  never  could  comprehend,  unless  their  attention 
had  been  so  completely  absorbed  in  watching  our  movements 
inside  as  to  prevent  them  from  keeping  an  eye  out  to  discover 
what  might  be  transpiring  elsewhere. 

Issuing  a  fresh  supply  of  ammunition  to  those  most  in  want 
of  it,  the  fight  soon  began  generally  at-  all  points  of  the  circle, 
for  such  in  reality  had  our  line  of  battle  become — a  continuous 


BATTLE    OF    THE    WASH1TA.  445 

and  unbroken  circle,  of  which  the  village  was  about  the  centre. 
Notwithstanding  the  great  superiority  in  numbers  of  the  Indi- 
ans, they  fought  with  excessive  prudence  and  a  lack  of  that  con- 
fident manner  which  they  usually  manifest  when  encountering 
greatly  inferior  numbers — a  result  due,  no  doubt,  to  the  fate 
which  had  overwhelmed  our  first  opponents.  Besides,  the  tim- 
ber and  the  configuration  of  the  ground  enabled  us  to  keep  our 
men  concealed  until  their  services  were  actually  required.  It 
seemed  to  be  the  design  and  wish  of  our  antagonists  to  draw  us 
away  from  the  village  ;  but  in  this  plan  they  were  foiled.  See- 
ing that  they  did  not  intend  to  press  the  attack  just  then,  about 
two  hundred  of  my  men  were  ordered  to  pull  down  the  lodges 
in  the  village  and  collect  the  captured  property  in  huge  piles 
preparatory  to  burning.  This  was  done  in  the  most  effectual 
manner.  When  everything  had  been  collected  the  torch  was 
applied,  and  all  that  was  left  of  the  village  were  a  few  heaps  of 
blackened  ashes.  Whether  enraged  at  the  sight  of  this  destruc- 
tion or  from  other  cause,  the  attack  soon  became  general  along 
our  entire  line,  and  was  pressed  with  so  much  vigor  and  auda- 
city that  every  available  trooper  was  required  to  aid  in  meeting 
these  assaults.  The  Indians  would  push  a  party  of  well-mounted 
warriors  close  up  to  our  lines  in  the  endeavor  to  find  a  weak 
point  through  which  they  might  venture,  but  in  every  attempt 
were  driven  back.  I  now  concluded,  as  the  village  was  off  our 
hands  and  our  wounded  had  been  collected,  that  offensive  meas- 
ures might  be  adopted.  To  this  end  several  of  the  squadrons 
were  mounted  and  ordered  to  advance  and  attack  the  enemy 
wherever  force  sufficient  was  exposed  to  be  a  proper  object  of 
attack,  but  at  the  same  time  to  be  cautious  as  to  ambuscades. 
Colonel  Weir,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  command  of  Hamilton's 
squadron,  Colonels  Benteen  and  Myers  with  their  respective 
squadrons,  all  mounted,  advanced  and  engaged  the  enemy. 
The  Indians  resisted  every  step  taken  by  the  troops,  while  every 
charge  made  by  the  latter  was  met  or  followed  by  a  charge  from 
the  Indians,  who  continued  to  appear  in  large  numbers  at  un- 


446  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

expected  times  and  places.  The  squadrons  acting  in  support  of 
each  other,  and  the  men  in  each  being  kept  well  in  hand,  were 
soon  able  to  force  the  line  held  by  the  Indians  to  yield  at  any 
point  assailed.  This  being  followed  up  promptly,  the  Indians 
were  driven  at  every  point  and  forced  to  abandon  the  field  to  us. 
Yet  they  would  go  no  further  than  they  were  actually  driven 
It  was  now  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  I  knew  that 
the  officer  left  in  charge  of  the  train  and  eighty  men  would  push 
after  us,  follow  our  trail,  and  endeavor  to  reach  us  at  the  earliest 
practicable  moment.  From  the  tops  of  some  of  the  highest 
peaks  or  round  hills  in  the  vicinity  of  the  village  I  knew  the 
Indians  could  reconnoitre  the  country  for  miles  in  all  directions. 
I  feared  if  we  remained  as  we  were  then  until  the  following 
day,  the  Indians  might  in  this  manner  discover  the  approach  of 
our  train  and  detach  a  sufficient  body  of  warriors  to  attack  and 
capture  it ;  and  its  loss  to  us,  aside  from  that  of  its  guard,  would 
have  proven  most  serious,  leaving  us  in  the  heart  of  the  enemy's 
country,  in  midwinter,  totally  out  of  supplies  for  both  men  and 
horses. 

By  actual  count  we  had  in  our  possession  eight  hundred  and 
seventy-five  captured  ponies,  so  wild  and  unused  to  white  men 
that  it  was  difficult  to  herd  them.  What  we  were  to  do  with 
them  was  puzzling,  as  they  could  not  have  been  led  had  we  been 
possessed  of  the  means  of  doing  this ;  neither  could  we  drive 
them  as  the  Indians  were  accustomed  to  do.  And  even  if  we 
could  take  them  with  us,  either  the  one  way  or  the  other,  it 
was  anything  but  wise  and  desirable  on  our  part  to  do  so,  as 
Buch  a  large  herd  of  ponies,  constituting  so  much  wealth  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Indians,  would  have  been  too  tempting  a  prize  to 
the  warriors  who  had  been  fighting  us  all  the  afternoon,  and  to 
effect  their  recapture  they  would  have  waylaid  us  day  and  night, 
with  every  prospect  of  success,  until  we  should  have  arrived  at 
a  place  of  safety.  Besides,  we  had  upwards  of  sixty  prisoners 
in  our  hands,  to  say  nothing  of  bur  wounded,  to  embarrass  our 
niovements.  We  had  achieved  a  great  and  important  success 


BATTLE    OF    THE    WASHITA.  4-47 

over  the  hostile  tribes  ;  the  problem  now  was  how  to  retain  our 
advantage  and  steer  safely  through  the  difficulties  which  seemed 
to  surround  our  position.  The  Indians  had  suffered  a  telling 
defeat,  involving  great  losses  in  life  and  valuable  property. 
Could  they  succeed,  however,  in  depriving  us  of  the  train  and 
supplies,  and  in  doing  this  accomplish  the  killing  or  capture  of 
the  escort,  it  would  go  far  to  offset  the  damage  we  had  been 
able  to  inflict  upon  them  and  to  render  our  victory  an  empty 
one.  We  did  not  need  the  ponies,  while  the  Indians  did.  If  we 
retained  them  they  might  conclude  that  one  object  of  our  expe- 
dition against  them  was  to  secure  plunder,  an  object  thoroughly 
consistent  with  the  red  man's  idea  of  war.  Instead,  ifc  was  our  de- 
sire to  impress  upon  their  uncultured  minds  that  our  every  act  and 
purpose  had  been  simply  to  inflict  deserved  punishment  upon 
them  for  the  many  murders  and  other  depredations  committed 
by  them  in  and  around  the  homes  of  the  defenceless  settlers  on 
the  frontier.  Impelled  by  these  motives,  I  decided  neither  to 
attempt  to  take  the  ponies  with  us  nor  to  abandon  them  to  the 
Indians,  but  to  adopt  the  only  measure  left — to  kill  them.  To 
accomplish  this  seemingly — like  most  measures  of  war — cruel 
but  necessary  act,  four  companies  of  cavalrymen  were  detailed 
dismounted,  as  a  tiring  party.  Before  they  reluctantly  engaged 
in  this  uninviting  work,  I  took  Romeo,  the  interpreter,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  the  few  lodges  near  the  centre  of  the  village  which 
we  had  reserved  from  destruction,  and  in  which  were  collected 
the  prisoners,  consisting  of  upward  of  sixty  squaws  and  children. 
Romeo  was  directed  to  assemble  the  prisoners  in  one  body,  as  I 
desired  to  assure  them  of  kind  treatment  at  our  hands,  a  subject 
about  which  they  were  greatly  wrought  up  ;  also  to  tell  them 
what  we  should  expect  of  them,  and  to  inform  them  of  our  in- 
tention to  march  probably  all  that  night,  directing  them  at  the 
same  time  to  proceed  to  the  herd  and  select  therefrom  a  suita- 
ble number  of  ponies  to  carry  the  prisoners  on  the  march. 
When  Romeo  had  collected  them  in  a  single  group,  he,  acting 
as  interpreter,  acquainted  them  with  my  purpose  in  calling 


448  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

them  together,  at  the  same  time  assuring  them  that  they  could 
rely  confidently  upon  the  fulfilment  of  any  promises  I  made 
them,  as  I  was  the  "  big  chief."  The  Indians  refer  to  all  offi- 
cers of  a  command  as  u  chiefs,"  while  the  officer  in  command  is 
designated  as  the  "  big  chief."  After  I  had  concluded  what  I 
desired  to  say  to  them,  they  signified  their  approval  and  satis- 
faction by  gathering  around  me  and  going  through  an  extensive 
series  of  hand-shaking.  One  of  the  middle-aged  squaws  then 
informed  Romeo  that  she  wished  to  speak  on  behalf  of  herself 
and  companions. 

So  far  we  have  followed  Ouster's  direct  narrative  and  now 
resume  our  own.  This  squaw  last  mentioned,  turned  out  to 
be  the  sister  of  Black  Kettle,  chief  of  the  band  Ouster  had 
struck ;  she  bemoaned  the  wickedness  of  Black  Kettle,  and 
told  Ouster  how  only  that  night  the  last  war-party  returned 
with  white  scalps  and  plunder,  and  how  they  got  so  drunk 
that  the  white  man  was  able  to  ride  into  their  lodges  next 
morning,  before  they  woke  up.  She  concluded  by  remind- 
ing him  that  it  was  his  duty  to  help  the  helpless,  and  offered 
him  a  young  girl  in  marriage.  As  soon  as  the  general  found 
from  the  interpreter  what  she  was  doing,  he  declined  the  hunor, 
though  not  till  Mahwissa — the  old  squaw's  name — had  per- 
formed the  whole  of  the  Indian  part  of  the  ceremony,  vhich 
consisted  in  placing  the  girl's  hand  in  Ouster's,  and  invoking 
the  Great  Spirit  on  the  union.  The  general  asked  Romeo  the 
scout  what  could  have  been  Mahwissa's  object  in  this  mar- 
riage, and  received  the  following  very  plain  reply : 

"  Well,  I'll  tell  ye ;  ef  you'd  'a  married  that  squaw,  then 
she'd  'a  told  ye  that  all  the  rest  of  'em  were  her  kinfolks,  and  as 
a  nateral  sort  of  a  thing  you'd  'a  been  expected  to  kind  o'  pro- 
vide and  take  keer  of  your  wife's  relations.  That's  ji<?t  as  I  tell 
it  to  you — fur  don't  I  know  1  Didn't  I  marry  a  young  Chey- 
enne squaw,  and  give  her  old  father  two  of  my  best  ponies  for 
her,  and  it  wasn't  a  week  till  ever  tarnal  Injun  in  the  village, 
old  and  young,  came  to  my  lodge,  and  my  squaw  tried  to  make 


BATTLE    OF    THE    WASH1TA.  4A(J 

me  b'lieve  they  were  all  relations  of  hern,  and  that  I  ought  to 
give  'em  some  grub;  but  I  didn't  do  nothin'  of  the  sort." 
"  Well,  how  did  you  get  out  of  it,  Romeo?  "  "  Get  out  of  it  ? 
"Why,  I  got  out  by  jist  takin'  my  ponies  and  traps,  and  the  first 
good  chance  I  lit  out ;  that's  how  I  got  out.  I  was  satisfied  to 
marry  one  or  two  of  'ern,  but  when  it  come  to  marryin'  an  intire 
tribe,  'souse  me." 

The  end  of  the  matter  was  that  the  squaws  took  their  ponies 
from  the  herd,  and  that  the  rest  of  the  animals  were  shot. 
Search  was  then  made  for  the  killed,  wounded  and  missing:  of 

'  O 

the  command,  of  which  all,  except  Major  Elliot  and  nineteen 
troopers,  were  found.  These  last  were  never  heard  of  again 
till  their  bodies  were  discovered  some  weeks  later.  It  seems 
that  a  party  of  Indians,  at  the  beginning  of  the  attack  on  the 
village,  had  escaped  through  a  gap  in  the  lines  of  the  cavalry, 
that  Elliot  had  pursued  them,  and  run  into  the  large  force  that 
was  then  hovering  round  Ouster,  fearing  to  attack  him.  Hav- 
ing fruitlessly  searched  for  the  major,  it  was  rightly  concluded 
that  he  and  his  party  had  been  attacked  and  killed,  and  Ouster 
prepared  for  his  return  march. 

Placing  his  prisoners  in  the  centre,  he  first  deployed  his 
forces  and  marched  straight  down  the  river  at  the  threatening 
parties  of  Indians  from  the  other  villages,  with  colors  displayed 
and  band  playing.  His  intention  was  to  strike  consternation 
into  their  hearts,  and  make  them  think  he  was  about  to  serve 
them  as  he  had  served  Black  Kettle's  band.  The  movement 
had  all  the  effect  he  desired.  The  Indians  fled  in  confusion, 
leaving  only  a  few  warriors  to  hover  around  him  and  watch 
him.  He  did  not  start  till  within  an  hour  of  sunset,  and  his 
feint  diverted  Indian  attention  from  his  wagon  train,  which  he 
knew  must  be  pretty  near  him  by  this  time.  About  an  hour 
after  dark,  he  reached  the  abandoned  villages  of  the  alarmed 
tribes,  where  he  halted,  and  at  ten  o'clock  retraced  his  steps, 
marching  rapidly  for  the  wagons.  At  two  o'clock  he  halted  in 
the  valley  of  the  "Washita,  and  went  into  bivouac,  the  men 
29 


450  GENERAL    GEORGE  A.   CUSTER. 

building  huge  fires  to  supply  the  loss  of  their  overcoats,  which 
the  Indians  had  captured  during  the  fight.  They  bad  been  left 
in  a  heap  on  the  ground.  Secrecy  was  no  longer  necessary  now, 
and  the  men  enjoyed  themselves  hugely.  Next  day  they 
reached  the  wagons  and  pushed  on,  encamping  at  night  at  the 
place  where  the  regiment  first  struck  Elliot's  trail.  From 
thence,  California  Joe  and  another  scout  were  despatched  to 
Camp  Supply,  to  carry  the  news  to  General  Sheridan.  The 
two  scouts  made  the  journey  in  safety.  The  country  was  appa- 
rently denuded  of  Indians,  the  blow  on  the  Washita  having 
demoralized  them.  California  Joe  met  Custer's  column  with  a 
return  despatch,  before  the  regiment  could  reach  Camp  Sup- 
ply. It  was  read  at  the  head  of  the  troops,  and  repaid  them 
for  all  their  hardships.  It  was  as  follows : 

HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  MISSOURI,  IN  THE  FIELD,  DEPOT  ON 
THE  NORTH  CANADIAN,  AT  THE  JUNCTION  OF  BEAVER  CREEK,  INDIAN 
TERRITORY,  November  29,  1868. 

GENERAL  FIELD  ORDERS  No.  6. — The  Major-General  com- 
manding announces  to  this  command  the  defeat  by  the  Seventh 
regiment  of  cavalry,  of  a  large  force  of  Cheyenne  Indians,  under 
the  celebrated  chief  Black  Kettle,  re-enforced  by  the  Arapahoes 
under  Little  Raven,  and  the  Kiowas  under  Satanta,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  27th  instant,  on  the  Washita  River,  near  the  Antelope 
Hills,  Indian  Territory,  resulting  in  a  loss  to  the  savages  of  one 
hundred  and  three  warriors  killed,  including  Black  Kettle,  the 
capture  of  fifty-three  squaws  and  children,  eight  hundred  and 
seventy-five  ponies,  eleven  hundred  and  twenty-three  buffalo  robes 
and  skins,  five  hundred  and  thirty-five  pounds  of  powder,  one 
thousand  and  fifty  pounds  of  lead,  four  thousand  arrows,  seven 
hundred  pounds  of  tobacco,  besides  rifles,  pistols,  saddles,  bows, 
lariats,  and  immense  quantities  of  dried  meat  and  other  winter 
provisions,  the  complete  destruction  of  their  village,  and  almost 
total  annihilation  of  this  Indian  band. 

The  loss  to  the  Seventh  Cavalry  was  two  officers  killed,  Major 
Joel  H.  Elliot  and  Captain  Louis  McL.  Hamilton,  and  nineteen 
enlisted  men  ;  three  officers  wounded,  Brevet  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Albert  Barnitz  (badly),  Brevet  Lieutenant- Colonel  T.  W.  Custer, 


BATTLE    OF    THE    WASHITA.  451 

and  Second  Lieutenant  T.  Z.  March  (slightly),  and  eleven  enlisted 
men. 

The  energy  and  rapidity  shown  during  one  of  the  heaviest 
snow-storms  that  has  visited  this  section  of  the  country,  with  the 
temperature  below  freezing  point,  and  the  gallantry  and  bravery 
displayed,  resulting  in  such  signal  success,  reflect  the  highest 
credit  upon  both  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  ;  and 
the  Major-General  commanding,  while  regretting  the  loss  of  such 
gallant  officers  as  Major  Elliot  and  Captain  Hamilton,  who  fell 
while  gallantly  leading  their  men,  desires  to  express  his  thanks  to 
the  officers  and  men  engaged  in  the  battle  of  the  Washita,  and 
his  special  congratulations  are  tendered  to  their  distinguished 
commander,  Brevet  Major-General  George  A.  Custer,  for  the 
efficient  and  gallant  services  rendered,  which  have  characterized 
the  opening  of  the  campaign  against  hostile  Indians  south  of  the 
Arkansas. 

By  command  of 

Major-General  P.  H.  SHERIDAN, 
J.  SCHUTLEE  CROSBY,  Brevet  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
A.  D.  C.,  A.  A.  A.  General. 

"We  cannot  terminate  the  campaign  better  than  by  the  de- 
scription in  Ouster's  own  words  of  the  review  which  closed  it. 
General  Sheridan  was  so  much  pleased  with  the  success  of  the 
expedition  that  he  personally  honored  the  regiment  by  review- 
ing it,  a  great  condescension,  in  military  etiquette,  from  a 
major-general  to  a  single  regiment.  Custer  describes  it  thus : 

"  In  many  respects  the  column  we  formed  was  unique  in  ap- 
pearance. First  rode  our  Osage  guides  and  trailers,  dressed  and 
painted  in  the  extremest  fashions  of  war,  according  to  their  rude 
customs  and  ideas.  As  we  advanced,  these  warriors  chanted 
their  war  songs,  fired  their  guns  in  triumph,  and  at  intervals 
gave  utterance  to  their  shrill  war-whoops.  Next  came  the 
scouts  riding  abreast,  with  California  Joe  astride  his  faithful 
mule  bringing  up  the  right,  but  unable,  even  during  this  cere- 
monious and  formal  occasion,  to  dispense  with  his  pipe.  Imme- 
diately in  rear  of  the  scouts  rode  the  Indian  prisoners  under 
guard,  all  mounted  on  Indian  ponies,  and  in  their  dress,  con- 


452  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

spicuous  by  its  bright  colors,  many  of  them  wearing  the  scarlet 
blanket  so  popular  with  the  wild  tribes,  presenting  quite  a 
contrast  to  the  dull  and  motley  colors  worn  by  the  scouts. 
Some  little  distance  in  the  rear  came  the  troops  formed  in  col- 
umn of  platoons,  the  leading  platoon  preceded  by  the  band 
playing  "  Garry  Owen,"  being  composed  of  the  sharpshooters 
nnder  Colonel  Cook,  followed  in  succession  by  the  squadrons  in 
the  regular  order  of  march.  In  this  order  and  arrangement  we 
marched  proudly  in  front  of  our  chief,  who,  as  the  officers  rode 
by,  giving  him  the  military  salute  with  the  sabre,  returned  their 
formal  courtesy  by  a  graceful  lifting  of  his  cap  and  a  pleased 
look  of  recognition  from  his  eye,  which  spoke  his  approbation 
in  language  far  more  powerful  than  studied  words  could  have 
done.  In  speaking  of  the  review  afterwards,  General  Sheridan 
said  the  appearance  of  the  troops,  with  the  bright  rays  of  the  snn 
reflected  from  their  burnished  arms  and  equipments,  as  they  ad- 
vanced in  beautiful  order  and  precision  down  the  slope,  the 
band  playing,  and  the  blue  of  the  soldiers'  uniforms  slightly 
relieved  by  the  gaud}r  colors  of  the  Indians,  both  captives  and 
Osages,  the  strangely  fantastic  part  played  by  the  Osage  guides, 
their  shouts,  chanting  their  war  songs,  and  firing  their  guns  in 
air,  all  combined  to  render  the  scene  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
and  highly  interesting  he  remembered  ever  having  witnesssd." 
So  closed  the  Washita  campaign  December  2d,  1868.  It 
will  be  observed,  however,  that  General  Sheridan's  congratula- 
tory order  calls  the  battle  only  "  the  opening  of  the  campaign 
against  the  hostile  Indians  south  of  the  Arkansas."  Such  it 
was  meant  to  be.  Five  days  later,  December  7th,  the  regiment, 
with  thirty  days'  rations  in  the  wagons,  started  for  the  Washita 
once  more,  accompanied  by  General  Sheridan  and  staff.  Along 
with  Sheridan  were  the  Nineteenth  Kansas  Volunteer  cavalry, 
a  special  force,  just  raised  for  Indian  hostilities,  and  the  whole 
expedition  numbered  about  fifteen  hundred  men. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
CLOSING  OPERATIONS. 

THE  Seventh  Cavalry  reached  their  old  battle  ground  in 
safety  without  adventure.  What  California  Joe  thought 
of  the  renewed  winter  campaign  is  characteristic. 

"  I'd  jist  like  to  see  the  streaked  count'nances  of  Satanta,  Med- 
icine Arrow,  Lone  Wolf,  and  a  few  others  o  'em,  when  they  ketch 
the  fust  glimpse  of  the  outfit.  They'll  think  we're  comiu'  to 
spend  an  evenin'  with  'em  sure,  and  hev  brought  our  kuittin' 
with  us.  One  look'll  satisfy  'em.  Thar  '11  be  sum  of  the  durndest 
kickin'  out  over  these  plains  that  ever  war  heern  tell  uv.  One 
good  thing,  it's  goin'  to  cum  as  nigh  killin'  uv  'em  to  start  'em 
out  this  time  uv  year  as  ef  we  hed  an  out  an'  out  scrummage  with 
'em.  The  way  I  looks  at  it  they  hev  jist  this  preference  :  them 
as  don't  like  bein'  shot  to  deth  kin  take  ther  chances  at  freezin'." 

After  a  careful  search  around  the  battle-ground  they  came  on 
the  bodies  of  Majoi;  Elliot's  party,  all  horribly  mutilated  in  a 
manner  similar  to  that  which  is  recorded  of  the  Kidder  party. 
The  bodies  were  tenderly  buried.  The  position  of  affairs  in  the 
neighborhood  is  thus  described  by  Ouster : 

"  The  forest  along  the  banks  of  the  Washita,  from  the  battle- 
ground a  distance  of  twelve  miles,  was  found  to  have  been  one 
continuous  Indian  village.  Black  Kettle's  band  of  Cheyennes 
was  above  ;  then  came  other  hostile  tribes  camped  in  the  follow- 
ing order :  Arapahoes  under  Little  Raven ;  Kiowas  under  Sa- 
tanta and  Lone  Wolf ;  the  remaining  bands  of  Cheyennes, 
Comanches,  and  Apaches.  Nothing  could  exceed  the  disorder 
and  haste  with  which  the  tribes  had  fled  from  their  camping 


4:54  GENERAL  GEORGE   A.  CUSTER 

grounds.  They  had  abandoned  thousands  of  lodge  poles,  some 
of  which  were  still  standing,  as  when  last  used.  Immense  num- 
bers of  camp  kettles,  cooking  utensils,  coffee-mills,  axes,  and 
several  hundred  buffalo  robes  were  found  in  the  abandoned 
camps  adjacent  to  Black  Kettle's  village,  but  which  had  not 
been  visited  before  by  our  troops.  By  actual  examination,  it 
was  computed  that  over  six  hundred  lodges  had  been  standing 
along  the  Washita  during  the  battle,  and  within  five  miles  of 
the  battle-ground,  and  it  was  from  these  villagec,  and  others 
still  lower  down  the  stream,  that  the  immense  number  of  war- 
riors came  who,  after  our  rout  and  destruction  of  Black  Kettle 
and  his  band,  surrounded  my  command  and  fought  until  de- 
feated by  the  Seventh  Cavalry." 

The  ground  having  been  examined,  the  campaign  was  re- 
sumed as  follows,  according  to  Ouster's  account : 

"At  daylight  on  the  following  morning  the  entire  command 
started  on  the  trail  of  the  Indian  villages,  nearly  all  of  which  had 
moved  down  the  Washita  toward  Fort  Cobb,  where  they  had 
good  reason  to  believe  they  would  receive  protection.  The 
Arapahoes  and  remaining  band  of  Cheyennes  left  the  "Washita 
valley  and  moved  across  in  the  direction  of  Red  River.  After 
following  the  trail  of  the  Kiowas  and  other  hostile  Indians  for 
seven  days,  over  an  almost  impassable  country,  where  it  was 
necessary  to  keep  two  or  three  hundred  men  almost  constantly 
at  work  with  picks,  axes,  and  spades,  before  being  able  to  ad- 
vance with  our  immense  train,  my  Osage  scouts  came  galloping 
back  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  of  December,  and  reported  a 
party  of  Indians  in  our  front  bearing  a  flag  of  truce." 

The  party  turned  out  to  be  the  Kiowas,  under  Satanta  and 
Lone  Wolf.  They  were  accompanied  by  a  scout  who  said  that 
he  came  from  Fort  Cobb,  Indian  Territory,  a  station  on  the 
Washita,  one  hundred  miles  below  the  battle-ground.  At  this 
fort  was  stationed  General  Hazen,  who  had  been  placed  by 
General  Sherman  in  control  of  the  Kiowas  and  Comanches. 
The  scout  bore  the  following  note : 


CLOSING    OPERATIONS.  455 

HEADQUARTERS  SOUTHERN  INDIAN  DISTRICT,  FORT  COBB, 

9  P.  M.  December  16,  1868. 

To  the  officer,  commanding  troops  in  the  Field. 

Indians  have  just  brought  in  word  that  our  troops  to-day 
reached  the  Washita  some  twenty  miles  above  here.  I  send  this 
to  say  that  all  the  camps  this  side  of  the  point  reported  to  have 
been  reached  are  friendly,  and  have  not  been  on  the  war  path  this 
season.  If  this  reaches  you,  it  would  be  well  to  communicate  at 
once  with  Satan ta  or  Black  Eagle,  chiefs  of  the  Kiowas,  near 
where  you  now  are,  who  will  readily  inform  you  of  the  position  of 
the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  also  of  my  camp. 

Kespectfully, 
(Signed)  W.  B.  HAZEJST,  Brevet  Major-General. 

"  This  scout,"  says  Ouster,  "  at  the  same  time  informed  me 
that  a  large  party  of  the  Kiowa  warriors,  under  Lone  Wolf,  Sa- 
tanta,  and  other  leading  chiefs,  were  within  less  than  a  mile  of 
my  advance,  and  notwithstanding  the  above  certificate  regarding 
their  friendly  character,  they  had- seized  a  scout  who  accom- 
panied the  bearer  of  the  despatch,  disarmed  him,  and  held  him 
a  prisoner  of  war.  Taking  a  small  party  with  me,  I  proceeded 
beyond  our  lines  to  meet  the  flag  of  truce.  I  was  met  by 
several  of  the  leading  chiefs  of  the  Kiowas,  including  those 
above  named.  Large  parties  of  their  warriors  could  be  seen 
posted  in  the  neighboring  ravines  and  upon  the  surrounding  hill- 
tops. All  were  painted  and  plumed  for  war,  and  nearly  all 
were  armed  with  one  rifle,  two  revolvers,  bow  and  arrow,  some 
of  their  bows  being  strung,  and  their  whole  appearance  and 
conduct  plainly  indicating  that  they  had  come  for  war." 

Yery  unwillingly,  Ouster  was  restrained  from  attacking  the 
Kiowas,  but  the  presence  of  Sheridan  compelled  him  to  submit 
to  the  assurance  of  Hazen's  note  and  refrain  from  war. 

"  After  meeting  the  chiefs,  who  with  their  bands  had 
approached  our  advance  under  flag  of  truce,  and  compelling  the 
release  of  the  scout  whom  they  had  seized  and  held  prisoner, 
we  continued  our  march  toward  Fort  Cobb,  the  chiefs  agreeing 
to  ride  with  us  and  accompany  my  sommand  to  that  place. 


456  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

Every  assurance  was  given  me  that  the  villages  to  which 
these  various  chiefs  belonged  would  at  once  move  to  Fort  Cobb 
and  there  encamp,  thus  separating  themselves  from  the  hostile 
tribes,  or  those  who  preferred  to  decline  this  proposition  of 
peace,  and  to  continue  to  wage  war;  and  as  an  evidence  of  the 
sincerity  of  their  purpose,  some  eighteen  or  twenty  of  the  most 
prominent  chiefs,  generally  Kiowas,  voluntarily  proposed  to 
accompany  us  during  the  march  of  the  day  and  the  next,  by 
which  time  it  was  expected  that  the  command  would  reach 
Fort  Cobb.  The  chiefs  only  requested  that  they  might  send 
one  of  their  number,  mounted  on  a  fleet  pony,  to  the  villages, 
in  order  to  hasten  their  movement  to  Fort  Cobb." 

Custer  consented  to  this  cheerfully,  but  as  he  was  exceed- 
ing! }r  suspicious  of  the  Indians,  watched  them  closely.  On  the 
next  day's  march,  the  chiefs,  on  one  pretext  or  another,  began 
to  drop  out  of  the  column,  and  Custer  became  convinced  that 
they  were  fooling  him,  to  gain  time  to  send  their  villages  away 
from,  not  towards  Fort  Cobb.  Feeling  sure  of  this,  he  waited 
until  the  inferior  chiefs  had  departed,  leaving  only  Satanta  and 
Lone  Wolf,  when  the  officers  at  the  head  of  the  column  drew 
their  revolvers,  and  the  two  chiefs  were  informed  they  were 
prisoners,  and  hostages.  Custer  did  not  need  two  lessons  in 
Indian  diplomacy.  Pawnee  Killer  had  fooled  him  once,  but 
Satanta  and  Lone  Wolf  were  not  equal  to  repeating  the  trick. 

Here  it  is  necessary  to  notice  a  dispute  which  arose  at  the 
time  between  Custer  and  General  Hazen,  which  turned  on  the 
identity  of  the  Indians  engaged  in  the  late  battle.  Custer, 
relying  on  the  statements  of  Mahwissa  and  the  other  squaws  of 
Black  Kettle's  band,  was  convinced  that  he  had  been  fighting 
the  Kiowas  of  Satanta  and  Lone  Wolf.  Mahwissa  even  pointed 
out  Satanta's  camp,  close  to  that  of  Black  Kettle.  General 
Hazen,  on  the  other  hand,  was  convinced  that  Satanta  and 
Lone  Wolf  were  not  in  the  battle,  that  the  major  part  of  the 
Kiowas  were  in  camp  at  Fort  Cobb,  a  hundred  miles  from  the 
battle  field,  and  that  only  a  small  baud  of  either  Kiowas  or 


SATANTA. 


CLOSING    OPERATIONS.  457 

Comanches,  who  had  not  come  in,  could  possibly  have  been  in 
the  battle. 

Not  for  six  years  was  the  difficulty  cleared  up.  It  was  then 
settled  by  the  production  of  various  affidavits  from  the  disburs- 
ing officers  and  agents  at  Fort  Cobb,  which  proved  conclusively, 
that  Satanta  and  Lone  Wolf  visited  and  slept  at  the  officers' 
quarters  in  Fort  Cobb,  on  the  27th  November,  the  same  night 
that  Ouster  fought  Black  Kettle,  a  hundred  miles  away,  and 
that  rations  were  issued  to  nine-tenths  of  the  Kiowason  the  26th 
of  November,  at  the  same  place.  General  Hazen's  statement 
was  published  in  brief  in  the  Army  and  Navy  Journal  ot 
March  30,  1874,  and  settles  the  question.  It  seems,  however, 
that  the  Kiowas,  knowing  that  a  small  band  of  their  friends  had 
been  in  the  battle,  were  naturally  frightened  to  death  when  they 
heard  of  Ouster's  return,  a  fortnight  later.  They  at  once  scat- 
tered, and  left  Fort  Cobb,  fearing  to  be  punished  for  past  mis- 
deeds:  and  the  embassy  of  Lone  Wolf  and  Satanta  probably 
had  just  the  intention  which  Ouster  divined,  that  of  giving  the 
lodges  time  to  get  away  safe. 

At  all  events,  the  capture  of  the  two  chiefs  as  hostages  had 
the  happiest  effect.  The  column  continued  its  march  to  Fort 
Cobb.  On  the  way  they  were  met  by  Satanta's  son,  who  was 
allowed  to  come  and  go  within  the  lines,  as  a  medium  of  com- 
munication between  the  whites  and  the  Kiowas.  For  a  long 
time  the  Indians  tried  to  procrastinate  and  avoid  yielding  to 
Ouster's  demands.  These  were  simple,  that  the  Indians  should 
come  in  and  settle  once  more  on  their  reservations  by  the  fort, 
in  the  power  of  the  troops.  At  last  General  Sheridan's  rapid 
decision  cut  the  knots  of  diplomacy  in  a  very  effectual  manner. 
He  told  Ouster,  through  whom  he  conducted  all  the  negotia- 
tions, to  assure  Lone  Wolf  and  Satanta,  that  if  their  bands  were 
uot  in  camp  before  sunset  of  the  following  day,  both  chiefs 
would  he  hung  at  that  hour,  and  troops  sent  after  Kiowas. 
This  settled  the  question  very  quickly.  Satanta's  son  was 
sent  off,  full  speed,  to  the  tribes,  and  long  before  the  said  sun- 


4:58  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

set  the  Kiowas  were  quietly  settled  under  the  guns   of  Fort 
Cobb. 

The  next  tribe  that  needed  subduing  was  the  Arapahoes. 
The  Cheyennes  had  been  humbled,  the  Kiowas  pacified  without 
bloodshed,  thanks  to  Ouster's  seizure  of  Satanta,  the  Arapahoes 
must  also  be  brought  on  their  reservations.  To  do  this  required 
either  hard  fighting  and  marching,  or  the  exercise  of  finesse 
General  Sheridan,  who  had  so  far  left  the  fighting  and  negotia- 
tion entirely  to  Ouster,  continued  to  do  so.  The  young  lieu- 
tenant-colonel found  him  a  very  different  chief,  sympathetic  and 
appreciative,  to  the  others  by  whom  he  had  been  commanded 
since  the  war.  Sheridan  continued  to  let  him  have  his  own 
way,  and  it  was  crowned  with  the  same  triumphant  success 
which  had  marked  it  hitherto.  Briefly,  Ouster  succeeded  in 
bringing  the  Arapahoes  as  he  had  the  Kiowas,  but  by  a  differ- 
ent method. 

First,  a  friendly  chief  of  the  Apaches,  named  Iron  Shirt, 
who  volunteered  for  the  office,  was  selected  as  an  ambassador 
in  the  cause  of  peace  to  both  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes.  "With 
him.  was  dispatched  Mahwissa,  the  sister  of  Black  Kettle,  and 
both  were  well  supplied  witli  presents.  Their  instructions  were 
to  go  to  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  see  the  chiefs,  tell  them 
that  if  they  chose  to  come  in  and  settle  on  their  reservations 
they  should  be  well  treated,  and  to  remind  them  that  if  they  did 
not  come  in,  they  might  get  the  same  treatment  as  Black  Kettle. 

The  departure  of  the  envoys  made  an  end  of  all  hope  of  a 
winter  campaign,  for  which,  no  doubt,  the  officers  of  the  Seventh 
Cavalry  were  not  sorry.  It  was  late  in  January  before  Iron 
Shirt  returned,  without  Mahwissa.  lie  brought  the  news  that 
the  distance  was  too  great  and  the  ponies  too  thin  for  the  tribes 
to  move,  and  that  the  Cheyennes  had  detained  Mahwissa  from 
returning.  He  reported  however  that  Little  Robe,  chief  of  the 
Cheyennes,  and  Yellow  Bear,  second  chief  of  the  Arapahoes, 
were  both  very  anxious  to  accept  the  government's  proposition, 
and  would  themselves  visit  the  camp  shortly. 


CLOSING    OPERATIONS.  459 

A  few  days  after,  sure  enough,  Little  Robe  and  Yellow 
Bear  arrived  and  were  handsomely  received.  The  latter  was 
about  the  least  cruel  and  most  sensible  of  the  chiefs  on  the 
plains,  a  great  contrast  to  the  peculiarly  savage  and  insolent  Sa- 
tanta.  He  was  the  one  good  Indian  whom  Ouster  appears  to 
have  met.  The  sequel  to  the  visit  is  thus  told  by  Ouster : 

"  They  reported  that  their  villages  had  had  under  considera- 
tion the  question  of  accepting  our  invitation  to  come  in  and 
live  at  peace  in  the  future,  and  that  many  of  their  people  were 
strongly  in  favor  of  adopting  this  course,  but  for  the  present  it 
was  uncertain  whether  or  not  the  two  tribes  would  come  in. 
The  two  tribes  would  probably  act  in  concert,  and  if  they  in- 
tended coming,  would  make  their  determination  known  by 
despatching  couriers  to  us  in  a  few  days.  In  spite  of  the  sin- 
cerity of  the  motives  of  Little  Robe  and  Yellow  Bear,  whom  I 
have  always  regarded  as  two  of  the  most  upright  and  peaceably 
inclined  Indians  I  have  ever  known,  and  who  have  since  that 
time  paid  a  visit  to  the  President  at  Washington,  it  was  evident 
that  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  while  endeavoring  to  oc- 
cupy us  with  promises  and  pretences,  were  only  interested  in 
delaying  our  movements  until  the  return  of  spring,  when  the 
young  grass  would  enable  them  to  recruit  the  strength  of  their 
winter-famished  ponies  and  move  when  and  where  they  pleased. 

"  After  waiting  many  long  weary  days  for  the  arrival  of  the 
promised  couriers,  from  the  two  tribes,  until  even  Little  Robe 
and  Yellow  Bear  were  forced  to  acknowledge  that  there  was  no 
longer  any  reason  to  expect  their  coming,  it  occurred  to  me  that 
there  was  but  one  expedient  yet  untried  which  furnished  even 
a  doubtful  chance  of  averting  war.  This  could  only  be  resorted 
to  with  the  approval  of  General  Sheridan,  whose  tent  had  been 
pitched  in  our  midst  during  the  entire  winter,  and  who  evi- 
dently proposed  to  remain  on  the  ground  until  the  Indian  ques- 
tion in  that  locality  should  be  disposed  of.  My  plan  was  as 
follows : 

"  After  weighing  the  matter  carefully  in  my  own  mind,  I 


460  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

decided  that  with  General  Sheridan's  approval  1  wou.d  select 
from  ray  command  forty  men,  two  officers,  and  a  medical  offi- 
cer, and,  accompanied  by  the  two  chiefs,  Little  Robe  and  Yellow 
Bear,  who  regarded  my  proposition  with  favor,  I  would  set  out 
in  search  of  the  hostile  camp,  there  being  but  little  doubt  that 
with  the  assistance  of  the  chiefs  I  would  have  little  difficulty  in 
discovering  the  whereabouts  of  the  villages  ;  while  the  smallness 
of  my  party  would  prevent  unnecessary  alarm  or  suspicion  as 
to  our  intentions.  From  my  tent  to  General  Sheridan's  was 
only  a  few  steps,  and  I  soon  submitted  my  proposition  to  the 
General,  who  from  the  first  was  inclined  to  lend  his  approval 
to  my  project.  After  discussing  it  fully,  he  gave  his  consent  by 
saying  that  the  character  of  the  proposed  expedition  was  such 
that  he  would  not  order  me  to  proceed  upon  it,  but  if  I  volun- 
teered to  go,  he  would  give  me  the  full  sanction  of  his  author- 
ity and  every  possible  assistance  to  render  the  mission  a  success- 
ful one  ;  in  conclusion  urging  me  to  exercise  the  greatest  caution 
against  the  stratagems  or  treachery  of  the  Indians,  who  no 
doubt  would  be  but  too  glad  to  massacre  my  party  in  revenge 
for  their  recent  well-merited  chastisement.  Returning  to  my 
tent,  I  at  once  set  about  making  preparations  for  my  journey, 
the  extent  or  result  of  which  now  became  interesting  subjects 
for  deliberation.  The  first  thing  necessary  was  to  make  up 
the  party  which  was  to  accompany  me. 

"  As  the  number  of  men  was  to  be  limited  to  forty,  too  much 
care  could  not  be  exercised  in  their  selection.  I  chose  the 
great  majority  of  them  from  the  sharpshooters,  men  who,  in 
addition  to  being  cool  and  brave,  were  experienced  and  skillful 
marksmen.  My  standard-bearer,  a  well-tried  sergeant,  was  se- 
lected as  the  senior  non-commissioned  officer  of  the  party. 
The  officers  who  were  to  accompany  me  were  my  brother 
Colonel  Ouster,  Captain  Robbins,  and  Dr.  Renick,  Acting 
Assistant  Surgeon  U.  S.  Army.  As  guide  I  had  Keva,  a  Black- 
foot  Indian,  who  had  accompanied  General  Fremont  in  his 
explorations,  and  who  could  speak  a  little  English.  Little  Robe 


CLOSING    OPERATIONS.  461 

and  Yellow  Bear  were  also  to  be  relied  upon  as  guides,  while 
Borneo  accompanied  us  as  interpreter.  All  were  well  armed 
and  well  mounted.  We  were  to  take  no  wagons  or  tents  ;  our 
extra  supplies  were  to  be  transported  on  pack-mules.  We  were 
to  start  on  the  evening  of  the  second  day,  the  intervening  time 
being  necessary  to  complete  our  preparations.  It  was  decided 
that  our  first  march  should  be  a  short  one,  sufficient  merely  to 
enable  us  to  reach  a  village  of  friendly  Apaches,  located  a  few 
miles  from  our  camp,  where  we  would  spend  the  first  night  and 
be  joined  by  Little  Robe  and  Yellow  Bear,  who  at  that  time 
were  guests  of  the  Apaches.  I  need  not  say  that  in  the  opinion 
of  many  of  our  comrades^  our  mission  was  regarded  as  closely 
bordering  on  the  imprudent,  to  qualify  it  by  no  stronger  term. 

So  confident  did  one  of  the  most  prudent  officers  of  my 
command  feel  in  regard  to  our  annihilation  by  the  Indians,  that 
in  bidding  me  good-bye,  he  contrived  to  slip  into  my  hand  a 
small  pocket  Derringer  pistol,  loaded,  with  the  simple  remark, 
"  You  had  better  take  it,  general ;  it  may  prove  useful  to  yon." 
As  I  was  amply  provided  with  arms,  both  revolvers  and  rifle, 
and  as  a  pocket  Derringer  may  not  impress  the  reader  as  being 
a  very  formidable  weapon  to  use  in  Indian  warfare,  the  purpose 
of  my  friend  in  giving  me  the  small  pocket  weapon  may  not 
seem  clear.  It  was  given  me  under  the  firm  conviction 
that  the  Indians  would  overwhelm  and  massacre  my  entire 
party ;  and  to  prevent  my  being  captured,  disarmed,  and 
reserved  for  torture,  that  little  pistol  was  given  me  in  order 
that  at  the  last  moment  I  might  become  my  own  executioner — 
an  office  I  was  not  seeking,  nor  did  I  share  in  my  friend's 
opinion. 

"  Everything  being  ready  for  our  departure,  we  swung  into 
our  saddles,  waved  our  adieus  to  the  comrades  who  were  to 
remain  in  camp,  and  the  next  moment  we  turned  our  horses' 
heads  westward." 

We  do  not  intend  to  enlarge  on  the  incidents  of  the  journey 
which  ensued,  which  are  f  ully  recorded  in  "  Life  on  *><a 


462  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

Plains,"  to  which  the  reader  is  referred.  Suffice  it  to  say  that 
it  was  successful,  that  Ouster  reached  the  Arapahoe  camp  in 
safety,  and  that  the  expedition  ended  in  the  quiet  location  of 
the  whole  tribe  under  the  guns  of  the  fort  on  their  reservation. 
The  Cheyennes  however  were  not  so  tractable.  The  destruc- 
tion of  Black  Kettle's  band  had  only  exasperated,  not  cowed 
them,  and  they  needed  another  lesson.  It  was  soon  given 
them  by  Ouster. 

General  Sheridan  departed  for  Camp  Supply  as  soon  as  the 
Kiowas  and  Arapahoes  were  settled,  while  Ouster,  taking  with 
him  the  Seventh  Cavalry  and  Nineteenth  Kansas,  started,  on 
the  2d  of  March,  1869,  on  the  search  after  the  Cheyennes. 
The  story  of  his  march  is  so  well  and  succinctly  told  in  his 
official  report,  that  we  give  it  nearly  entire. 

On  the  morning  of  the  2d  March,  my  command,  composed 
of  eleven  troops  of  the  Seventh  U.  S.  Cavalry,  and  ten  troops 
of  the  Nineteenth  Kansas  Cavalry,  left  its  camp  on  Medicine 
Bluff  Creek,  about  thirty  miles  due  south  from  Fort  Cobb.  My 
course  was  via  Camp  Radziminski,  mouth  of  Elk  Creek,  to  a 
point  on  the  North  Fork  of  Red  River,  a  few  miles  above  the 
mouth  of  Salt  Creek.  Here  I  divided  my  command  into  two 
columns.  Selecting  about  eight  hundred  of  the  most  effective 
men  from  both  regiments,  I  directed  Brevet  Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel Myers,  Seventh  Cavalry,  to  proceed  in  command  of  the 
remainder  and  surplus  train  up  the  North  Fork,  and  across  to 
a  point  on  the  Washita,  near  the  late  battle-ground  ;  and  there 
await  further  orders. 

With  that  portion  of  the  command  selected  for  the  purpose, 
I  Jeft  our  camp  on  the  North  Fork  on  the  morning  of  the  6th 
instant,  and  marched  due  west,  striking  the  Salt  Fork  after  a 
few  hours'  march.  About  noon  we  struck  a  fresh  trail  of  a 
single  lodge  and  fourteen  animals  heading  up  the  Salt  Fork. 
Taking  up  the  pursuit  we  followed  the  trail  three  days  and  one 
night,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  third  day  surprised  the  party 
we  were  pursuing,  while  seeking  shelter  from  an  approaching 


CLOSING    OPERATIONS.  463 

storm,  capturing  their  lodge,  cooking  utensils,  provisions,  and 
eleven  of  their  ponies,  the  party,  which  consisted  of  nine  Chey- 
ennes,  barely  making  their  escape  into  one  of  the  many  ravines 
near  by.  This  was  one  of  the  small  parties  which  the  Chey- 
ennes  had  sent  to  the  vicinity  of  our  camps  on  Medicine  Bluff 
Creek  to  observe  and  report  our  movements,  and  was  then  on 
its  way  to  the  main  village  to  report  that  we  were  again  on  the 
move.  The  point  at  which  the  capture  was  made  was  in  Texas, 
on  a  small  fresh  water  tributary  of  Salt  Fork. 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th  we  moved  in  a  westerly  direc- 
tion ;  marched  all  day,  but  were  unable  to  find  water,  and 
were  forced  to  make  a  dry  camp  on  the  prairie.  Before  day- 
light next  morning  we  resumed  the  march,  changing  our 
course  to  the  south,  and  by  noon  reached  camp  on  Middle 
Fork,  a  stream  which,  on  some  maps,  is  designated  as  Gypsum 
Creek. 

On  the  following  morning  we  moved  toward  the  southwest, 
crossing  Mulberry  Creek.  Our  march  was  continued  until  we 
came  in  sight  of  the  banks  of  the  main  Red  River.  Here  we 
discovered  the  trail  of  one  lodge  leading  north- west.  The  trail 
was  nearly  one  month  old,  but  with  the  hope  that  it  would 
lead  to  others,  we  took  it  up,  and  before  pursuing  many  miles 
had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  trail  increased  by  that  of 
eleven  lodges,  all  about  the  same  time. 

That  night  we  encamped  on  the  head-waters  of  Mulberry 
Creek,  occupying  the  ground  selected  for  the  same  purpose  by 
the  Indians.  From  this  point  the  trail  led  northward.  Not- 
withstanding the  trail  was  very  old,  I  felt  confident  that  with 
due  precautions,  and  knowing  the  lazy  manner  in  which  Indians 
moved  when  not  pursued,  we  could  overhaul  them,  or  at  least 
get  very  near  them,  before  our  proximity  was  discovered. 
Thanks  to  their  superior  geographical  knowledge  I  was  not 
troubled  by  routes,  water  or  camping  grounds.  The  trail  led 
us  by  easy  marches  to  good  water,  plenty  of  timber,  and  the 
best  camping  grounds  that  could  be  selected. 


464  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th  the  pursuit  was  resumed. 
Early  in  the  day  the  trail  was  found  to  be  enlarged  by  the 
addition  of  forty-two  lodges,  and  before  night  about  as  many 
more  joined,  making  the  trail  one  of  over  a  hundred  lodges, 
and  so  plain  we  could  follow  it  at  a  gallop,  could  our  horses 
have  kept  up  the  gait.  That  night  we  encamped  on  Middle 
Fork. 

The  morning  of  the  13th  we  observed  fresher  signs  of  In- 
dians than  we  had  yet  seen,  indicating  that  they  had  left  the 
Middle  Fork  not  more  than  a  week  previous.  This  will  be 
understood  when  it  is  known  that  in  the  ordinary  manner  of 
moving  the  village  remains  from  three  days  to  a  week  in  each 
camp,  and  then  moves  but  about  ten  miles  before  making 
another  camp. 

We  moved  without  delay,  and  one  of  our  marches  equaled 
two  or  three  made  by  the  Indians.  As  the  trail  grew  warmer 
it  became  necessary  to  adopt  additional  precautions  to  insure 
success.  No  bugle  calls  or  discharges  of  fire-arms  were  permit- 
ted. Fires  were  lighted  after  dark  and  covered  with  earth 
before  daylight.  Tents  were  burned,  and  all  blankets  in  excess 
of  one  per  man,  and  all  clothing  shared  the  same  fate. 

Daily  the  pursuit  was  continued  until  the  morning  of  the 
15th,  when  we  reached  a  camp  ground  on  the  North  Fork 
which  had  been  abandoned  only  two  days  before.  Encouraged 
by  the  prospect,  we  pressed  forward,  and  by  noon  the  advance 
had  made  twenty  miles. 

Hard  Hope,  the  war  chief  of  the  Osages,  and  who  at  this 
moment  was  running  the  trail,  discovered,  about  one  mile  in 
advance,  a  herd  of  forty  or  fifty  ponies,  grazing  and  herded 
by  two  Indians.  The  latter  discovered  us  at  the  same  time, 
and  drove  the  herd  rapidly  in  the  direction  of  a  timber  stream 
which  could  be  seen  some  two  or  three  miles  beyond. 

I  at  once  sent  orders  back  to  the  column,  which  was  still  a 
considerable  distance  in  the  rear,  to  close  up  at  a  rapid  gait. 

The  deep  sand  and  the  exhausted  condition  of  horses  and 


CLOSING    OPERATIONS.  465 

men  prevented  this  being  done  promptly.  I  was  uncertain  as 
to  whether  the  village  was  in  our  front,  or  whether  the  herd 
seen  driven  off  was  merely  on  the  move.  If  the  latter,  desiring 
to  effect  its  capture,  I  Advanced  with  the  few  men  then  in  front 
in  the  direction  taken  by  the  herd.  After  proceeding  about 
two  miles,  Indians  could  be  seen  in  front,  partially  concealed 
behind  the  sand  hills,  and  watching  our  movements.  Taking 
my  orderly  with  me,  I  advanced  to  learn  their  character  and 
intentions.  After  considerable  signaling  and  parleying,  eight 
Indians  came  forward  to  meet  me.  From  them  I  learned  that 
the  entire  Cheyenne  tribe,  numbering  two  hundred  and  sixty 
lodges,  was  encamped  at  different  points  within  ten  or  fifteen 
miles  from  where  we  then  were.  A  few  moments  afterward 
thirty  or  forty  Indians  rode  up  to  us,  including  Medicine  Arrow, 
the  head  chief  of  the  Cheyennes  and  several  other  noted  chiefs 
of  the  same  tribe.  From  the  latter  I  learned  that  over  two 
hundred  lodges  were  encamped  on  the  stream  directly  in  our 
front,  the  remainder,  under  Little  Kobe,  being  some  ten  or  fif- 
teen miles  lower  down. 

Included  in  the  two  hundred  lodges  were  nearly  all  the  lodges 
belonging  to  the  Dog  Soldiers,  the  most  mischievous,  blood- 
thirsty and  barbarous  band  of  Indians  that  infest  the  Plains. 

Here,  then,  was  the  opportunity  we  had  been  seeking,  to 
administer  a  well-merited  punishment  to  the  worst  of  all  Indi- 
ans. My  intentions  were  formed  accordingly,  and  as  I  rode 
with  Medicine  Arrow  in  the  direction  of  the  village,  I  made 
ray  plans  for  surrounding  the  village  and  attacking  as  soon  as 
the  troops  came  up.  I  did  not  pursue  this  course,  however, 
and  for  the  following  reasons :  On  my  way  to  the  village  I 
learned  that  the  two  white  women  captured  in  Kansas  last 
autumn — one  Mrs.  Morgan,  on  the  Solomon  ;  the  other,  Miss 
White,  on  the  Republican — were  then  held  captive  in  the 
Cheyenne  village.  It  was  then  out  of  the  question  to  assume 
a  hostile  attitude,  at  least  until  every  peaceable  means  for  their 
recovery  had  been  exhausted.  The  opening  of  our  attack  would 
30 


466  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

have  been  the  signal  for  their  murder  by  their  captors,  as  we 
very  well  knew.  I  therefore  determined  to  encamp  my  com- 
mand, as  soon  as  it  arrived,  near  the  village.  In  the  meantime 
I  accompanied  Medicine  Arrow  to  his  lodge  in  the  centre  of 
his  village,  where  all  the  principal  chiefs  and  the  medicine  man 
of  the  tribe  soon  assembled. 

Before  entering  the  village  I  observed  the  greatest  excite- 
ment prevailed ;  the  entire  herd  was  collected  ;  the  squaws  had 
everything  except  their  lodges  packed,  and  their  ponies  were 
saddled  ready  for  a  precipitate  flight.  So  that,  had  my  inten- 
tion to  attack  been  carried  out,  it  is  doubtful  whether,  with  the 
timely  warning  they  had  received,  and  considering  the  jaded 
condition  of  my  animals,  we  could  at  that  time  have  inflicted 
any  very  serious  injury  beyond  the  capture  of  their  lodges.  The 
recovery  of  the  captive  white  women  was  now  my  first  object. 
The  squaws  and  children  remained  seated  upon  their  ponies, 
until  the  troops  approached  the  village,  when  their  fears,  coupled 
with  the  remembrance  of  the  crimes  of  the  tribe  and  their 
deserved  punishment,  got  the  better  of  them,  and,  like  a  herd 
of  frightened  sheep,  old  and  young  squaws,  papooses,  ponies 
and  mules,  started  in  the  direction  of  Little  Kobe's  village, 
abandoning  to  us  their  lodges  and  poles,  and  immense  numbers 
of  camp  kettles,  robes,  shields  and  ponies.  I  ordered  my  men 
not  to  fire  upon  the  fugitives,  but  caused  four  of  their  principal 
men,  two  of  them  noted  chiefs  of  the  Dog  Soldiers — "Big 
Head"  and  "Dull  Knife" — to  be  seized  and  held  under  guard, 
intending  through  them  to  compel  the  release  of  the  two  white 
women.  At  the  same  time,  to  prevent  the  Cheyennes  from 
breaking  up  into  small  parties  and  renewing  hostilities,  I  sent 
word  to  them  to  return  and  take  their  lodges  with  them,  adding 
that  if  they  would  all  agree  to  encamp  near  Little  Robe  and 
his  band,  1  would  not  permit  their  abandoned  village  to  be 
disturbed  until  the  lodges  had  been  removed. 

This  proposition  was  generally  accepted.  I  then  sent  a  run- 
ner to  Little  Robe,  who  was  well  known  to  me,  and  whose  in- 


CLOSING    OPERATIONS.  467 

fluence  with  his  tribe  was  great,  to  come  and  see  me,  promising 
him  safe  passport  back  to  his  village.  He  accepted  my  invi- 
tation, came  to  my  camp,  and  after  a  long  talk  promised  to  use 
his  influence  for  the  best.  No  promise  to  deliver  up  the  cap- 
tives into  our  hands  without  the  payment  of  a  large  ransom 
could  be  obtained.  I  was  determined  to  secure  their  release, 
and  that  unconditionally,  and  thereby  discourage  the  custom  of 
ransoming  captives  from  Indians,  which  is  really  nothing  more 
or  less  than  offering  the  latter  a  premium  upon  every  captive. 

To  obtain  a  better  camp,  and  at  the  same  time  accomplish 
my  purpose,  I  told  Little  Robe  I  would  change  my  camp  the 
following  day,  moving  in  the  direction  of  his  village,  but  that  I 
had  no  desire  to  approach  its  immediate  vicinity,  and  that,  after 
my  arrival  in  camp,  if  he  and  the  other  chiefs  would  visit  me 
I  would  talk  with  them. 

On  the  evening  of  the  second  day  a  chief  who  had  accom- 
panied Little  Robe  the  first  day,  came  to  my  camp  to  learn 
what  I  had  to  say,  and  to  procure,  if  possible,  the  release  of  the 
chiefs  and  warriors  held  by  me.  No  satisfactory  statement 
could  be  gotten  from  him  regarding  the  return  of  the  white 
women  or  the  intentions  of  the  chiefs.  I,  therefore,  determined 
not  to  be  put  off  any  longer,  and  told  him  we  had  then  waited 
three  days  for  them  to  give  us  the  white  women,  and  had  ob- 
tained no  satisfactory  response ;  that  I  should  wait  one  day 
longer,  but  if  by  sunset  the  following  day  the  white  women 
were  not  delivered  up,  I  would  hang  to  a  tree,  which  was  there 
designated,  three  of  the  men  held  captive  by  me  (the  fourth  one 
having  been  sent  as  a  runner  to  Little  Robe),  and  that  the  fol- 
lowing day  I  would  follow  and  attack  the  village.  With  this 
message  the  chief  departed.  The  next  day  was  one  of  no  little 
anxiety  to  all.  and  to  none  more  than  to  the  three  captive  Ohey- 
ennes  whom  I  certainly  intended  to  hang  if  their  people  failed 
to  accede  to  our  demands.  The  ropes  were  ready,  and  the  limb 
selected  when,  about  three  o'clock  p.  M.  a  small  party  of  Indian 
warriors  were  seen  approaching  camp.  They  halted  on  a  knoll 


468  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

about  one  mile  distant,  while  one  of  their  number  came  forward 
with  the  welcome  intelligence  that  the  women  were  with  them 
and  would  be  given  up ;  but  this  was  coupled  with  the  propo- 
sition that  I  should  exchange  the  three  men,  or  two  of  them, 
for  the  women.  This  was  refused,  and  the  return  of  the  women 
demanded  at  once,  and  unconditionally.  A  reluctant  assent  to 
this  was  given.  The  Indians,  however,  feared  to  come  inside 
of  our  lines.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Moore,  and  Majors  Jones 
and  Jenkins  were,  therefore,  detailed  to  go  out  and  receive 
them. 

[The  matter  ended  by  the  release  of  the  women,  and  their 
restoration  to  their  friends,  and  the  sequel  of  the  story  is  thus 
told  by  Ouster]  : 

"  After  the  momentary  excitement  consequent  upon  the  ar- 
rival of  the  girls  in  camp  had  subsided,  officers,  particularly  of 
the  Kansas  volunteers,  came  to  me  with  the  remark  that  when 
we  first  overtook  the  Cheyenne  village,  and  I  failed  to  order  an 
attack  when  all  the  chances  were  in  our  favor,  they  mentally 
condemned  my  decision  as  a  mistake ;  but  with  the  results 
accomplished  afterward  they  found  ample  reason  to  amend 
their  first  judgment,  and  frankly  and  cordially  admit  that  the 
release  of  the  two  captives  was  far  more  gratifying  than  any 
victory  over  the  Indians  could  have  been  if  purchased  by  the 
sacrifice  of  their  lives. 

"  With  this  happy  termination  of  this  much  of  our  negotia- 
tions with  the  Indians,  I  determined  to  march  in  the  morning 
for  Camp  Supply,  Indian  Territory,  satisfied  that  with  the  three 
chiefs  in  our  possession,  and  the  squaws  and  children  captured 
At  the  Wasbita,  still  held  as  prisoners  at  Fort  Hays,  Kansas,  we 
could  compel  the  Cheyennes  to  abandon  the  war-path  and 
return  to  their  reservation.  The  three  chiefs  begged  to  be 
released,  upon  the  ground  that  their  people  had  delivered  up  the 
two  girls ;  but  this  I  told  them  was  but  one  of  the  two  condi- 
tions imposed  ;  the  other  required  the  tribe  to  return  to  their 
reservation,  and  until  this  was  done,  they  need  not  hope  for 


CLOSING    OPERATIONS.  4G9 

freedom  ;  but  in  the  meanwhile  I  assured  them  of  kind  treat- 
ment at  our  hands. 

"  Before  dark  a  delegation  of  chiefs  from  the  village  visited 
camp  to  likewise  urge  the  release  of  the  three  chiefs.  My  reply 
to  them  was  the  same  that  I  had  given  to  the  captives.  I 
assured  them,  however,  that  upon  complying  with  their  treaty 
obligations,  and  returning  to  their  reservation,  the  three  chiefs 
would  be  restored  to  their  people,  and  we  would  return  to  them 
also  the  women  and  children  captured  at  the  "Washita.  Seeing 
that  no  modification  of  these  terms  could  be  obtained,  they 
finally  promised  to  accede  to  them,  saying  that  their  ponies,  as 
I  knew  to  be  the  fact,  were  in  no  condition  to  travel,  but  as 
soon  as  practicable  they  would  surely  proceed  with  their  entire 
village  to  Camp  Supply,  and  abandon  the  war-path  forever ;  a 
promise  which,  as  a  tribe,  they  have  adhered  to,  from  that  day 
to  this,  with  strict  faith,  so  far  as  my  knowledge  extends." 

The  settlement  of  the  Cheyennes  closed  Ouster's  services  on 
the  southern  plains.  His  command  proceeded  to  Camp  Supply 
and  thence  to  Fort  Hays,  where  the  Nineteenth  Kansas  was 
mustered  out.  From  and  after  the  "Washita  campaign,  the 
frontiers  of  Kansas  were  untroubled  by  any  considerable  depre- 
dations. Pawnee  Killer,  and  the  single  campaign  of  1867,  had 
taught  Custer  all  he  needed  to  know  of  Indian  fighting.  In 
1868-9,  he  showed  the  fruits  of  his  lesson  in  the  first  thoroughly 
successful  campaign  that  had  yet  been  prosecuted  against  the 
Indians  of  the  plains. 

As  many  of  our  readers  may  feel  an  interest  in  the  various 
characters  introduced  in  these  southern  campaigns  of  Custer, 
a  short  summary  of  the  fate  of  his  best  scouts  may  not  be  un- 
interesting. It  seems  that  Romeo,  true  to  his  amorous  name,  and 
not  deterred  by  his  previous  experience  in  Indian  marriages,  took 
to  himself  one  more  Cheyenne  wife,  when  the  tribe  came  in  on 
their  reservation,  and  that  he  became  and  is  an  Indian  trader. 

California  Joe  disappeared  for  several  years,  till  in  1874, 
when  Custer  was  in  command  at- Fort  Lincoln,  he  sent  the 
general  this  letter : 


470  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

SIERRE  NEVADE  MOUNTAINS,  CALEFORNIA,  March  16,  1874. 

Dear  General  after  my  respets  to  you  and  Lady  i  thought  that 
i  tell  you  that  i  am  still  on  top  of  land  yit  i  hev  been  in  the 
rockey  mountain  the  most  of  the  time  sence  last  I  seen  you  but  i 
got  on  the  railroad  and  started  west  and  the  first  thing  I  knew  I 
landed  in  san  Francisco  so  I  could  not  go  any  further  except  goin 
by  water  and  salt  water  at  that  so  i  turned  back  and  headed  for 
the  mountains  once  more  resolved  never  to  go  railroading  no  more 
i  drifted  up  with  the  tide  to  sacramento  city  and  i  landed  my  boat 
so  i  took  up  through  town  they  say  thar  is  20  thousand  people 
living  thar  but  it  looks  to  me  like  to  be  100  thousand  counting 
chinaman  and  all  i  cant  describe  my  wolfish  feeling  but  i  think 
that  i  look  just  like  i  did  when  we  was  chasing  Buffalo  on  the 
cimarone  so  i  struck  up  through  town  and  i  come  to  a  large  fine 
building  crowded  with  people  so  i  bulged  in  to  see  what  was  going 
on  and  when  i  got  in  to  the  couusil  house  i  took  a  look  around  at 
the  crowd  and  i  seen  the  most  of  them  had  bald  heads  so  i  thought 
to  myself  i  struck  it  now  that  they  are  indian  peace  commissioners 
so  i  look  to  see  if  i  would  know  any  of  them  but  not  one  so  after 
while  the  smartess  lookin  one  got  up  and  said  gentleman  i  intro- 
duce a  bill  to  have  speckle  mountain  trout  and  fish  eggs  imported 
to  California  to  be  put  in  the  american  Bear  and  yuba  rivers — 
those  rivers  is  so  muddy  that  a  tadpole  could  not  live  in  them 
caused  by  mining — did  any  body  ever  hear  of  speckle  trout  living 
in  muddy  water  and  the  next  thing  was  the  game  law  and  that 
was  very  near  as  bad  as  the  Fish  for  they  aint  no  game  in  the 
country  as  big  as  mawking  bird  i  heard  some  fellow  behind  me  ask 
how  long  is  the  legislaturs  been  in  session  then  i  dropt  on  myself 
it  wuzent  Indian  commissioners  after  all  so  i  slid  out  took  across 
to  Chinatown  and  they  smelt  like  a  kiowa  camp  in  August  with 
plenty  buffalo  meat  around — it  was  gettin  late  so  no  place  to  go 
not  got  a  red  cent  so  i  happen  to  think  of  an  old  friend  back  of 
town  that  i  kuowed  25  years  ago  so  i  lit  out  and  sure  enough  he 
was  thar  just  as  i  left  him  25  years  ago  baching  [leading  the  life 
of  bachelor — G-.  A.  0.]  so  i  got  a  few  seads  i  going  to  plant  in  a 
few  days  give  my  respects  to  the  7th  calvery  and  except  the  same 
yoursly 

CALIFORNIA  JOE. 

Joe  subsequently  turned  up  again  as  a  miner  in  the  Black 
Hills,  where  he  probably  is  to-day.  He  still  smokes. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


final  submission  of  the  Cheyennes  completed  the  work 
JL  of  Ouster  in  the  southwest,  and  set  on  him  the  stamp  of 
complete  success.  He  had  done  what  no  other  officer  in  the 
American  army  had  yet  succeeded  in  doing,  beaten  tribe  after 
tribe  of  Indians,  completely  and  decisively;  and  his  exploits  had 
justly  earned  the  reputation  for  him  of  being  the  best  Indian 
fighter  on  the  plains.  For  a  time,  his  bitterest  enemies  were 
silent.  They  could  not  alter  the  facts  by  their  sneers,  and  their 
animus  was  too  palpable  when  they  tried  to  belittle  his  exploits. 
The  facts  were  Ouster's  best  eulogy. 

A  hostile  and  prejudiced  court  had  sentenced  him  to  dis- 
grace on  a  frivolous  pretext,  and  his  enemies  had  tried  their 
best  to  get  along  without  him.  They  had  all  the  United  States 
army  to  pick  from,  and  yet  they  had  done  nothing  all  the  summer 
but  get  into  trouble  and  fail.  The  stage  routes  were  deserted, 
travel  stopped,  and  only  the  line  of  the  railway,  as  far  as  built, 
was  safe.  At  last  Ouster's  worst  enemies  were  compelled  to 
acquiesce  silently  in  the  request  of  Sherman  and  Sheridan  to  be 
given  back  Ouster  himself  as  the  only  hope  of  success.  Every 
officer  of  the  Seventh,  enemies  and  all,  joined  in  the  request. 
A  few  months'  experience  of  being  made  ridiculous  under 
another  leader,  brought  them  to  that.  Ouster  might  be  severe 
on  drunkards,  he  might  be  a  hard  marcher,  but  he  never  made 
a  fool  of  the  regiment,  and  his  worst  enemies  in  that  regiment 
had  been  conscious  that  he  was  unjustly  treated  in  his  court- 
martial. 


4:72  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

They  knew  that  the  principal  instigator  of  the  charges 
against  him  had  since  been  compelled  to  leave  the  army  on  ac- 
count of  habitual  drunkenness,  and  that  all  the  really  good  and 
valuable  officers  who  had  ever  served  under  Ouster  were  unan- 
imous in  his  praise.  They  joined  in  that  request,  the  like  of 
which  had  never  been  known  before.  'A  whole  department 
formally  asked  for  the  return  to  command  of  an  officer  whom  a 
year  before  the  powers  had  tried  their  utmost  to  disgrace.  He 
came,  and  what  was  the  result  ?  Before  the  winter  had  fairly 
turned  into  spring,  Ouster  had  ended  the  whole  war  and  placed 
the  frontier  in  peace,  alone  and  unassisted,  just  because  he  was 
given  his  own  way.  In  seven  months  he  had  closed  the  cam- 
paign which  commenced  in  1867,  when  Hancock  let  the  Chey- 
ennes  slip  from  between  his  fingers,  and  when  Ouster  saw  his 
first  Indian  chief.  He  learned  the  mysteries  of  Indian  warfare 
pretty  quickly  after  that. 

The  close  of  this  seven  months'  campaign  gave  Ouster  a  long 
and  well-earned  rest,  during  the  summer  of  1869.  During  the 
whole  winter  campaign  he  had  been  separated  from  his  wife, 
who  had  remained  at  Fort  Leaveuworth ;  but  now  that  hostili- 
ties were  closed,  she  rejoined  him.  The  Seventh  Cavalry  was 
encamped  during  the  whole  summer  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Fort  Hays,  at  Big  Creek,  where  the  very  perfection  of  prairie 
life  was  the  portion  of  all.  This  period  and  the  next  year  may 
be  called  one  of  the  very  happiest  of  Ouster's  life,  wherein  he 
enjoyed  himself  as  much  as  when  in  Texas  after  the  close  of 
the  war.  His  whole  military  life  seems  to  have  been  passed  in 
a  series  of  these  changes,  from  periods  of  the  hardest,  most 
protracted  and  vigorous  labor,  to  periods  of  rest  and  pleasure, 
enjoyed  with  the  keenest  zest  by  himself  and  wife. 

The  summer  of  1869  was  a  perfect  round  of  pleasurable  ex- 
citement, hunting  excursions  taking  place  almost  every  week, 
parties  of  tourists  from  the  east  or  from  Europe  coming  to  visit 
the  camp,  attracted  by  the  fame  of  Ouster  the  successful  Indian- 
fighter,  and  anxious  to  see  him.  Every  week  or  so,  a  single 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  473 

squadron  would  be  sent  off  on  a  scout  through  southern  Kansas, 
to  look  after  any  small  parties  of  Indians  that  might  sneak  out 
of  the  agencies  on  a  cattle  lifting  raid ;  but  there  was  no  fighting 
or  danger.  The  main  body  of  Indians  was  really  and  truly  at 
peace,  cowed  by  Ouster's  successes.  The  campaign  had  made 
them  respect  him,  and  they  all  held  him  in  deep  reverence. 
Already,  showing  the  thoroughness  of  his  character,  he  had 
mastered  the  Indian  sign  language,  and  was  able  to  converse 
with  Indians  from  any  tribe  on  the  plains,  by  this  universal  me- 
dium of  communication. 

The  summer  being  passed  in  entertaining  eastern  visitors, 
private  and  public,  camp  was  struck  in  October,  and  the  winter 
passed  in  Fort  Leavenworth,  where  Ouster  began  to  write  his 
"War  Memoirs,  in  a  slightly  different  form  from  that  in  which 
they  afterwards  appeared,  but  he  gave  them  up  when  they  had 
reached  no  further  than  the  battle  of  Williamsburg  in  the  Pen- 
insular Campaign.  He  was  always  very  diffident  as  to  his  liter- 
ary abilities,  being  keenly  sensible  of  the  deficiencies  of  a  "West 
Point  education  in  that  direction,  and  it  was  this  diffidence 
which  probably  caused  him  to  give  up  the  War  Memoirs  so 
early.  People  had  accused  him  so  often  of  vanity,  that  he  had 
become  painfully  sensitive  on  the  subject  of  mentioning  himself, 
and  strove  hard  to  keep  his  own  name  out  of  the  "War  Memoirs, 
as  well  as,  later,  in  the  Life  on  the  Plains.  This  is,  in  fact,  the 
gravest  literary  fault  possessed  by  either.  Almost  all  the  inter- 
est they  possess  is  that  which  appertains  to  Ouster  personally, 
as  the  most  romantic  figure  of  the  war,  and  instead  of  this  he 
thought  himself  obliged  to  give  us  historical  sketches  of  others, 
not  possessing  half  the  same  charm. 

His  literary  labors  at  Fort  Leavenworth  were  varied,  late  in 
the  winter,  by  a  leave  of  absence,  spent  in  a  trip  to  New  York 
with  the  little  wife,  still  as  fresh  and  childish  in  mind  and  heart 
as  ever,  a  matter  in  which  she  and  Ouster  were  exactly  alike. 
All  the  summer  they  would  be  saving  up  their  money  for  the 
eastern  trip  in  the  winter,  and  when  the  time  came,  they  started 


474  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

off  like  two  happy  children,  determined  to  have  a  good  time, 
seeing  all  the  sights,  going  to  all  the  theatres,  laughing  at 
Dundreary  and  weeping  over  the  simulated  sorrows  of  Clara 
Morris,  enjoying  themselves  to  the  very  utmost.  From  that 
time  thereafter,  every  winter  saw  the  same  little  trip,  and  every 
spring  saw  them  returning  to  the  rough  frontier  life,  having 
spent  all  their  spare  cash,  but  having  had  a  splendid  trip,  full  of 
enjoyment. 

The  spring  and  summer  of  1870  were  merely  a  repetition 
of  those  of  1869,  with  more  visitors.  By  this  time,  Ouster's 
fame  as  a  cavalry  general  was  completely  overshadowed  by  his 
more  recent  triumphs  as  an  Indian  fighter,  and  his  still  more 
recent  exploits  as  a  mighty  hunter.  His  Scotch  deerhouiids  had 
increased  in  number  till  he  owned  quite  a  large  pack,  his  rifles 
were  growing  numerous,  his  sporting  letters  to  the  Turf.  Field 
and  Farm  had  made  him  a  friend  of  every  hunter  in  the  United 
States,  and  the  English  noble  and  gentle  tourists,  out  for  a 
buffalo  hunt,  alwa}rs  stopped  at  Fort  Hays  and  brought  letters 
to  General  Ouster,  who  was  supposed  to  know  everything  about 
the  plains  and  buffalo.  Even  the  great  humbug  Barnum  came 
out  west  to  have  a  buffalo  hunt,  and  was  indulged  with  a  run. 
It  was  of  course  a  good  deal  of  trouble  entertaining  all  these 
greenhorns,  and  especially  taking  care  of  them  in  a  buffalo  hunt. 
It  was  necessary  to  send  out  a  mounted  orderly  with  each,  to 
see  he  did  not  get  lost,  and  as  soon  as  the  chase  separated  the 
hunters,  the  orderly  used  to  kill  the  buffalo  for  his  particular 
tourist,  while  the  latter  h'red  off  all  the  barrels  of  his  revolver 
into  the  carcass  and  then  cut  off  the  tail  and  claimed  the  beast 
as  his  own  spoil.  The  orderlies  found  it  a  paying  business  to 
sell  silence,  while  the  amateurs  took  home  their  buffalo  tails  in 
triumph  and  hung  them  up  in  their  studies.  There  are  a  good 
many  such  trophies  in  the  Eastern  States  to-day,  which  might 
not  be  such  a  cause  of  pride  to  their  owners  were  the  true  story 
to  leak  out. 

October,  1870,  again  took  Ouster  to  Fort  Leavenworth,  where 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  475 

the  whole  regiment  was  reunited,  under  the  command  of  Gen- 
eral Sturgis,  its  new  colonel.  General  A.  J.  Smith  had  gone 
on  the  retired  list,  and  Sturgis  had  succeeded  him,  as  being 
the  senior  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  army.  It  was  now  deter- 
mined, in  view  of  the  peculiar  exigencies  of  the  U.  S.  regular 
army,  that  the  Seventh  Cavalry  should  be  broken  up  and  moved 
elsewhere,  while  another  regiment  relieved  it  in  the  West. 
Ouster  was  thus  likely  to  find  himself,  like  many  another  officer, 
put  in  garrison  at  some  one  or  two  company  post  in  the  States 
and  he  wished  to  avoid  this,  as  he  was  beginning  to  love  his 
wild  life  on  the  plains.  He  therefore  made  a  formal  applica- 
tion to  headquarters,  requesting  to  be  assigned  to  duty  at  Fort 
Hays,  or  else  at  headquarters  of  his  regiment. 

The  endorsement  on  this  communication  will  show  what  at 
that  time  was  General  Sturgis'  opinion  on  Ouster's  merits  as  an 
Indian  fighter,  which  lie  has  since  so  strenuously  denied.  It 
runs  thus  : 

HEADQUARTERS  SEVENTH  CAVALRY,  CAMP  NEAR  FORT  HAYS,  KAS. 

August  13th,  1869. 

In  forwarding  this  communication  approved,  I  would  respect- 
fully ask  for  it  that  favorable  consideration  to  which  it  would  ap- 
pear to  be  entitled,  not  only  in  view  of  General  Ouster's  worth  and 
former  services,  but  also  of  the  arduous  and  important  services 
rendered  by  him  against  the  Indians  of  this  department,  while  in 
command  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry.  There  is  perhaps,  no  other 
officer  of  equal  rank  on  this  line  who  has  worked  more  faithfully 
against  the  Indians,  or  who  has  acquired  the  same  degree  of  knowl- 
edge of  the  country  and  of  the  Indian  character.  If  however,  it 
should  be  deemed  impracticable  to  give  him  the  command  he 
desires,  I  would  respectfully  recommend  that  he  be  permitted  to 
accompany  the  Headquarters  of  the  Eegiment. 

S.  D.  STURGIS,  Col.  Seventh  Cavalry, 

Bvt.  Maj.  Gen.  U.  S.  A.  Comd.  Kegt. 

This  was  Sturgis's  free  and  unbiased  opinion  on  Ouster,  fresh 
from  the  experience  of  his  Indian  warfare.  It  reads  well  to-day, 
since  he  has  tried  to  change  his  opinion,  now  that  Ouster  is  dead. 


476  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

The  application  was  unsuccessful.  There  was  no  longer 
an  urgent  necessity  for  a  first  class  Indian  tighter  at  Fort  Hays, 
and  any  old  seniority  fossil  would  do.  Ouster  had  done  his 
work  very  well,  no  doubt,  better  than  any  other  man  who  had 
been  put  out  there,  but  that  was  a  year  before.  It  was  neces- 
sary to  give  some  other  regiment  a  chance  at  the  plains,  so  the 
Seventh  was  ordered  away  into  the  States,  and  broken  up  into 
detachments  at  small  posts.  Under  these  circumstances,  the 
position  of  the  field  officers  of  a  regiment,  if  they  are  inclined 
to  be  lazy,  is  very  pleasant.  There  is  really  nothing  for  them 
to  do.  They  become  mere  ornamental  appendages  tacked  on  to 
a  post,  to  sign  their  names  to  requisitions  and  reports.  It  was 
so  far  pleasant  to  Ouster  that  he  got  all  the  leaves  he  wanted, 
and  was  able  to  go  to  Monroe  early  in  1871,  while  his  extended 
leave  finally  took  him  to  New  York  on  private  business.  In 
March,  the  Seventh  was  ordered  partly  to  Kentucky,  partly  to 
South  Carolina,  Ouster  being  assigned  to  a  two  company  post 
at  Elizabethtown,  Kentucky,  a  small  place,  some  forty  miles 
south  of  Louisville.  Here  the  husband  and  wife  settled  down 
in  June  for  the  next  two  years  to  a  monotonous  existence, 
especially  irksome  to  Ouster.  Nine  officers  out  of  ten,  of  the 
common  pattern,  which  aims  at  earning  its  money  easily,  would 
have  been  delighted  with  this  snug  billet,  but  to  Ouster  it  was 
the  reverse  of  pleasant.  All  that  saved  him  from  unhappiness 
was  his  literary  work,  in  writing  for  the  Galaxy  the  papers 
entitled  "  My  Life  on  the  Plains,"  which  were  begun  and  fin- 
ished during  his  Kentucky  residence.  Part  of  the  time  he  was 
detailed  in  Louisville  on  a  board  for  buying  horses  for  the 
regiment,  which  naturally  brought  him  in  contact  with  all  the 
smart  horse-dealers  of  the  "  horsey "  state.  This  horse  pur- 
chasing business  also  took  him  out  to  the  Blue  Grass  country 
at  times,  and  while  there  he  invested  much  of  his  private  funds 
in  race-horses,  on  which  he  expected  to  realize  handsomely. 
Just  as  his  "  luck  "  in  war  had  been  good,  however,  just  so  was 
his  "luck"  in  horse-buying  during  peace  time  decidedly  bad. 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  477 

No  sooner  had  he  paid  his  money  for  a  valuable  mare,  than  the 
mare  would  be  kicked  by  another,  and  get  a  leg  broken,  or  fall 
sick  or  die ;  and  in  this  way  his  horse  ventures  all  came  to 
grief  and  he  lost  some,  ten  thousand  dollars  in  a  few  years. 
The  fact  was,  Custer  was  too  honest  and  frank,  too  much  of  a 
knight  of  romance,  he  loved  his  horses  too  well,  to  succeed  in 
trade  with  them.  To  be  a  successful  horse  trader,  a  man  must 
be  thoroughly  callous,  and  regard  his  horses  as  mere  objects  of 
trade,  which  Custer  never  would  do.  Only  one  of  his  pur- 
chases now  remains  alive,  and  that  one  has  been  nearly  ruined 
by  the  carelessness  of  the  person  in  whose  care  it  was  left. 

During  his  Louisville  residence,  Custer  only  caught  one 
glimpse  of  his  beloved  plains — in  the  winter  of  1872.  During 
that  vear  the  Russian  Grand  Dnke  Alexis  came  to  the  United 

* 

States  on  a  tour,  and  it  was  judged  civil  to  show  him  a  buffalo 
hunt.  General  Sheridan,  still  in  command  of  the  great  west- 
ern division,  and  now  moreover  a  lieutenant-general,  was  get- 
ting rather  too  stout  for  that  kind  of  thing  himself,  and  yet  it 
was  necessary  to  find  some  officer  of  high  rank  and  national 
reputation  to  escort  the  Grand  Duke,  and  to  show  him  the  hon- 
ors as  well  as  the  buffalo.  No  one  was  judged  so  fit  for  the 
pin  pose  as  Custer,  and  accordingly  he  received  a  telegraphic 
order  to  report  at  Omaha  in  January,  1872,  where  he  joined 
Alexis,  the  renowned  scout  William  Cody  ("  Buffalo  Bill ") 
being  also  ordered  there.  The  Grand  Duke  was  delighted 
with  his  hunt  and  with  Custer,  whom  he  saw  for  the  first  time 
in  the  picturesque  buckskin  hunting-shirt  which  the  General 
always  wore  on  the  plains.  The  hunt  over,  the  duke  insisted 
that  Custer  must  accompany  him  on  his  further  trip  through 
the  west,  which  the  latter  did,  returning  with  Alexis  to  Louis- 
ville. Here  they  were  joined  by  Mrs.  Custer,  and  the  party 
visited  Mammoth  Cave,  and  finally  started  on  a  regular  trip 
through  the  south,  which  terminated  March,  1872,  at  New  Or- 
leans, where  Alexis  took  ship  for  Russia.  Nothing  of  note 
transpired  during  the  summer  of  1872,  during  which  the  Life 


478  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

on  the  Plains  was  fairly  begun,  and  nearly  completed  during 
the  rest  of  the  year.  In  March  1873,  the  Seventh  Cavalry  was 
once  more  ordered  to  the  Plains,  this  time  up  in  Dakota. 

This  order  perfectly  delighted  Ouster.  He  was  getting 
heartily  sick  of  the  useless  life  he  had  been  leading,  and  he 
knew  that  work  was  coming,  real  work.  When  the  whole 
Seventh  Cavalry  was  ordered  out  in  a  body,  it  meant  business. 
Once  before  they  had  been  ordered  out,  and  had  ended  in  con- 
quering the  southwest.  Now  it  was  necessary  to  overrun  the 
northwest.  When  Ouster  pacified  the  Kiowas,  Arapahoes,  and 
Cheyennes  by  force,  physical  and  moral,  the  Sioux  of  the 
northwest  had  fared  very  differently.  They  had  frightened  the 
Government  into  a  treaty,  the  treaty  of  1868,  by  which  the 
United  States  had  promised  to  give  up  to  them  forever  a  large 
expanse  of  country,  and  not  to  trespass  thereon. 

Now  that  the  danger  was  over,  and  the  Pacific  Railroad 
safely  completed  to  the  south,  thanks  to  Ouster,  the  treaty  with 
the  Northern  Indians  became  irksome.  It  was  all  well  enough 
to  promise  a  lot  of  naked  savages  to  give  them  up  so  much  land, 
but  it  could  not  be  expected  that  such  a  promise  should  be  kept 
a  moment  longer  than  was  necessary  to  secure  a  quiet  building 
of  the  railroad.  It  was  now  time  to  break  the  treaty.  A  north- 
ern Pacific  road  had  become  necessary,  and  its  route  was  to  lie 
right  through  the  very  midst  of  the  territory  solemnly  prom- 
ised the  Indians  by  the  treaty  of  1868.  As  a  practical  measure 
to  provoke  an  Indian  war,  there  is  nothing  so  certain  as  the 
commencement  of  a  railroad.  With  the  power  to  run  it  through, 
however,  a  different  state  of  things  ensues,  as  Ouster  himself 
forcibly  illustrates,  in  narrating  the  events  of  the  Yellowstone 
expedition,  the  last  in  which  we  are  able  to  follow  his 
words. 

"  The  experience  of  the  past,"  says  Ouster,  "  particularly 
that  of  recent  years,  has  shown  too  that  no  one  measure  so 
quickly  and  effectually  frees  a  country  from  the  horrors  and 
devastations  of  Indian  wars  and  Indian  depredations  generally 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  479 

as  the  building  and  successful  operation  of  a  railroad  through 
the  region  overrun." 

Nothing  can  be  truer  than  this,  when  once  the  railroad  is 
completed,  but  the  trouble  is  that  while  it  is  being  built,  the 
war  has  to  be  paid  for  at  the  same  time,  for  .the  Indians,  recog- 
nizing that  the  railroad  will  be  their  ruin,  do  all  they  can  to 
hinder  it. 

Knowing  this,  the  Seventh  Cavalry  was  ordered  to  Dakota 
in  March,  1873.  Ouster,  overjoyed,  left  Louisville  with  his  two 
companies,  and  was  joined  at  Memphis  by  the  rest  of  the  regi- 
ment, all  delighted  to  be  together.  There  was  Tom  Ouster,  who 
had  been  down  in  South  Oarolina,  hunting  whiskey  distillers, 
and  was  heartily  sick  of  the  nauseous  business ;  there  were  Cook, 
Yates,  Calhouu,  Smith  and  all  the  fellows,  glad  to  see  each  other 
and  anxious  for  work. 

What  with  friends  and  relatives,  the  little  group  of  officers 
nearest  to  Ouster  seemed  like  one  family.  There  was  Calhoun, 
the  young  boyish-looking  Apollo  of  the  regiment,  who  had 
married  Maggie  Ouster  a  year  before,  and  who  was  now  acting 
as  adjutant.  There  was  Tom  Ouster,  who  had  risen  from  the 
ranks  of  the  volunteers,  as  Calhoun  did  from  those  of  the  regu- 
lars, and  whose  only  privilege  as  the  general's  brother,  was  to 
get  put  in  arrest  for  the  little  breaches  of  discipline  oftener 
than  any  officer  in  the  regiment.  There  was  "  Queen's  Own  " 
Cook,  with  his  high-bred  face  and  long  Dundreary  whiskers, 
and  sturdy  business-like  Yates,  who  kept  the  "  band-box  troop  " 
of  the  regiment.  How  glad  all  the  boys  were  to  see  each  other, 
and  how  they  delighted  in  the  prospect  of  work ! 

The  regiment  was  taken  by  boat  to  Yankton  on  the  Mis- 
souri, where  it  was  put  ashore,  and  remained  a  week  or  so,  being 
finally  organized  again  April  10th,  1873.  Then  the  whole 
Seventh  Cavalry,  in  regular  old  style,  took  up  their  march 
along  the  banks  of  the  Missouri  all  the  way  to  Fort  Rice,  600 
miles  off,  which  they  reached  in  six  weeks.  In  regular  old 
style,  Mrs.  Caster  rode  on  her  horse  at  the  head  of  the  column, 


480  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

and  this  time  she  had  the  company  of  more  than  one  lady. 
Mrs.  Calhoun,  Mrs.  Yates,  Mrs.  Smith  and  several  other  of  the 
officers'  wives  went  with  her,  and  all  accomplished  the  jour- 
ney in  safety.  They  passed  through  the  Cheyenne,  Brule, 
Yanktonnais  and  Standing  Rock  Agencies,  seeing  for  the  first 
time,  the  Northern  Indians,  and  finally  went  into  camp  at  Fort 
Rice  late  in  May. 

There,  however,  the  ladies  found  themselves,  very  unwill- 
ingly, compelled  to  turn  back.  The  regiment  was  ordered  to 
accompany  the  Yellowstone  Expedition.  Mrs.  Ouster  and  her 
friends  returned  to  Monroe,  while  Ouster  proceeded  on  that  ex- 
pedition which  he  shall  henceforth  tell  in  his  own  words. 

Ill  the  early  spring  of  '73,  says  Ouster,  the  official^  of  the 
Northern  Pacific  railroad  applied  to  the  Government  authorities 
at  Washington  for  military  protection  for  a  surveying  party  to 
be  sent  out  the  ensuing  summer  to  explore  and  mark  out  the 
uncompleted  portion  of  the  road  extending  from  the  Missouri 
Elver  in  Dakota  to  the  interior  of  Montana,  west  of  the  Yellow- 
stone. 

To  extend  encouragement  and  aid  to  the  projectors  and 
builders  of  the  Northern  Pacific  road,  the  Government  granted 
the  application  of  the  road  for  a  military  escort,  and  gave 
authority  for  the  organization  of  what  was  afterward  designated 
as  the  Yellowstone  expedition.  The  troops  composing  the  ex- 
pedition numbered  about  seventeen  hundred  men,  consisting  of 
cavalry,  infantry,  an  improvised  battery  of  artillery,  and  a  de- 
tachment of  Indian  scouts,  the  whole  under  command  of  Brevet 
Major-General  D.  S.  Stanley.  Fort  Rice,  Dakota,  on  the  Mis- 
souri River,  was  selected  as  the  point  of  rendezvous  and  depart- 
ure of  the  expedition. 

It  was  not  until  July  that  the  Yellowstone  expedition 
assumed  definite  shape,  and  began  its  westward  movement  from 
Fort  Rice.  The  engineers  and  surveyors  of  the  Northern 
Pacific  railroad  were  under  the  direction  and  management  of 
General  Thomas  L.  Rosser.  He  and  I  had  been  cadets  together 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  481 

at  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  occupying  adjoining 
rooms,  and  being  members  of  the  same  company,  often  inarch- 
ing side  by  side  in  the  performance  of  our  various  military 
duties  while  at  the  Acacjerny.  When  the  storms  of  secession 
broke  upon  the  country  in  '61,  Rosser,  in  common  with  the 
majority  of  the  cadets  from  the  Southern  States,  resigned  his 
warrant,  and  hastened  to  unite  his  personal  fortunes  with  those 
of  his  State — Texas.  He  soon  won  distinction  in  the  Confeder- 
ate army,  under  Lee,  and  finally  rose  to  the  rank  and  command 
of  major-general  of  cavalry. 

When  the  war  was  ended,  Rosser,  like  many  of  his  comrades 
from  the  South  who  had  staked  their  all  upon  the  issue  of  the 
war,  at  once  cast  about  him  for  an  opportunity  to  begin  anew 
the  battle,  not  of  war,  but  of  life.  Possessing  youth,  health, 
many  and  large  abilities,  added  to  indomitable  pluck,  he  decided 
to  trust  his  fortunes  amidst  his  late  enemies,  and  repaired  to 
Minnesota,  where  he  sought  employment  in  one  of  the  many 
surveying  parties  acting  under  the  auspices  of  the  Northern 
Pacific  road.  Upon  applying  to  the  officer  of  the  road  for  a 
position  as  civil  engineer,  he  was  informed  that  no  vacancy  ex- 
isted to  which  he  could  be  appointed.  Nothing  daunted,  he 
persisted,  and  finally  accepted  a  position  among  the  axemen, 
willing  to  work,  and  proved  to  his  employers  not  only  his  in- 
dustry, but  his  fitness  for  promotion.  He  at  once  attracted  the 
attention  of  his  superiors,  who  were  not  slow  to  recognize  his 
merit.  Rosser  was  advanced  rapidly  from  one  important  posi- 
tion to  another,  until  in  a  few  months  he  became  the  chief  en* 
gineer  of  the  surveying  party  accompanying  the  expedition.  In 
this  capacity  I  met  him  on  the  plains  of  Dakota,  in  1873,  nearly 
ten  years  after  the  date  when  in  peaceful  scabbards  we  sheathed 
the  swords  which  on  more  than  one  previous  occasion  we  had 
drawn  against  each  other.  Omitting  the  incidents  of  the  march 
from  our  starting  point,  Fort  Rice,  on  the  Missouri,  we  come  to 
the  time  when  we  found  ourselves  encamped  on  the  east  bank 
of  the  beautiful  and  swift  flowing  Yellowstone,  about  a  hundred 
31 


482  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

miles  from  its  mouth.  At  this  point  the  expedition  was  met 
by  a  steamer,  sent  for  that  purpose  up  the  Missouri,  hundreds 
of  miles  above  Fort  Rice,  then  up  the  Yellowstone  to  the  point 
of  junction.  From  it  fresh  supplies  of  forage  and  subsistence 
stores  were  obtained.  This  being  done,  the  entire  expedition, 
save  a  small  detachment  left  at  this  point  to  guard  our  surplus 
stores,  intended  for  our  return  march,  was  ferried  by  the  steam- 
er across  the  Yellowstone  River.  Our  course  for  several  days 
carried  us  up  that  stream ;  our  tents  at  night  being  usually 
pitched  on  or  near  the  river  bank.  The  country  to  be  surveyed, 
however,  soon  became  so  rough  and  broken  in  places  that  we 
encountered  serious  delays  at  times  in  finding  a  practicable 
route  for  our  long  and  heavily  laden  wagon  trains,  over  rocks 
and  through  canons  hitherto  unexplored  by  white  men.  So 
serious  did  these  embarrassments  become,  and  so  much  time 
was  lost  in  accomplishing  our  daily  marches,  that  I  suggested 
to  General  Stanley  that  I  should  take  with  me  each  day  a  couple 
of  companies  of  cavalry  and  a  few  of  the  Indian  scouts,  and  seek 
out  and  prepare  a  practicable  road  in  advance,  thereby  prevent- 
ing detention  of  the  main  command.  This  proposition  being 
acceded  to,  it  was  my  custom  thereafter  to  push  rapidly  for- 
ward.in  the  early  morning,  gaining  an  advance  of  several  miles 
upon  the  main  expedition,  and  by  locating  the  route  relieving 
the  troops  and  trains  in  rear  of  a  great  amount  of  fatigue  and 
many  tedious  deientions.  One  result  of  this  system  was  that 
I  and  my  little  p^irty,  who  were  acting  as  pioneers,  usually  ar- 
rived at  the  termination  of  our  day's  march,  our  camp  ground 
for  the  night,  at  an  early  hour  in  the  day,  several  hours  in 
advance  of  the  main  portion  of  the  expedition. 

On  the  morning  of  August  4-th,  with  two  companies  of  the 
Seventh  Cavalry,  commanded  by  Captain  Moylan  and  Colonel 
Custer — who,  with  my  adjutant,  Lieutenant  Calhoun,  and  Lieu- 
tenant Varnum,  composed  the  officers  of  the  party,  and  guided 
by  my  favorite  scout,  Bloody  Knife,  a  young  Arickaree  war- 
rior, the  entire  party  numbering  eighty-six  men  and  five  offi- 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  483 

cers,  I  left  camp  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  set  out  as 
usual  to  explore  the  country  and  find  a  practicable  route  for  the 
main  column.  Soon  after  we  left  camp,  Bloody  Knife's  watch- 
ful eyes  discovered  fresh  signs  of  Indians.  Plaiting  long  enough 
to  allow  him  to  examine  the  trail,  Bloody  Knife  was  soon  able 
to  gather  all  the  information  attainable.  A  party  of  Indians 
had  been  prowling  about  our  camp  the  previous  night,  and  had 
gone  awaj7,  travelling  in  the  direction  in  which  we  were  then 
marching. 

This  intelligence  occasioned  no  particular  surprise,  as  we 
had  been  expecting  to  discover  the  presence  of  Indians  for  sev- 
eral days.  Bloody  Knife's  information  produced  no  change  in 
our  plans.  The  hostile  party  of  whose  presence  we  had  become 
aware,  numbered  nineteen  ;  our  party  numbered  over  ninety. 

Over  rock-ribbed  hills,  down  timbered  dells,  and  across  open, 
grassy  plains,  we  wended  our  way  without  unusual  interest, 
except  at  intervals  of  a  few  miles  to  discover  the  trail  of 
the  nineteen  prowling  visitors  of  the  previous  night,  showing 
that  our  course,  which  was  intended  to  lead  us  again  to  the 
Yellowstone,  was  in  the  same  direction  as  theirs. .  Bloody  Knife 
interpreted  this  as  indicating  that  the  village  from  which 
the  nineteen  had  probably  been  sent  to  reconnoitre  and  report 
our  movements,  was  located  somewhere  above  us  in  the  Yellow- 
stone valley.  About  ten  o'clock  we  reached  the  crest  of  the 
high  line  of  bluffs  bordering  the  Yellowstone  valley,  from  which 
we  obtained  a  fine  view  of  the  river  and  valley  extending  above 
and  beyond  us  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach. 

After  halting  upon  the  crest  of  the  bluffs  long  enough  to 
take  in  the  pleasures  of  the  scene,  and  admire  the  beautiful 
valley  spread  out  like  an  exquisite  carpet  at  our  feet,  we  de- 
scended to  the  valley  and  directed  our  horses'  heads  toward  a 
particularly  attractive  and  inviting  cluster  of  shade  trees  stand- 
ing on  the  river  bank,  and  distant  from  the  crest  of  the  bluffs 
nearly  two  miles.  First  allowing  our  thirsty  horses  to  drink 
from  the  clear,  crystal  water  of  the  Yellowstone,  which  ran 


4:84  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

murmuringly  by  in  its  long  tortuous  course  to  the  Missouri,  we 
then  picketed  them  out  to  graze. 

Precautionary  and  necessary  measures  having  been  attended 
to,  looking  to  the  security  of  our  horses,  the  next  important  and 
equally  necessary  step  was  to  post  half  a  dozen  pickets  on  the 
open  plain  beyond,  to  give  timely  warning  in  the  event  of  the 
approach  of  hostile  Indians.  This  being  done,  the  remainder 
of  our  party  busied  themselves  in  arranging  each  for  his  indi- 
vidual comfort,  disposing  themselves  on  the  grass  beneath  the 
shade  of  the  wide-spreading  branches  of  the  cotton  woods  that 
giew  close  to  the  river  bank.  For  myself,  so  oblivious  was  1  to 
the  prospect  of  immediate  danger,  that  after  selecting  a  most 
inviting  spot  for  my  noonday  nap,  and  arranging  my  saddle 
and  buckskin  coat  in  the  form  of  a  comfortable  pillow,  I  removed 
my  boots,  untied  my  cravat,  and  opened  my  collar,  prepared 
to  enjoy  to  the  fullest  extent,  the  delight  of  the  outdoor  siesta. 

I  did  not  omit,  however,  to  place  my  trusty  Remington  rifle 
within  easy  grasp — more  from  habit,  it  must  be  confessed,  than 
from  anticipation  of  danger.  Near  me,  and  stretched  on  the 
ground  sheltered  by  the  shade  of  the  same  tree,  was  my  brother, 
the  colonel,  divested  of  his  hat,  coat,  and  boots ;  while  close  at 
hand,  wrapped  in  deep  slumber,  lay  the  other  three  officers, 
Moylan,  Calhoun,  and  Varnum.  Sleep  had  taken  possession  of 
us  all — officers  and  men — excepting  of  course  the  watchful 
pickets  into  whose  keeping  the  safety,  the  lives,  of  our  little 
detachment  was  for  the  time  entrusted.  How  long  we  slept  I 
scarcely  know — perhaps  an  hour,  when  the  cry  of  "Indians! 
Indians  !  "  quickly  followed  by  the  sharp  ringing  crack  of  the 
pickets'  carbines,  aroused  and  brought  us — officers,  men,  and 
horses — to  our  feet.  There  was  neither  time  nor  occasion  for 
questions  to  be  asked  or  answered.  Catching  up  my  rifle,  and 
without  waiting  to  don  hat  or  boots,  I  glanced  through  the 
grove  of  trees  to  the  open  plain  or  valley  beyond,  and  saw  a 
small  party  of  Indians  bearing  down  toward  us  as  fast  as  their 
ponies  could  carry  them. 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  485 

"  Kun  to  your  horses,  men  !  Kun  to  your  horses !  "  I  fairly 
yelled  as  I  saw  that  the  first  move  of  the  Indians  was  intended 
to  stampede  our  animals  and  leave  us  to  be  attended  to  after- 
ward. 

At  the  same  time  the  pickets  opened  fire  upon  our  disturb- 
ers, who  had  already  emptied  their  rifles  at  us  as  they  advanced 
as  if  boldly  intending  to  ride  us  down.  As  yet  we  could  see 
but  half  a  dozen  warriors,  but  those  who  were  familiar  with 
stratagems  knew  full  well  that  so  small  a  party  of  savages  un- 
supported would  not  venture  to  disturb  in  open  day  a  force  the 
size  of  ours.  Quicker  than  I  could  pen  the  description,  each 
trooper,  with  rifle  in  hand,  rushed  to  secure  his  horse,  and  men 
and  horses  were  soon  withdrawn  from  the  open  plain  and  con- 
cealed behind  the  clump  of  trees  beneath  whose  shade  we  were 
but  a  few  moments  before  quietly  sleeping.  The  firing  of  the 
'  pickets,  the  latter  having  been  reinforced  by  a  score  of  their 
comrades,  checked  the  advance  of  the  Indians  and  enabled  us  to 
saddle  our  horses  and  be  prepared  for  whatever  might  be  in 
store  for  us. 

A  few  moments  found  us  in  our  saddles  and  sallying  forth 
from  the  timber  to  try  conclusions  with  the  daring  intruder 
We  could  only  see  half  a  dozen  Sioux  warriors  galloping  up 
and  down  in  our  front,  boldly  challenging  us  by  their  manner 
to  attempt  their  capture  or  death.  Of  course  it  was  an  easy 
matter  to  drive  them  away,  but  as  we  advanced  it  became 
noticeable  that  they  retired,  and  when  we  halted  or  diminished 
our  speed  they  did  likewise.  It  was  apparent  from  the  first 
that  the  Indians  were  resorting  to  stratagem  to  accomplish  that 
which  they  could  not  do  by  an  open,  direct  attack.  Taking 
twenty  troopers  with  me  headed  by  Colonels  Ouster  and  Calhoun, 
and  directing  Moylan  to  keep  within  supporting  distance  with 
the  remainder,  I  followed  the  retreating  Sioux  up  the  valley, 
but  with  no  prospect  of  overtaking  them,  as  they  were  mounted 
upon  the  fleetest  of  ponies.  Thinking  to  tempt  them  within 
our  grasp,  I  being  mounted  on  a  Kentucky  thoroughbred  in 


486  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

whose  speed  and  endurance  I  had  confidence,  directed  Colonel 
Ouster  to  allow  me  to  approach  the  Indians,  accompanied  only 
by  my  orderly,  who  was  also  well  mounted  ;  at  the  same  time 
to  follow  us  cautiously  at  a  distance  of  a  couple  of  hundred 
yards.  The  wily  redskins  were  not  to  be  caught  by  any  such 
artifice.  They  were  perfectly  willing  that  my  orderly  and  my- 
self should  approach  them,  but  at  the  same  time  they  carefully 
watched  the  advance  of  the  cavalry  following  me,  and  permitted 
no  advantage.  We  had  by  this  time  almost  arrived  abreast  of 
an  immense  tract  of  timber  growing  in  the  valley  and  extending 
to  the  water's  edge,  but  distant  from  our  resting  place,  from 
which  we  had  been  so  rudely  aroused,  about  two  miles. 

The  route  taken  by  trie  Indians,  and  which  they  evidently 
intended  us  to  follow,  led  past  this  timber,  but  not  through  it. 
When  we  had  arrived  almost  opposite  the  nearest  point,  I  sig- 
nalled to  the  cavalry  to  halt,  which  was  no  sooner  done  than  the 
Indians  also  came  to  a  halt.  I  then  made  the  sign  to  the  latter 
for  a  parley,  which  was  done  simply  by  riding  my  horse  in  a 
circle.  To  this  the  savages  only  responded  by  looking  on  in 
silence  for  a  few  moments,  then  turning  their  ponies  and  mov- 
ing off  slowly,  as  if  to  say,  "  Catch  us  if  you  can."  My  sus- 
picions were  more  than  ever  aroused,  and  I  sent  my  orderly 
back  to  tell  Colonel  Custer  to  keep  a  sharp  eye  upon  the  heavy 
bushes  on  our  left  and  scarcely  three  hundred  yards  distant 
from  where  I  sat  on  my  horse.  The  orderly  had  delivered  his 
message,  and  had  almost  rejoined  me,  when  judging  from  our 
halt  that  we  intended  to  pursue  no  further,  the  real  design  and 
purpose  of  the  savages  was  made  evident.  The  small  party  in 
front  had  faced  toward  us  and  were  advancing  as  if  to  attack. 
I  could  scarcely  credit  the  evidence  of  my  eyes,  but  my  aston- 
ishment had  only  begun  when  turning  to  the  wood  on  my  left 
I  beheld  bursting  from  their  concealment  between  three  and 
four  hundred  Sioux  warriors  mounted  and  caparisoned  with  all 
the  flaming  adornments  of  paint  and  feathers  which  go  to  make 
up  the  Indian  war  costume.  When  I  first  obtained  a  glimpse 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  487 

of  them — and  a  single  glance  was  sufficient — they  were  dashing 
from  the  timber  at  full  speed,  yelling  and  whooping  as  only 
Indians  can.  At  the  same  time  they  moved  in  perfect  line, 
and  with  as  seeming  good  order  and  alignment  as  the  best 
drilled  cavalry. 

To  understand  our  relative  positions  the  reader  has  only  to 
imagine  a  triangle  whose  sides  are  almost  equal ;  their  length  in 
this  particular  instance  being  from  three  to  four  hundred  yards, 
the  three  angles  being  occupied  by  Colonel  Ouster  and  his  de- 
tachment, the  Indians,  and  myself.  Whatever  advantage  there 
was  in  length  of  sides  fell  to  my  lot,  and  I  lost  no  time  in  avail- 
ing myself  of  it.  Wheeling  my  horse  suddenly  around,  and 
driving  the  spurs  into  his  sides,  I  rode  as  only  a  man  rides  whose 
life  is  the  prize,  to  reach  Colonel  Custer  and  his  men,  not  only 
in  advance  of  the  Indians,  but  before  any  of  them  could  cut  me 
off.  Moylan  with  his  reserve  was  still  too  far  in  the  rear  to 
render  their  assistance  available  in  repelling  the  shock  of  the 
Indians'  first  attack.  Realizing  the  great  superiority  of  our 
enemies,  not  only  in  numbers,  but  in  their  ability  to  handle  their 
arms  and  horses  in  a  fight,  and  fearing  they  might  dash  through 
and  disperse  Colonel  Ouster's  small  party  of  twenty  men,  and 
having  once  broken  the  formation  of  the  latter,  despatch  them 
in  detail,  I  shouted  to  Colonel  Custer  at  almost  each  bound  of 
my  horse,  "  Dismount  your  men  !  Dismount  your  men  !  "  but 
the  distance  which  separated  us  and  the  excitement  of  the  occa- 
sion prevented  him  from  hearing  me. 

Fortunately,  however,  this  was  not  the  first  time  he  had 
been  called  upon  to  contend  against  the  sudden  and  unforeseen 
onslaught  of  savages,  and  although  failing  to  hear  my  sugges- 
tion, he  realized  instantly  that  the  safety  of  his  little  band  of 
troopers  depended  upon  the  adoption  of  prompt  means  of 
defence. 

Scarcely  had  the  long  line  of  splendidly  mounted  warriors 
rushed  from  their  hiding  place  before  Colonel  Ouster's  voice 
rang  out  sharp  and  clear,  "  Prepare  to  fight  on  foot."  This 


488  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

order  required  three  out  of  four  troopers  to  leap  from  their  sad- 
dles and  take  their  position  on  the  ground,  where  by  more  de- 
liberate aim,  and  being  freed  from  the  management  of  their 
horses,  a  more  effective  resistance  could  be  opposed  tc  the  rapidly 
approaching  warriors.  The  fourth  trooper  in  each  group  of 
"  fours  "  remained  on  his  horse,  holding  the  reins  of  the  horses 
of  his  three  comrades. 

Quicker  than  words  can  describe,  the  fifteen  cavalrymen, 
now  on  foot  and  acting  as  infantry,  rushed  forward  a  few  paces  in 
advance  of  the  horses,  deployed  into  open  order,  and  dropping 
on  one  or  both  knees  in  the  low  grass,  waited  with  loaded  car- 
bines— with  finger  gently  pressing  the  trigger — the  approach  of 
the  Sioux,  who  rode  boldly  down  as  if  apparently  unconscious 
that  the  small  group  of  troopers  were  on  their  front.  "  Don't 
fire,  men,  till  I  give  the  word,  and  when  you  do  fire,  aim  low," 
was  the  quiet  injunction  given  his  men  by  their  young  com- 
mander, as  he  sat  on  his  horse  intently  watching  the  advanc- 
ing foe. 

Swiftly  over  the  grassy  plain  leaped  my  noble  steed,  each 
bound  bearing  me  nearer  to  both  friends  and  foes.  Had  the 
race  been  confined  to  the  Indians  and  myself  the  closeness  of 
the  result  would  have  satisfied  an  admirer  even  of  the  Derby. 
Nearer  and  nearer  our  paths  approached  each  other,  making  it 
appear  almost  as  if  I  were  one  of  the  line  of  warriors,  as  the 
latter  bore  down  to  accomplish  the  destruction  of  the  little  group 
of  troopers  in  front.  Swifter  seem  to  fly  our  mettled  steeds, 
the  one  to  save,  the  other  to  destroy,  until  the  common  goal 
has  almost  been  reached — a  few  more  bounds,  and  friends  and 
foes  will  be  united — will  form  one  contending  mass. 

The  victory  was  almost  within  the  grasp  of  the  redskins. 
It  seemed  that  but  a  moment  more,  and  they  would  be  tram- 
pling the  kneeling  troopers  beneath  the  feet  of  their  fleet-limbed 
ponies;  when,  "Now  men,  let  them  have  it!"  was  the  signal 
for  a  well-directed  volley,  as  fifteen  cavalry  carbines  poured  their 
contents  into  the  ranks  of  the  shrieking  savages.  Before  the 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  4-89 

latter  could  recover  from  the  surprise  and  confusion  which  fol- 
lowed, the  carbines — thanks  to  the  invention  of  breech-loaders — 
were  almost  instantly  loaded,  and  a  second  carefully  aimed  dis- 
charge went  whistling  on  its  deadly  errand.  Several  warriors 
were  seen  to  reel  in  their  saddles,  and  were  only  saved  from 
falling  by  the  quickly  extended  arms  of  their  fellows.  Ponies 
were  tumbled  over  like  butchered  bullocks,  their  riders  glad  to 
find  themselves  escaping  with  less  serious  injuries.  The  effect 
of  the  rapid  firing  of  the  troopers,  and  the  firm,  determined 
stand,  showing  that  they  thought  neither  of  flight  nor  surren- 
der, was  to  compel  the  savages  first  to  slacken  their  speed, 
then  to  lose  their  daring  and  confidence  in  their  ability  to 
trample  down  the  little  group  of  defenders  in  the  front.  Death 
to  many  of  their  number  stared  them  in  the  face.  Besides,  if 
the  small  party  of  troopers  in  the  front  was  able  to  oppose  such 
plucky  and  destructive  resistance  to  their  attacks,  what  might 
not  be  expected  should  the  main  party  under  Moylan,  now 
swiftly  approaching  to  the  rescue,  also  take  part  in  the  struggle? 
But  more  quickly  than  my  sluggish  pen  has  been  able  to  record 
the  description  of  the  scene,  the  battle  line  of  the  warriors  ex- 
hibited signs  of  faltering  which  soon  degenerated  into  an  abso- 
lute repulse.  In  a  moment  their  attack  was  transformed  into 
flight  in  which  each  seemed  only  anxious  to  secure  his  indi- 
vidual safety.  A  triumphant  cheer  from  the  cavalry-men  as 
they  sent  a  third  installment  of  leaden  messengers  whistling 
about  the  ears  of  the  fleeing  redskins  served  to  spur  both  pony 
and  rider  to  their  utmost  speed.  Moylan  by  this  time  had 
reached  the  ground  and  had  united  the  entire  force.  The  In- 
dians in  the  mean  time  had  plunged  out  of  sight  into  the  re- 
cesses of  the  jungle  from  which  they  first  made  their  attack. 
We  knew  too  well  that  their  absence  would  be  brief,  and  that 
they  would  resume  the  attack,  but  not  in  the  manner  of 
the  first. 

"We  knew  that  we  had  inflicted  no  little  loss  upon  them — 
dead  and  wounded  ponies  could  be  seen  on  the  ground  passed  over 


490  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

by  tlie  Indians.  The  latter  would  not  be  satisfied  without  deter- 
mined efforts  to  get  revenge.  Of  this  we  were  well  aware. 

A  moment's  hurried  consultation  between  the  officers  and 
myself,  and  we  decided  that  as  we  would  be  forced  to  act  en- 
tirely upon  the  defensive  against  a  vastly  superior  force,  it 
would  be  better  if  we  relieved  ourselves  as  far  as  possible  of  the 
care  of  our  horses,  and  take  our  chances  in  the  fight  which  was 
yet  to  come,  on  foot.  At  the  same  time,  we  were  then  so  far 
out  on  the  open-  plain  and  from  the  river  bank,  that  the  Indi- 
ans could  surround  us.  "We  must  get  nearer  to  the  river, 
conceal  our  horses  or  shelter  them  from  fire,  then  with  every 
available  man  form  a  line  or  semicircle,  with  our  backs  to  the 
river,  and  defend  ourselves  until  the  arrival  of  the  main  body 
of  the  expedition,  an  event  we  could  not  expect  for  several 
hours.  As  if  divining  our  intentions  and  desiring  to  prevent 
their  execution,  the  Indians  now  began  their  demonstrations 
looking  to  a  renewal  of  the  fight. 

Of  course  it  was  easy  to  see  what  had  been  the  original  plan 
by  which  the  Indians  hoped  to  kill  or  capture  our  entire  party. 
Stratagem  of  course  was  to  play  a  prominent  part  in  the  quarrel. 
The  few  young  warriors  first  sent  to  arouse  us  from  our  midday 
slumber  came  as  a  decoy  to  tempt  us  to  pursue  them  beyond 
the  ambush  in  which  lay  concealed  the  main  body  of  the  sav- 
ages ;  the  latter  were  to  dash  from  their  hiding  place,  intercept 
our  retreat,  and  dispose  of  us  after  the  most  approved  manner 
of  barbarous  warfare. 

The  next  move  on  our  part  was  to  fight  our  way  back  to 
the  little  clump  of  bushes  from  which  we  had  been  so  rudely 
startled.  To  do  this  Captain  Moylan,  having  united  his  force 
to  that  of  Colonel  Custer,  gave  the  order  "  Prepare  to  fight  on 
foot."  This  was  quickly  obeyed.  Three-fourths  of  the  fight- 
ing force  were  now  on  foot  armed  with  the  carbines  only. 
These  were  deployed  in  somewhat  of  a  circular  skirmish  line, 
of  which  the  horses  formed  the  centre :  the  circle  having  a 

7  c) 

diameter  of  several  hundred  yards.     In  this  order  we  made  our 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  491 

way  back  to  the  timber ;  the  Indians  whooping,  yelling,  and 
firing  their  rifles  as  they  dashed  madly  by  on  their  fleet  war 
ponies.  That  the  fire  of  their  rifles  should  be  effective  under 
these  circumstances  could  scarcely  be  expected.  Neither  could 
the  most  careful  aim  of  the  cavalrymen  produce  much  better 
results.  It  forced  the  savages  to  keep  at  a  respectful  distance, 
hovrever,  and  enabled  us  to  make  our  retrograde  movement. 
A  few  of  our  horses  were  shot  by  the  Indians  in  this  irregular 
skirmish  ;  none  fatally,  however.  As  we  were  falling  back,  con- 
testing each  foot  of  ground  passed  over,  I  heard  a  sudden  sharp 
cry  of  pain  from  one  of  the  men  in  charge  of  our  horses  ;  the 
next  moment  I  saw  his  arm  hanging  helplessly  at  his  side,  while 
a  crimson  current,  flowing  near  his  shoulder  told  that  the  aim 
of  the  Indians  had  not  been  entirely  in  vain.  The  gallant  fel- 
low kept  his  seat  in  his  saddle,  however,  and  conducted  the 
horses  under  his  charge  safely  with  the  rest  to  the  timber. 
Once  concealed  by  the  trees,  and  no  longer  requiring  the  horses 
to  be  moved,  the  number  of  horseholders  was  reduced  so  as  to 
allow  but  one  trooper  to  eight  horses ;  the  entire  remainder  being 
required  on  the  skirmish  line.  The  redskins  had  followed  us 
closely,  step  by  step,  to  the  timber,  tempted  in  part  by  their 
great  desire  to  obtain  possession  of  our  horses.  If  successful  in 
this,  they  believed  no  doubt  that,  flight  on  our  part  being  no 
longer  possible,  we  must  be  either  killed  or  captured. 

Taking  advantage  of  a  natural  terrace  or  embankment  ex- 
tending almost  like  a  semicircle  in  front  of  the  little  grove  in 
which  we  had  taken  refuge,  and  at  a  distance  of  but  a  few  hun- 
dred yards  from  the  latter,  I  determined  by  driving  the  Indians 
beyond  to  adopt  it  as  our  breastwork  or  line  of  defence.  This 
was  soon  accomplished,  and  we  found  ourselves  deployed  behind 
a  natural  parapet  or  bulwark  from  which  the  troopers  could 
deliver  a  carefully  directed  fire  upon  their  enemies,  and  at  the 
same  time  be  protected  largely  from  the  bullets  of  the  latter. 
The  Indians  made  repeated  and  desperate  efforts  to  dislodge  us 


492  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

and  force  us  to  the  level  plateau.  Every  effort  of  this  kind 
proved  unavailing. 

Rather  a  remarkable  instance  of  rifle  shooting  occurred  in 
the  early  part  of  the  contest.  I  was  standing  in  a  group  of 
troopers,  and  with  them  was  busily  engaged  firing  at  such  of 
our  enemies  as  exposed  themselves.  Bloody  Knife  was  with  us, 
his  handsome  face  lighted  up  by  the  fire  of  battle  and  the  desire 
to  avenge  the  many  wrongs  suffered  by  his  people  at  the  hands 
of  the  ruthless  Sioux.  All  of  us  had  had  our  attention  drawn 
more  than  once  to  a  Sioux  warrior  who,  seeming  more  bold  than 
his  fellows,  dashed  repeatedly  along  the  front  of  our  lines, 
scarcely  two  hundred  yards  distant,  and  although  the  troopers 
had  singled  him  out,  he  had  thus  far  escaped  untouched  by  their 
bullets.  Encouraged  by  his  success  perhaps,  he  concluded  to 
taunt  us  again,  and  at  the  same  time  exhibit  his  own  daring,  by 
riding  along  the  lines  at  full  speed,  but  nearer  than  before.  We 
saw  him  coming.  Bloody  Knife,  with  his  Henry  rifle  poised 
gracefully  in  his  hands,  watched  his  coming,  saying  he  intended 
to  make  this  his  enemy's  last  ride.  He  would  send  him  to  the 
happy  hunting  ground.  I  told  the  interpreter  to  tell  Bloody 
Knife  that  at  the  moment  the  warrior  reached  a  designated 
point  directly  opposite  to  us,  he,  Bloody  Knife,  should  fire  at  the 
rider  and  I  at  the  same  instant  would  fire  at  the  pony. 

A  smile  of  approval  passed  over  the  swarthy  features  of 
the  friendly  scout  as  he  nodded  assent.  I  held  in  my  hand  my 
well-tried  Remington.  Resting  on  one  knee  and  glancing  along 
the  barrel,  at  the  same  time  seeing  that  Bloody  Knife  was  also 
squatting  low  in  the  deep  grass  with  rifle  levelled,  I  awaited 
the  approach  of  the  warrior  to  the  designated  point.  On  he 
came,  brandishing  his  weapons  and  flaunting  his  shield  in  our 
faces,  defying  us  by  his  taunts  to  come  out  and  fight  like  men. 
Swiftly  sped  the  gallant  little  steed  that  bore  him,  scarcely  need- 
ing the  guiding  rein.  Nearer  and  nearer  both  horse  and  rider 
approached  the  fatal  spot,  when  sharp  and  clear,  and  so  simul- 
taneous as  to  sound  as  one,  rang  forth  the  reports  of  the  two 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  493 

rifles.  The  distance  was  less  than  two  hundred  yards.  The 
Indian  was  seen  to  throw  up  his  arms  and  reel  in  his  saddle, 
while  the  pony  made  one  final  leap,  and  both  fell  to  the  earth. 
A  shout  rose  from  the  group  of  troopers,  in  which  Bloody  Knife 
and  I  joined.  The  next  moment  a  few  of  the  comrades  of  the 
fallen  warrior  rushed  to  his  rescue,  and  without  dismounting 
from  their  ponies,  scarcely  pulling  rein,  clutched  up  the  body, 
and  the  next  moment  disappeared  from  view. 

Foiled  in  their  repeated  attempts  to  dislodge  us,  the  Indians 
withdrew  to  a  point  beyond  the  range  of  our  rifles  for  the 
apparent  purpose  of  devising  a  new  plan  of  attack.  Of  this  we 
soon  became  convinced.  Hastily  returning  to  a  renewal  of  the 
struggle,  we  saw  our  adversaries  arrange  themselves  in  groups 
along  our  entire  front.  They  were  seen  to  dismount,  and  the 
quick  eyes  of  Bloody  Knife  detected  them  making  their  way 
toward  us  by  crawling  through  the  grass.  "We  were  at  a  loss 
to  comprehend  their  designs,  as  we  could  not  believe  they  in- 
tended to  attempt  to  storm  our  position  on  foot.  We  were  not 
left  long  in  doubt.  Suddenly,  and  almost  as  if  by  magic,  we 
beheld  numerous  small  columns  of  smoke  shooting  up  all  along 
our  front. 

Calling  Bloody  Knife  and  the  interpreter  to  my  side,  I  in- 
quired the  meaning  of  what  we  saw.  "  They  are  setting  fire 
to  the  long  grass,  and  intend  to  burn  us  out,"  was  the  scout's 
reply,  at  the  same  time  keeping  his  eyes  intently  bent  on  the 
constantly  increasing  columns  of  smoke.  His  features  wore  a 
most  solemn  look ;  anxiety  was  plainly  depicted  there.  Look- 
ing to  him  for  suggestions  and  advice  in  this  new  phase  of  our 
danger,  I  saw  his  face  gradually  unbend  and  a  scornful  smile 
part  his  lips.  "  The  Great  Spirit  will  not  help  our  enemies," 
was  his  muttered  reply  to  my  question.  "  See,"  he  continued ; 
"  the  grass  refuses  to  burn."  Casting  my  eyes  along  the  line 
formed  by  the  columns  of  smoke,  I  saw  that  Bloody  Knife 
had  spoken  truly  when  he  said,  "  The  grass  refuses  to  burn." 

This  was  easily  accounted  for.     It  was  early  in  the  month 


494:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

of  August ;  the  grass  had  not  ripened  or  matured  sufficiently  to 
burn  readily.  A  month  later,  and  the  names  would  have  swept 
us  back  to  the  river  as  if  we  had  been  surrounded  by  a  growth 
of  tinder.  In  a  few  moments  the  anxiety  caused  by  the  threat- 
ening of  this  new  and  terrible  danger  was  dispelled.  While 
the  greatest  activity  was  maintained  in  our  front  by  our 
enemies,  my  attention  was  called  to  a  single  warrior  who, 
mounted  on  his  pony,  had  deliberately,  and  as  I  thought  rashly, 
passed  around  our  left  flank — our  diminished  numbers  prevent- 
ing us  from  extending  our  line  close  to  the  river — and  was  then 
in  rear  of  our  skirmishers,  riding  slowly  along  the  crest  of  the 
low  river  bank  with  as  apparent  unconcern  as  if  in  the  midst  of 
his  friends  instead  of  being  almost  in  the  power  of  his  enemies. 
I  imagined  that  his  object  was  to  get  nearer  to  the  grove  in 
which  our  horses  were  concealed,  and  toward  which  he  was 
moving  slowly,  to  reconnoitre  and  ascertain  how  much  force  we 
held  in  reserve.  At  the  same  time,  as  I  never  can  see  an  Indian 
engaged  in  an  unexplained  act  without  conceiving  treachery 
or  stratagem  to  be  at  the  bottom  of  it,  I  called  to  Lieutenant 
Varnum,  who  commanded  on  the  left,  to  take  a  few  men  and 
endeavor  to  cat  the  wily  interloper  off.  This  might  have  been 
accomplished  but  for  the  excessive  zeal  of  some  of  Varn  urn's 
men,  who  acted  with  lack  of  caution,  and  enabled  the  Indian  to 
discover  their  approach  and  make  his  escape  by  a  hurried  gallop 
up  the  river.  The  men  were  at  a  loss  even  then  to  comprehend 
his  strange  manoeuvre,  but  after  the  fight  had  ended,  and  we 
obtained  an  opportunity  to  ride  over  and  examine  the  ground, 
all  was  made  clear,  and  we  learned  how  narrowly  we  had  es- 
caped a  most  serious  if  not  fatal  disaster. 

The  river  bank  in  our  rear  was  from  twenty  to  thirty  feet 
high.  At  its  base  and  along  the  water's  edge  ran  a  narrow 
pebbly  beach.  The  redskins  had  hit  upon  a  novel  but  to  us 
most  dangerous  scheme  for  capturing  our  horses  and  at  the  same 
time  throwing  a  large  force  of  warriors  directly  on  our  rear. 
They  had  found  a  pathway  beyond  our  rear,  leading  from  the 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  495 

large  tract  of  timber  in  which  they  were  first  concealed  through 
a  cut  or  ravine  in  the  river  bank.  By  this  they  were  enabled 
to  reach  the  water's  edge,  from  which  point  they  could  move 
down  the  river,  following  the  pebbly  beach  referred  to,  the 
height  of  the  river  bank  protecting  them  perfectly  from  our 
observation.  Thus  the}7  would  have  placed  themselves  almost 
in  the  midst  of  our  horses  before  we  could  have  become  aware 
of  their  designs.  Had  they  been  willing,  as  white  men  would 
have  been,  to  assume  greater  risks,  their  success  would  have 
been  assured.  But  they  feared  that  we  might  discover  their 
movements  and  catch  them  while  strung  out  along  the  narrow 
beach,  with  no  opportunity  to  escape.  A  few  men  on  the  bank 
could  have  shot  down  a  vastly  superior  force.  In  this  case  the 
Indians  had  sent  on  this  errand  about  one  hundred  warriors. 
After  the  discovery  of  this  attack  and  its  failure,  the  battle 
languished  for  awhile,  and  we  were  surprised  to  notice,  not  very 
long  after,  a  general  withdrawal  from  in  front  of  our  right, 
and  a  concentration  of  their  forces  opposite  our  left.  The  rea- 
son for  this  was  soon  made  clear  to  us.  Looking  far  to  the 
right  and  over  the  crest  of  the  hills  already  described,  we  could 
see  an  immense  cloud  of  dust  rising  and  rapidly  approaching. 
"We  could  not  be  mistaken ;  we  could  not  see  the  cause  produc- 
ing this  dust ;  but  there  was  not  one  of  us  who  did  not  say  to 
himself,  "  Relief  is  at  hand."  A  few  moments  later  a  shout 
arose  from  the  men.  All  eyes  were  turned  to  the  bluffs  in  the 
distance,  and  there  were  to  be  seen,  coming  almost  with  the 
speed  of  the  wind,  four  separate  squadrons  of  Uncle  Sam's  best 
cavalry,  with  banners  flying,  horses'  manes  and  tails  floating  on 
the  breeze,  and  comrades  spurring  forward  in  generous  emula- 
tion as  to  which  squadron  should  land  its  colors  first  in  the 
fight.  It  was  a  grand  and  welcome  sight,  but  we  waited  not  to 
enjoy  it.  Confident  of  support  and  wearied  from  fighting  on 
the  defensive,  now  was  our  time  to  mount  our  steeds  and  force 
our  enemies  to  seek  safety  in  flight,  or  to  battle  on  more  even 
terms.  In  a  moment  we  were  in  our  saddles  and  dashing  after 


496  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

them.  The  only  satisfaction  we  had  was  to  drive  at  fall  speed 
for  several  miles  a  force  outnumbering  us  five  to  one.  In  this 
pursuit  we  picked  up  a  few  ponies  which  the  Indians  were  com- 
pelled to  abandon  on  account  of  wounds  or  exhaustion.  Their 
wounded,  of  whom  there  were  quite  a  number,  and  their  killed, 
as  afterwards  acknowledged  by  them  when  they  returned  to 
the  agency  to  receive  the  provisions  and  fresh  supplies  of  am- 
munition which  a  sentimental  government,  manipulated  and 
directed  by  corrupt  combinations,  insists  upon  distributing  an- 
nually, were  sent  to  the  rear  before  the  flight  of  the  main  body. 
The  number  of  Indians  and  ponies  killed  and  wounded  in  this 
engagement,  as  shown  by  their  subsequent  admission,  almost 
equalled  that  of  half  our  entire  force  engaged. 

That  night  the  forces  of  the  expedition  encamped  on 
the  battle-ground,  which  was  nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of 
Tongue  River.  My  tent  was  pitched  under  the  hill  from 
which  I  had  been  so  unceremoniously  disturbed  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  fight ;  while  under  the  wide-spreading 
branches  of  a  neighboring  cottonwood,  guarded  and  watched 
over  by  sorrowing  comrades  who  kept  up  their  lonely  vigils 
through  the  night,  lay  the  mangled  bodies  of  two  of  our  com- 
panions of  the  march,  who  although  not  present  nor  participat- 
ing in  the  fight,  had  fallen  victims  to  the  cruelty  of  our  foes. 

Thus  closes  Ouster's  account  of  this,  his  first  fight  with  the 
Northern  Indians.  In  it  will  be  noticed  the  same  coolness  and 
deliberately  studied  recklessness  which  made  him  so  successful 
an  Indian  fighter.  This  was  the  first  intimation  that  the  Sioux 
were  on  the  war-path  against  the  whites,  and  their  first  opposi- 
tion to  the  running  of  the  railroad. 

In  the  last  sentence  of  Ouster's  account  of  this  action,  which 
closes  his  published  articles  on  the  plains,  he  mentions  two  vic- 
tims of  Indian  cruelty.  It  is  necessary  to  explain  the  allusion, 
because  these  two  men  were  remotely  the  cause  of  Ouster's  own 
death,  three  years  later. 

They  were  both  unarmed  men,  the  veterinary  surgeon  and 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  497 

the  sutler  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry.  Dr.  Houzinger,  the  first, 
was  a  corpulent  old  man  of  the  quietest  and  most  inoffensive 
habits,  a  great  favorite  with  the  regiment.  Mr.  Baliran,  the 
sutler,  was  also  an  elderly,  man,  and  a  great  friend  of  Dr.  Hon- 
zinger.  The  two  were  in  the  habit  of  straying  off  from  the 
main  body  of  the  command,  picking  up  natural  curiosities,  and 
so  far  had  experienced  no  trouble.  On  the  day  of  Ouster's  fight, 
these  two  quiet  old  men  were  somewhere  about  two  miles  be- 
hind his  party,  and  ahead  of  the  main  body.  Their  bodies  were 
found  by  the  advance  of  the  main  expedition,  where  they  had 
been  swooped  upon  and  killed  by  Indians,  some  out-lying 
members  of  the  main  party.  Dr.  Houzinger's  skull  was  frac- 
tured as  with  some  blunt  instrument,  but  neither  body  was 
mutilated.  Who  had  killed  them  was  of  course  not  known 
then.  It  came  to  light  in  a  very  strange  manner,  two  years 
after,  as  we  shall  see  in  its  place. 

Another  man,  a  soldier  of  Company  F.  Seventh  Cavalry, 
was  also  found  killed,  where  he  had  been  surprised  at  a  spring, 
and  it  was  the  discovery  of  these  bodies,  together  with  the  re- 
ports of  scouts  and  stragglers  that  the  Indians  were  up,  that  had 
induced  General  Stanley  to  send  on  help  to  Custer,  arriving  in 
time  as  it  did.  Stanley  mentions  this  fight  in  very  handsome 
terms  in  his  report. 

For  the  next  three  days  after  the  fight,  Indians  were  to  be 
seen  hovering  round  the  column,  and  on  the  8th  of  August  the 
appearance  was  explained.  A  lodge  pole  trail,  evidently  be- 
longing to  a  very  large  village,  was  found  leading  up  the  Yel- 
lowstone, and  Custer  was  sent  out  with  all  the  cavalry  and  scouts 
to  pursue  it,  starting  at  nine  that  night.  The  trail  was  followed 
for  thirty-six  hours,  and  on  the  10th  August,  it  was  found  that 
the  Indians  had  crossed  the  Yellowstone  in  "  bull  boats,"  the 
old  trapper  name  for  the  wicker  coracle,  covered  with  a  bull's 
hide,  which  is  the  transport  of  the  plains  Indians.  Custer  tried 
all  day  to  cross  after  them,  but  in  vain  ;  the  American  horses 
would  not  swim  the  river.  Next  morning,  he  was  attacked  by 
32 


498  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

the  Indians,  who  had  been  watching  his  discomfiture.  Some 
came  down  and  fired  at  him  across  the  river,  while  another 
body,  probably  from  a  second  village,  came  down  behind  him, 
filing  from  the  rear.  The  place  where  they  now  were,  was  on 
the  north  bank  of  the  Yellowstone,  three  miles  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Big  Horn.  Then,  as  now,  the  valley  of  the  Upper  Yel- 
lowstone, especially  the  southern  bank,  was  the  headquarters  of 
the  hostile  Indians,  and  then,  as  now,  Sitting  Bull  seems  to  have 
been  their  leader.  Such  at  least  was  the  impression  of  men  in 
the  ranks  at  the  time,  as  I  learn  from  extracts  from  the  diary 
of  an  old  soldier,  then  of  the  Twenty-second  infantry,  and  now 
in  the  marines^  His  name  is  Patrick  Bresland,  and  he  seems 
to  have  been  a  regular  old  warrior  all  over  the  world,  having 
served  in  the  English  army  in  the  Crimea  and  Indian  Mutiny, 
and  several  enlistments  in  different  corps  of  the  United  States 
Army.  This  brave  fellow  it  seems,  kept  a  diary,  meagre  and 
bare  enough,  but  still  recording  the  main  facts  during  the  Yel- 
lowstone Expedition,  and  his  entry  of  the  fight  of  the  4th  Au- 
gust is  that  it  was  "  between  the  Sioux  under  Sitting  Bull  and 
Companies  A  and  B,  Seventh  Cavalry."  He  says  further,  "the 
Indians  retreated,  followed  by  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  Twenty- 
second  infantry,  and  the  rest  of  the  expedition  under  General 
Stanley.  On  the  10th  August  we  struck  their  trail  at  the  Yellow- 
stone crossing.  We  lay  in  camp  all  night,  or  until  3  o'clock  next 
morning,  when  the  Indians,  1500  strong,  who  had  recrossed  to 
our  side  of  the  river,  commenced  an  attack  at  a  distance.  Gen- 
eral Custer  ordered  out  two  companies  of  his  regiment  as  skir- 
mishers, and  they  were  joined  by  Companies  C.  I.  F.  and  K.  o 
the  Twenty-second  infantry.  We  were  ordered  by  Custer  to 
charge  in  a  body.  I  was  present  on  this  occasion,  and  followed 
the  Indians  nine  or  ten  miles,  when  they  reached  the  hills  and 
scattered.  .  .  .  From  here  we  went  to  Mussel  Shell  River, 
which  is  the  extreme  point  of  the  survey  on  the  Northern  Pa- 
cific Railroad.  We  remained  here  several  days,  when  we 


LOUISVILLE    TO    THE    YELLOWSTONE.  499 

returned  to  the  Yellowstone,  where  we  had  several  engagements 
with  the  Indians." 

Bresland's  account  mentions  the  killing  of  Dr.  Houziriger, 
Mr.  Baliran,  and  Ball  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  and  is  valuable  as 
coming  from  an  independent  and  unofficial  source,  confirming 
the  main  facts.  General  Stanley's  report  mentions  that  artil- 
lery was  used  in  the  fight,  which  caused  a  complete  stampede  of 
the  Indians,  they  being  very  much  afraid  of  shells.  He  also 
mentions  that  the  soldiers  found  on  the  field  citizens'  clothing, 
coffee,  sugar,  bacon,  two  "Winchester  rifles  and  plenty  of  shells 
of  patent  ammunition,  showing  that  the  Indians  must  have 
been  at  the  agencies  recently,  as  those  are  the  only  places  where 
Indians  can  get  these  articles. 

The  station  where  the  expedition  left  the  Yellowstone  and 
crossed  the  divide  to  the  Mussel-Shell,  was  named  "Pompey's 
Pillar."  This  is  a  knoll  on  the  south  side  of  the  Yellowstone, 
thirty  miles  from  the  Big  Horn.  It  stands  alone,  separated  by 
the  water  from  the  other  bluffs,  with  perpendicular  sides  one 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  high,  with  a  top  of  grass  sod,  an  acre  in 
extent.  In  fact,  says  Stanley,  it  looks  like  anything  but  a 
"  pillar ;  "  however,  such  it  was  named,  and  such  it  remains  on 
the  map  to  the  present  day.  At  this  place  several  Indians 
came  out  and  fired  a  volley  into  a  number  of  soldiers  belonging 
to  the  expedition,  who  were  bathing,  causing  a  great  scattering 
of  naked  men.  No  further  serious  trouble  was  experienced, 
and  Ouster  returned  at  the  close  of  the  trip  to  Fort  Rice  late  in 
September.  From  thence  he  was  ordered  to  Chicago  to  report  to 
General  Sheridan,  with  whom  he  went  to  Toledo  to  the  reunion 
of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  thence  to  Monroe,  where 
he  again  met  his  little  wife. 

He  was  now  granted  a  leave,  part  of  which  was  spent  at 
Chicago,  during  which  time  the  eldest  son  of  President  Grant, 
an  officer  on  Sheridan's  staff,  was  married  to  Miss  Honor6,  a 
wedding  duly  reported  by  the  Jenkinses  of  that  date.  At  the 
close  of  his  leave,  Custer  was  ordered  to  assume  command  of  the 


500 


GENERAL    GEORGE  A.  CUSTER. 


post  at  which  he  spent  the  remaining  years  of  his  life,  Fort 
Abraham  Lincoln,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Missouri  Kiver, 
opposite  to  the  little  town  of  Bismarck,  which  is  the  present 
terminus  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railroad.  He  started,  with 
Mrs.  Ouster  and  all  his  belongings,  and  went  through  to  Bis- 
marck on  the  very  last  train  that  ran  that  year.  The  next  day, 
down  came  the  first  snow,  and  thenceforth  Ouster  and  his  little 
post  were  practically  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  the  world,  till  tho 
epring  opened  the  country  once  more. 


CHAPTER  X. 
THE  BLACK  HILLS. 

THE  close  of  the  Yellowstone  expedition  left  Ouster  in 
quiet  for  the  winter,  and  it  was  not  till  the  year  1874: 
that  he  was  called  on  for  active  service.  This  time  it  was  in 
connection  with  the  Black  Hills  expedition,  an  enterprise  that 
was  to  prove  the  cause  of  much  trouble  and  ultimate  war,  while 
its  first  inception  was  founded  in  injustice  and  cupidity. 

The  Black  Hills,  from  the  time  of  the  first  overland  travel 
down  to  the  establishment  of  the  Pacific  Railroad,  had  been  an 
unknown  land  to  the  whites.  The  region  that  passed  by  that 
name  lay  only  some  sixty  or  seventy  miles  to  the  north  of  Fort 
Laramie,  which  was  the  oldest  fort  on  the  plains,  but  it  was 
out  of  the  regular  line  of  travel,  and  had  never  been  visited  by 
white  men  so  as  to  be  thoroughly  explored.  The  Indians,  when 
questioned  about  it,  were  very  mysterious,  and  refused  to  give 
definite  information,  and  the  few  trappers  who  professed  to 
have  visited  it,  reported  it  as  a  land  of  wonders.  Little  de- 
pendence could  be  placed  on  their  stories,  however.  Trappers 
are,  like  sailors,  given  to  spinning  long  yarns,  and  it  was  seri- 
ously doubted  whether  any  of  them  had  ever  been  near  the 
hills,  as  it  was  known  that  the  Indians  guarded  the  place  with 
great  jealousy. 

In  1857  a  small  exploring  party,  led  by  Lieutenant  Warren 
of  the  Engineers — the  same  who  afterwards,  as  General  War- 
ren, had  trouble  with  Sheridan  at  Five  Forks — started  from 
Fort  Laramie  to  explore  the  Black  Hills.  Warren's  party 
found  the  travelling  very  bad,  but  succeeded  in  reaching  the 


502  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

western  verge  of  the  hills,  near  a  lofty  mountain  which  the 
Indians  named  Inyan  Kara.  Here  the  party  was  met  by  a 
number  of  Sioux  chiefs,  then  at  peace  with  the  government, 
and  warned  that  it  could  not  proceed  further  into  the  hills, 
which  the  Indians  regarded  as  sacred  property.  "Warren,  who 
states  in  his  report  that  he  believed  the  Indians  to  be  justified 
in  their  demands,  obeyed  them  and  turned  back.  He  went  off 
to  the  south,  and  then  turned  to  the  east,  keeping  the  hills  in 
view  all  the  time,  and  skirting  them  till  he  came  to  the  other 
side,  where  another  lofty  hill  was  found  and  marked  Bear 
Butte.  Warren's  expedition  and  a  previous  one  from  another 
quarter,  led  by  Captain,  afterwards  General  Reynolds,  deter- 
mined the  general  figure  of  the  unknown  region,  but  left  its 
interior  as  mysterious  as  ever. 

The  Black  Hills  region  was  found  to  be  a  great  oval,  with 
the  long  axis  running  nearly  north  and  south,  about  a  hundred 
miles  by  fifty.  It  served  as  a  watershed  to  divide  the  South 
Fork  and  the  Belle  Fourche  or  North  Fork  of  the  Cheyenne 
River.  So  far  as  it  could  be  seen  from  the  plains  around,  it 
seemed  to  be  a  nest  of  hills  covered  with  dark  pines,  whence 
its  name. 

From  the  time  of  Warren  to  the  running  of  the  Pacific 
Railroad,  no  further  efforts  were  made  to  penetrate  the  Black 
Hills.  By  the  treaty  of  1868  (already  referred  to)  with  the 
Sioux  Indians,  that  region,  in  common  with  others,  was  de- 
clared an  inviolable  part  of  Indian  reservations,  not  to  be  tres- 
passed on  by  white  men,  and  such  it  remained  for  many  years. 
At  last  some  Indians,  coming  to  a  trading  post,  brought  in 
some  gold  dust  and  nuggets,  which  they  admitted  came  from 
the  Black  Hills.  The  story,  like  that  of  the  gold  dust  in  Sut- 
ter's  mill-race  in  California,  spread  like  wild-fire,  and  the  gov- 
ernment was  importuned  to  sanction  trespasses  on  the  Indians' 
land. 

Parties  of  miners  began  to  organize  for  the  Black  Hills,  and 
the  gold  excitement  waxed  high  in  the  west.  Under  these  cir- 


THE    BLACK    HILLS.  503 

eumstances  it  was,  that  the  government  ordered  the  Caster  ex- 
pedition of  1874.  It  was  determined  to  send  a  strong  column 
to  explore  the  hills  and  ascertain  whether  there  was  any  gold  to 
be  found  there.  Accordingly  on  the  first  day  of  July,  1874,  the 
village  of  Bismarck  in  Dakota  Territory,  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort 
Lincoln,  was  all  alive  with  troops  as  the  expedition  started, 
under  command  of  Ouster  himself. 

The  column  consisted  of  ten  companies  of  the  Seventh  Cav- 
alry, Company  I.  Twentieth  infantry,  and  Company  G.  Seven- 
teenth infantry,  with  sixty  Indian  scouts,  and  four  Grading 
guns.  General  "Sandy"  Forsyth  was  with  the  column,  and 
the  President's  son,  Lieutenant  Fred.  Grant  of  the  Second  Cav- 
alry, accompanied  Custer  on  the  staff.  The  whole  force  was 
over  1200  strong,  and  accompanied  by  a  huge  wagon  train,  full, 
of  provisions.  It  was  to  move  southwest  from  Fort  Lincoln, 
nearly  two  hundred  miles,  striking  the  Black  Hills  from  the 
north.  There  was  little  or  no  danger  to  the  powerful  column, 
either  real  or  apprehended.  It  started  on  a  romantic  and  mys- 
terious expedition,  as  if  for  a  picnic,  and  as  such  it  found  the 
whole  journey.  The  progress  of  the  expedition  is  best  told  by 
a  few  extracts  from  Custer's  reports.  He  writes  from  Prospect 
Valley,  a  few  miles  to  the  north  of  the  Belle  Fourche,  on  the 
15th  July,  1874: 

"  This  expedition  reached  this  point  yesterday,  having 
marched  since  leaving  Fort  Lincoln  227£  miles.  We  are  now 
170  miles  in  a  direct  line  from  Lincoln  within  five  miles  of 
the  "  Little  Missouri "  River,  and  within  about  twelve  miles 
from  the  Montana  boundary,  our  bearing  from  Fort  Lincoln  be- 
ing south  62°  west.  After  the  second  day  from  Lincoln  we 
inarched  over  a  beautiful  country;  the  grazing  was  excellent 
and  abundant,  wood  sufficient  for  our  wants,  and  water  in  great 
abundance  every  ten  miles.  When  we  struck  the  tributaries  of 
Grand  River  we  entered  a  less  desirable  portion  of  the  country  : 
nearly  all  the  streams  flowing  into  Grand  River  being  more  or 
less  impregnated  with  alkali,  rendering  the  crossings  difficult, 


504:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

We  found  a  plentiful  supply  of  grass,  wood,  and  water,  however, 
even  along  this  portion  of  our  route.  Upon  leaving  the  head- 
waters of  the  Grand  River,  we  ascended  the  plateau  separating 
the  water-shed  of  the  "  Little  Missouri "  from  that  running  into 
the  Missouri,  and  found  a  country  of  surpassing  beauty  and 
richness  of  soil.  The  pasturage  could  not  be  finer,  timber  is 
abundant,  and  water  both  good  and  plentiful. 

"  Our  march  thus  far  has  been  made  without  molestation 
upon  the  part  of  the  Indians.  We  discovered  no  signs  indicating 
the  recent  presence  of  Indians  until  day  before  yesterday,  when 
Captain  McDougall,  Seventh  Cavalry,  who  was  on  the  flank, 
discovered  a  small  party  of  about  twenty  Indians,  watching  our 
movements ;  the  Indians  scampered  off  as  soon  as  discovered. 
Yesterday  the  same  or  a  similar-sized  party  made  its  appear- 
ance along  our  line  of  march,  and  was  seen  by  Captain  Moylan, 
Seventh  Cavalry,  who  was  in  command  of  the  rear  guard. 
Soon  after  several  signals  of  smoke  were  sent  up,  which  our  In- 
dian guides  interpret  as  carrying  information  to  the  main  body 
of  our  presence  and  movements." 

At  the  time  that  the  expedition  started,  there  were  strong 
indications  that  the  Sioux  contemplated  opening  a  general  war 
of  small  parties,  such  as  had  greeted  Custer  in  1867  when  he 
first  went  on  the  plains ;  but  the  presence  of  his  column  and 
the  uncertainty  of  the  Indians  as  to  its  destination  served  one 
good  purpose.  It  kept  the  greater  part  of  the  Sioux  forces 
busy  watching  Custer,  till  he  entered  the  Black  Hills,  and  the 
knowledge  of  its  presence  deterred  the  Indians  from  overt  war 
that  year.  Once  in  the  hills,  the  Sioux  seem  to  have  been  re- 
assured, for  he  was  watched  no  further,  and  seems  to  have  quite 
taken  the  denizens  of  the  hills,  such  few  as  there  were,  by  surprise. 
A  second  despatch,  dated  August  2d,  gives  the  result  of  two 
weeks  further  progress.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  regular  pic- 
nic still. 

Having  taken  up  his  inarch  from  Prospect  Yalley,  he 
pursues : — 


THE    BLACK    HILLS.     .  505 

"  After  leaving  that  point  this  expedition  moved  in  a  south- 
westerly direction  until  it  reached  the  valley  of  the  Little 
Missouri  River,  up  which  we  moved  twenty-one  miles.  Find- 
ing this  valley  almost  destitute  of  grazing  along  our  line  of 
march  I  ordered  the  water-kegs  tilled,  and  a  supply  of  wood 
placed  on  the  wagons,  and  left  the  valley  in  search  of  a  better 
camp-ground.  During  our  passage  up  the  valley  of  the  Little 
Missouri  we  had  entered  and  were  about  to  leave  the  Territory 
of  Montana.  Our  course  was  near  due  south.  After  a  further 
march  of  nine  miles  we  arrived  before  sundown  at  a  point 
capable  of  furnishing  us  good  grazing  and  water  for  our  ani- 
mals, having  marched  over  thirty  miles  since  breaking  camp  in 
the  morning.  From  this  point  to  the  valley  of  the  Belle 
Fourche  on  the  18th  of  July,  encamped  where  good  grass, 
wood  and  water  were  abundant,  at  a  point  just  west  of  the 
line  separating  Dakota  from  Wyoming. 

"  The  following  day  was  spent  in  camp.  On  the  20th 
we  crossed  the  Belle  Fourche  and  began,  as  it  were,  skirmish- 
ing with  the  Black  Hills.  We  began  by  feeling  our  way  care- 
fully along  the  outlying  ranges  of  the  hills,  seeking  a  weak 
point  through  which  we  might  make  our  way  to  the  interior. 
We  continued  from  the  time  we  ascended  from  the  valley  of 
the  Belle  Fourche,  to  move  through  a  very  superior  country, 
covered  with  the  best  of  grazing  and  abundance  of  timber, 
principally  pine,  poplar,  and  several  varieties  of  oak.  As  we 
advanced,  the  country  skirting  the  Black  Hills  to  the  south- 
west became  each  day  more  beautiful.  On  the  evening  of  the 
22d  we  halted  and  encamped  east  of  and  within  four  miles  of 
the  base  of  Inyan  Kara.  Desiring  to  ascend  that  peak  the  fol- 
lowing day,  it  being  the  highest  in  the  western  range  of  the 
Black  Hills,  I  did  not  move  camp  the  following  day,  but  taking 
a  small  party  with  me,  proceeded  to  the  highest  point  of  this 
prominent  landmark,  whose  height  is  given  as  6,600  feet.  The 
day  was  not  favorable  for  obtaining  distant  views,  but  I  decided 
on  the  following  morning  to  move  due  east  and  attempt  the 


506  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

passage  of  the  hills.  We  experienced  considerable  delay  from 
fallen  timber  which  lay  in  our  pathway.  With  this  exception, 
and  a  very  little  digging,  rendered  necessary  in  descending 
into  a  valley,  the  pioneers  prepared  the  way  for  the  train,  and 
we  reached  camp  by  two  o'clock,  having  marched  eleven  miles. 
We  here  found  grass,  water  and  wood  of  best  quality  and 
in  great  abundance.  On  the  following  day  we  resumed  our 
march  up  this  valley,  which  I  had  explored  several  miles  the 
preceding  evening,  and  which  led  us  by  an  easy  ascent  almost 
southeast.  After  marching  nearly  twelve  miles  we  encamped 
at  an  early  hour  in  the  same  valley.  This  valley  in  one  respect 
presented  the  most  wonderful  as  well  as  beautiful  aspect.  Its 
equal  I  have  never  seen,  and  such,  too,  was  the  testimony  of  all 
who  beheld  it.  In  no  public  or  private  park  have  I  ever  seen 
such  a  profuse  display  of  flowers.  Every  step  of  our  march 
that  day  was  amidst  flowers  of  the  most  exquisite  colors  and 
perfume.  So  luxuriant  in  growth  were  they  that  men  plucked 
them  without  dismounting  from  the  saddle.  Some  belonged  to 
new  or  unclassified  species.  It  was  a  strange  sight  to  glance 
back  at  the  advancing  column  of  cavalry,  and  behold  the  men 
with  beautiful  bouquets  in  their  hands,  while  the  head  gear  of 
their  horses  was  decorated  with  wreaths  of  flowers  fit  to  crown 
a  queen  of  May.  Deeming  it  a  most  fitting  appellation,  I  named 
this  Floral  Yalley.  General  Forsyth,  at  one  of  our  halting 
places,  chosen  at  random,  plucked  seventeen  beautiful  flowers 
belonging  to  different  species,  and  within  a  space  of  twenty 
feet  square.  The  same  evening,  while  seated  at  the  mess 
table,  one  of  the  officers  called  attention  to  the  carpet  of  flowers 
strewn  under  our  feet,  and  it  was  suggested  that  it  be  deter- 
mined how  many  different  flowers  could  be  plucked  without 
leaving  our  seats  at  the  dinner  table.  Seventeen  beautiful 
varieties  were  thus  gathered.  Professor  Donaldson,  the  botanist 
of  the  expedition,  estimated  the  number  of  flowers  in  bloom  in 
Floral  Yalley  at  fifty,  while  an  equal  number  of  varieties  had 
bloomed  or  were  yet  to  bloom.  The  number  of  trees,  shrubs, 


THE    BLACK    HILLS.  507 

and  grasses  was  twenty-five,  making  the  total  flora  of  the 
valley  embrace  125  species. 

"  Through  this  beautiful  valley  meanders  a  stream  of  crystal 
water  so  cold  as  to-  render  ice  undesirable  even  at  noonday. 
The  temperature  of  two  of  the  many  springs  found  flowing  into 
it  was  taken  and  ascertained  to  be  4A  and  M£  deg.  respectively. 

"  The  next  morning,  although  loath  to  leave  so  enchanting 
a  locality,  we  continued  to  ascend  this  valley  until  gradually, 
almost  imperceptibly,  we  discovered  that  we  were  on  the  crest 
of  the  western  ridge  of  the  Black  Hills ;  and  instead  of  being 
among  barren,  rocky  peaks,  as  might  be  supposed,  we  found 
ourselves  wending  our  way  through  a  little  park,  whose  natu- 
ral beauty  may  well  bear  comparison  with  the  loveliest  por- 
tions of  Central  Park.  Favored  as  we  had  been  in  having 
Floral  "Valley  for  our  roadway  to  the  west  of  the  Black  Hills, 
we  were  scarcely  less  fortunate  in  the  valley  which  seemed  to 
me  to  meet  us  on  the  interior  slope.  The  rippling  stream  of 
clear  cold  water,  the  counterpart  of  that  we  had  ascended  the 
day  before,  flowed  at  our  feet  and  pointed  out  the  way  before 
us,  while  along  its  banks  grew  beautiful  flowers,  surpassed  but 
little  in  beauty  and  profusion  by  their  sisters  who  had  greeted 
us  the  day  before.  After  advancing  down  this  valley  about 
fourteen  miles,  our  course  being  almost  southeast,  we  encamped 
in  the  midst  of  grazing,  whose  only  fault,  if  any,  was  its  great 
luxuriance.  Having  preceded  the  main  column,  as  usual,  with 
our  escort  of  two  companies  of  cavalry,  E  and  C,  and  Lieuten- 
ant Wallace's  detachment  of  scouts,  I  came  upon  an  Indian 
camp-fire  still  burning,  and  which  with  other  indications  showed 
that  a  small  party  of  Indians  had  encamped  there  the  previous 
night,  and  had  evidently  left  that  morning  in  ignorance  of  our 
close  proximity.  Believing  they  would  not  move  far,  and  that 
a  collision  might  take  place  at  any  time  unless  a  friendly  under- 
standing was  arrived  at,  I  sent  my  head  scout,  Bloody  Knife, 
and  twenty  of  his  braves  to  advance  a  few  miles  and  reconnoi- 
tre the  valley.  The  party  had  been  gone  but  a  few  minutes 


508  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

when  two  of  Bloody  Knife's  young  men  came  galloping  back 
and  informed  me  that  they  had  discovered  five  Indian  lodges  a 
few  miles  down  the  valley,  and  that  Bloody  Knife,  as  directed, 
had  concealed  his  party  in  a  wooded  ravine,  where  they  awaited 
further  orders.  Taking  E  Company  with  me,  which  was  after- 
ward reinforced  by  the  remainder  of  the  scouts  and  Colonel 
Hart's  company,  I  proceeded  to  the  ravine  where  Bloody  Knife 
and  his  party  lay  concealed,  and  from  the  crest  beyond  obtained 
a  full  view  of  the  five  Indian  lodges,  about  which  a  considerable 
number  of  ponies  were  grazing.  I  was  enabled  to  place  my 
command  still  nearer  to  the  lodges  undiscovered.  I  then  de- 
spatched Agard,  the  interpreter,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  accompanied 
by  two  of  our  Sioux  scouts,  to  acquaint  the  occupants  of  the 
lodges  that  we  were  friendly  disposed  and  desired  to  communi- 
cate with  them.  To  prevent  either  treachery  or  flight  on 
their  part,  1  galloped  the  remaining  portion  of  my  advance  and 
surrounded  the  lodges.  This  was  accomplished  almost  before 
they  were  aware  of  our  presence.  I  then  entered  the  little  vil- 
lage and  shook  hands  with  its  occupants,  assuring  them  through 
the  interpreter  that  they  had  no  cause  to  fear,  as  we  were  not 
there  to  molest  them.  I  invited  them  to  visit  our  camp,  and 
promised  presents  .of  flour,  sugar,  and  coffee  to  all  who  would 
accept.  This  invitation  was  accepted.  At  the  same  time  1 
entered  into  an  agreement  with  the  leading  men  that  they 
should  encamp  with  us  a  few  days  and  give  us  such  informa- 
tion concerning  the  country  as  we  might  desire,  in  return  for 
which  service  I  was  to  reward  them  with  rations.  With  this 
understanding  I  left  them.  The  entire  party  numbered  twenty- 
seven.  Later  in  the  afternoon  four  of  the  men,  including  the 
chief,  "  One  Stab,"  visited  our  camp  and  desired  the  promised 
rations,  saying  their  entire  party  would  move  up  and  join  us 
the  following  morning,  as  agreed  upon.  I  ordered  presents  of 
sugar,  coffee,  and  bacon  to  be  given  them  ;  and  to  relieve  their 
pretended  anxiety  for  the  safety  of  their  village  during  the 
night,  I  ordered  a  party  of  fifteen  of  iny  command  to  return 


BLACK    HILLS.  509 

with  them  and  protect  them  during  the  night.  But  from  their 
great  disinclination  to  wait  a  few  minutes  until  the  party  could 
saddle  up,  and  from  the  fact  that  two  of  the  four  had  already 
slipped  away,  I  was  of  the  opinion  that  they  were  not  acting  in 
good  faith.  In  this  I  was  confirmed  when  the  two  remaining 
ones  set  off  at  a  gallop  in  the  direction  of  the  village.  I  sent  a 
party  of  our  scouts  to  overtake  them  and  request  their  return  ; 
not  complying  with  the  request  I  sent  a  second  party  with 
orders  to  repeat  the  request,  and  if  not  complied  with  to  take 
hold  of  the  bridles  of  their  ponies  and  lead  them  back,  but  to 
offer  no  violence.  "When  overtaken  by  our  scouts  one  of  the 
two  Indians  seized  the  musket  of  one  of  the  scouts  and  endeav- 
ored to  wrest  it  from  him.  Failing  in  this  he  released  his  hold 
after  the  scout  became  dismounted  in  the  struggle,  and  set  off 
as  fast  as  his  pony  could  carry  him  but  not  before  the  musket 
of  the  scout  was  discharged.  From  blood  discovered  afterward 
it  was  evident  that  either  the  Indian  or  his  pony  was  wounded. 

"  '  One  Stab,'  the  chief,  was  brought  back  to  camp.  The 
scouts  galloped  down  the  valley  to  the  site  of  the  village,  when 
it  was  discovered  that  the  entire  party  had  packed  up  their 
lodges  and  fled,  and  the  visit  of  the  four  Indians  to  our  camp 
was  not  only  to  obtain  the  rations  promised  them  in  return  for 
future  services  but  to  cover  the  flight  of  their  lodges.  I  have 
effected  arrangements  by  which  the  chief  '  One  Stab '  remains 
with  us  as  guide  three  days  longer,  when  he  will  take  his  de- 
parture and  rejoin  his  band.'  " 

From  this  point  the  march  through  the  hills  was  continued 
without  opposition  or  further  incident.  The  small  party  of  In- 
dians seems  to  have  found  the  white  man's  method  of  offering 

O 

friendship  not  to  its  taste,  for  which  we  can  hardly  blarne  the 
poor  savages.  The  major  part  of  the  despatch  is  taken  up  with 
a  description  of  the  country,  which  Ouster  found  delightful. 
It  was  not  till  September  that  he  returned,  further  explorations 
having  confirmed  his  first  glowing  impression  of  the  beauties 
and  advantages  of  the  country,  and  made  his  final  report,  which 


510  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

was  mainly  an  enlargement  of  the  passages  already  quoted. 
Then  the  fever  of  excitement  commenced,  as  also  a  fever  of 
controversy,  Ouster's  statements  being  stigmatized  by  some  offi- 
cers who  had  not  been  with  him  as  baseless  and  exaggerated. 

Especially  there  arose  between  him  and  General  Hazen  a 
warm  dispute  as  to  the  value  of  the  Northwest,  which  was  car- 
ried on  with  some  acrimony  in  the  western  papers.  There 
seemed  to  be  a  fate  that  was  always  bringing  Hazen  and  Ouster 
into  collision,  whenever  they  came  near  each  other.  It  began 
at  West  Point,  when  Hazen's  inopportune  presence  cost  Ouster 
a  court-martial.  After  that,  they  did  not  meet  for  seven  years 
more.  When  they  did,  it  was  to  get  into  a  dispute  about  Sa- 
tanta  and  the  Kiowas,  in  which  each  insisted  that  the  other  was 
wrong,  and  which  was  not  decided  for  six  years  more.  Now, 
in  a  second  seven  years,  they  came  into  violent  collision  on  an- 
other question  of  fact,  Hazen  insisting  that  the  greater  portion 
of  the  Northwest  along  the  line  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  was  a 
barren  waste,  utterly  unfit  for  human  habitation,  and  incapable 
of  permanent  amelioration,  Ouster  insisting  that  it  was  the  very 
garden  of  America,  only  needing  cultivation  to  develop  into  a 
Paradise.  As  usual  in  such  cases,  the  truth  lies  between  the 
two.  The  majority  of  the  seasons  in  Hazen's  "Barren  Belt " 
appear  to  be  dry,  but  when  a  wet  season  comes,  as  it  does  every 
few  years,  the  fertility  of  the  land  seems  to  be  amazing. 

A  more  serious  dispute  arose  as  to  the  mining  value  of  the 
Black  Hills,  which  the  geologists  who  accompanied  Ouster  re- 
ported in  an  unsatisfactory  manner.  To  settle  the  dispute,  a 
second  expedition  under  Professor  Jenney,  with  a  military  es- 
cort under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Dodge,  Ninth  Infantry,  was  sent 
from  Fort  Laramie  the  following  year.  This  expedition  after 
trying  in  vain  to  enter  from  the  south-west,  finally  effected  an 
entrance  near  the  point  where  Ouster  went  in,  and  spent  some 
time  in  the  hills.  Arriving  a  month  earlier  than  Ouster,  the 
expedition  found  "Floral  Yalley"  in  a  miserable  state,  the 
snow  hardly  melted,  the  buds  hardly  started,  not  a  flower  to  be 


BLACK    HILLS.  511 

seen,  but  a  violent  storm  of  sleet  in  progress.  By  the  time  the 
expedition  was  over,  however,  the  Black  Hills  revealed  them- 
selves as  a  perfect  garden,  and  the  gold  region  was  carefully  ex- 
plored, turning  out  to  be  not  as  rich  as  expected,  but  enough  so 
to  attract  miners.  Several  camps  of  these  enterprising  individ- 
uals were  found,  one  of  twenty-two  people  having  passed  the 
whole  of  the  previous  winter  there,  untroubled  by  Indians. 
The  two  expeditions  revealed  one  fact,  that  the  Indians  rarely 
visited  the  interior  of  the  Black  Hills,  which  they  regard  with 
superstitions  feelings.  Game  was  not  very  plentiful,  but  it  was 
very  tame.  The  soil  was  as  fertile  as  Ouster  represented  it,  but 
the  extreme  shortness  of  the  summer  season  made  it  improbable 
that  the  country  could  ever  become  valuable  for  arable  pur- 
poses, though  as  a  stock  farm  country  it  offered  every  in- 
ducement to  settlers.  Such  was  the  final  report  on  the  subject 
of  the  Black  Hills,  and  by  that  time  it  was  full  of  miners,  who 
came  there  in  defiance  of  treaties. 

Dodge's  expedition  and  the  troops  under  General  Crook 
made  several  trips  into  the  Black  Hills  during  the  summer  of 
1875,  to  maintain  the  faith  of  the  government,  and  half  com- 
pelled, half  persuaded,  the  miners  to  leave,  escorting  them  to 
the  military  post,  where  they  were  delivered  over  to  the  "  civil 
authority  " — the  territorial  government  of  Dakota — to  be  pun- 
ished for  disobedience  to  the  law.  In  every  case  the  miners 
seem  to  have  willingly  complied  with  the  injunctions  of  the 
military  authority,  though  themselves  far  superior  in  numbers 
to  the  small  force  of  troops,  and  well  armed  besides.  Just  as 
soon,  however,  as  the  civil  authority  took  them  in  hand,  the 
whole  proceeding  turned  out  to  be  a  farce.  The  miners  were 
invariably  released,  without  even  the  formality  of  bail,  and  as 
invariably  went  straight  back  to  the  Black  Hills.  In  August 
there  were  over  six  hundred  men  there,  who  had  started  a  "  city  " 
which  they  called  "  Ouster  City,"  laid  it  out  in  lots,  and  staked 
out  their  claims,  as  if  the  land  belonged  to  them.  They  were 
removed  and  others  took  their  places,  so  that  to-day  the  Black 


512  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

Hills  are  fuller  than  last  year.  In  all  this,  the  rights  of  the 
Indians  to  retain  their  property  and  the  obligation  of  the  United 
States  to  keep  its  word  have  been  wantonly  violated,  as  a  nat- 
ural and  inevitable  consequence  of  the  expedition  of  1874.  Had 
it  not  been  for  the  rumors  of  the  presence  of  gold  in  that  region, 
the  expedition  would  never  have  started.  As  long  as  the  Black 
Hills  were  regarded  as  worthless,  the  Indians  were  allowed  to 
retain  them.  As  soon  as  it  was  discovered  that  gold  was  there, 
all  restraints  of  treaties  were  thrown  aside,  and  Ouster  was 
ordered  on  the  Black  Hills  expedition.  That  was  the  first 
wrong  act,  and  from  it  flowed  all  the  rest.  Afterwards,  when 
the  miners  began  to  crowd  in,  the  government  tried  to  keep  its 
word  by  putting  them  out,  but  the  first  interlopers,  the  men 
who  made  the  first  trouble,  were  the  troopers  of  Ouster's  column 
who  started  from  Fort  Lincoln  July  1,  1874.  in  obedience  to 
the  orders  of  the  United  States  Government. 

It  is  a  sad  and  humiliating  confession  to  be  made,  but  the 
irresistible  logic  of  truth  compels  it,  that  all  the  subsequent 
trouble  of  the  Sioux  war  really  sprang  from  the  deliberate  vio- 
lation by  the  United  States  Government  of  its  own  freely 
plighted  faith,  when  Ouster  was  ordered  to  lead  his  column 
from  Fort  Lincoln  to  the  Black  Hills.  The  avowed  purpose  of 
the  journey  was  to  find  out  whether  gold  existed  there,  a  mat- 
ter which  concerned  no  one  but  the  owners.  All  the  subse- 
quent efforts  of  the  government  were  mere  palliations  of  its  own 
first  fault,  and  perfectly  useless.  Strange,  but  an  illustration  of 
poetic  justice,  that  the  very  man,  who,  in  obeying  his  orders, 
became  the  instrument  of  injustice  towards  the  Indians,  should 
fall  a  victim  in  the  contest  which  ensued. 

Strange  but  true  !  Yet  we  cannot  blame  Ouster,  as  we 
approach  the  tragic  close  of  so  bright  and  hopeful  a  career. 
He  was  a  soldier,  bound  to  obey  orders,  and  a  mere  instru- 
ment in  the  hand  of  power.  He  was  ordered  to  explore  the 
Black  Hills,  and  he  went  there.  He  was  ordered  on  the  trail 
of  the  Sioux,  and  he  went.  None  the  less,  the  pleasant-seem- 


THE    BLACK    HILLS.  513 

ing  and  roseate  hues  of  that  long  picnic  party  called  the  Black 
Hills  Expedition  close  the  brightness  of  his  career.  From 
thenceforth  clouds  began  to  gather,  and  the  time  was  swiftly 
coming  when  his  sun  should  set  in  death. 

O 

The  close  of  the  Black  Hills  Expedition  sent  Caster  back  to 
Fort  Lincoln,  where  he  remained  during  the  whole  of  the 
winter,  his  usual  eastern  leave  being  enjoyed  before  the  snow 
closed  in,  and  in  'New  York  as  usual. 

Happily'  ignorant  of  the  coming  storm,  the  last  years  of 
Ouster's  life  were  happy  ones,  so  long  as  he  was  untrammeled 
by  official  difficulties  or  enmities.  The  reader  will  remember 
that  he  had  always  possessed  a  disposition  remarkably  cheerful, 
and  a  tendency  to  make  the  best  of  things :  this  tendency  seemed 
to  become  more  and  more  confirmed  as  he  grew  older,  spite  of 
all  surrounding  difficulties,  sobered  as  it  was  by  the  earnest 
Christianity  which  had  marked  his  private  character  ever  since 
the  period  of  his  marriage  engagement.  To  many  men  Custer's 
lot  and  that  of  his  little  wife  seemed  hard  at  the  best,  but  they 
seemed  to  enjoy  it  to  the  full.  Where  others  would  have  been 
complaining  of  the  isolation  of  a  frontier  post,  of  the  lack  of 
society,  of  the  privation  of  luxuries,  Custer  and  his  wife  seemed 
perfectly  happy.  A  fire  came  and  burned  down  their  house, 
so  that  they  lost  everything  save  what  was  on  the  lower  story, 
which  the  men  helped  to  carry  out,  including,  fortunately,  most 
of  the  General's  papers  :  Custer  and  the  little  wife  made  light 
of  the  misfortune,  and  passed  the  bitter  cold  winter  of  the 
Northwest  in  slight  temporary  quarters,  laughing  at  their  dis- 
comforts. Nothing  seemed  to  ruffle  either,  and  they  even 
made  the  accident  a  source  of  subsequent  congratulation,  when 
the  new  quarters  were  put  up. 

If  their  life  was  pleasant,  if  they  were  happy,  it  was  their 
own  sunny  temperaments  that  made  them  so.  They  were 
happy,  where  others  would  have  been  miserable.  An  air  of 
luxury  and  good  taste  pervaded  the  "  General's  room,"  where 
he  wrote  and  received  his  visitors.  What  gave  it  that  air  ? 
33 


514:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

The  furniture  was  of  the  plainest,  and  much  of  it  old  and  worn. 
But  over  every  old  chair  or  sofa,  covering  all  deficiencies,  were 
beautiful  furs  and  skins  that  money  could  hardly  have  pur- 
chased, the  spoils  of  Ouster's  rifle,  and  all  around  the  walls 
hung  grand  heads  of  buffalo,  of  ahsata  or  "  big  horn,"  graceful 
antelope  heads,  prepared  by  Ouster  himself,  the  fierce  faces  of 
wolf,  bear  or  panther,  giving  a  wild  and  peculiar  grace  to  the 
lofty  room,  lit  up  by  the  glow  from  yonder  ample  fire-place, 
with  its  blazing  logs. 

There  Ouster  was  perfectly  happy.  Often  he  would  say  to 
his  wife,  when  all  alone  with  her : 

"  How  happy  we  are,  and  how  God  has  blessed  us !  It 
seems  to  me  we  have  everything  so  good.  Our  horses  are  the 
best,  our  dogs  are  the  best,  our  regiment  is  the  best,  our  home 
is  the  best  in  all  the  laud.  God  be  thanked  for  his  goodness." 

In  all  this  was  no  boasting.  The  man  seemed  to  feel  to  the 
very  core  of  his  heart  that  his  lot  in  life  left  him  nothing  to 
wish  for  :  he  was  perfectly  happy  and  devoutly  grateful.  And 
yet,  had  he  known  it,  the  end  was  coming,  and  the  very  happi- 
est years  of  bis  life  at  Fort  Lincoln  were  to  bring  him  forth  one 
more  enemy,  the  man  who  finally  slew  him.  Who  he  was,  the 
next  chapter  will  show. 


RAIN-IN-THE-FACE. 


CHAPTER  II. 
RAIN-IN-THE-FACE. 

~T"T  will  be  remembered  that  in  a  previous  chapter  we  recorded 
JL  the  murder  of  two  inoffensive  old  men,  Dr.  Honzinger  and 
Mr.  Baliran,  on  the  Yellowstone  expedition.  They  were  killed 
it  was  supposed,  by  "  hostiles,"  but  the  discovery  of  agency 
property  on  the  field  of  battle  subsequently  revealed  that  among 
these  hostiles  were  some  so  called  "  good  Indians  "  who  drew 
rations  at  the  agencies  and  received  property  from  the  govern- 
ment. No  hope  was  felt  that  the  names  of  the  Indians  who 
killed  the  two  unarmed  old  men  would  be  found  out.  During 
the  winter  of  1875,  however,  their  identity  came  out  in  a  very 
strange  manner. 

Charley  Reynolds,  one  of  Ouster's  scouts,  who  afterwards 
was  killed  at  the  Little  Horn  battle,  happened  to  be  at  Standing 
Rock  Agency,  a  place  some  seventy  miles  below  Fort  Lincoln, 
where  the  Indians  were  drawing  rations.  As  usual  at  their  re- 
joicings, they  were  having  "a  dance."  The  Indians  appear  to 
signalize  every  great  event  by  a  dance,  and  this  dance  is  always 
made  the  occasion  of  boasting  about  all  the  valiant  deeds  they  ever 
have  done.  In  the  course  of  this  dance,  Charley  Reynolds  heard 
one  of  the  Indians  boasting  how  he  had  killed  two  men  at  a 
time,  white  men,  too,  and  then  the  savage  went  on  with  his  pan- 
tomime dance  and  described  how  he  did  it,  how  one  of  them  was 
a  fat  old  man,  and  how  he  fell  from  his  horse,  how  he,  the  In- 
dian, finished  him  off  by  smashing  his  skull  with  a  big  stone, 
and  then  shot  the  other  white  man  and  took  all  they  had.  Then 
he  proudly  exhibited  articles  that  Charley  knew  belonged  to  Dr. 


516  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

Honzinger,  and  the  scout  knew  that  he  had  found  the  murderer 
That  Indian  was  named  "  Rain-in-the-Face." 

The  rest  of  his  story  was  written  at  the  time,  January,  1875, 
by  Mrs.  Ouster,  and  she  shall  tell  it  to  the  reader  in  her  own 
words. 

I  have  been  so  much  interested,  says  the  dear  little  lady,  in 
the  capture  and  present  imprisonment  of  an  Indian  murderer,  I 
cannot  but  think  that  the  story  might  entertain  others.  Since 
BO  many  of  the  "  ready  writers  "  of  the  present  day  make  up 
their  histories  of  Indian  life  and  incidents,  thousands  of  miles 
from  the  actual  scene,  I  do  not  wonder  that  the  true  impres- 
&vjn  of  the  real  wild  Indian  is  confined  mostly  to  those  who  live 
either  with  or  near  them.  I  must  go  back  for  a  moment  to  the 
Yellowstone  Expedition  under  General  Stanley  in  the  summer 
of  1873.  Attached  to  the  cavalry  accompanying  the  expedition 
were  two  civilians  who  rode  a  great  part  of  the  time  together. 
They  were  not  obliged  to  submit  to  the  regulation  that  compels 
soldiers  to  keep  the  ranks,  and  so  they  daily  guided  their  horses 
where  they  chose.  One  day  they  stopped  to  water  their  steeds, 
and  the  main  column  was  scarcely  out  of  sight,  hidden  by  a 
divide,  before  the  two  were  surrounded  and  instantly  murdered 
by  Indians.  A  portion  of  the  cavalry  under  General  Ouster 
had  at  the  same  time  been  surrounded  and  were  fighting,  but 
unable  of  course  to  go  to  the  relief  of  the  two  poor  victims. 
Dr.  Honzinger  was  an  honest,  kind-hearted  old  man,  who  had 
followed  the  fortunes  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  for  some  years,  as  its 
veterinary  surgeon.  Mr.  Baliran  was  the  sutler  for  the  cavalry. 
Both  were  favorites  with  the  command  and  were  much  re- 
gretted. Both  left  families  poorly  provided  for. 

It  is  now  over  a  year  and  a  half  since  their  death.  A  few 
weeks  since,  reliable  information  came  from  the  Indian  agency 
below  here  on  the  river,  that  the  murderer  of  Dr.  Honzinger 
and  Mr.  Baliran  was  at  the  agency  drawing  his  rations,  blan- 
kets, ammunition,  etc.,  from  government,  and  boasting  of  hia 
foul  deed  of  the  two  summers  preceding. 


EAIN-IN-THE-FACE.  517 

This  piece  of  news  at  once  created  the  most  intense  excite- 
ment in  our  garrison,  largely  composed  as  it  is  of  members  of 
the  Yellowstone  expedition  and  friends  of  the  slaughtered  men. 
It  really  seemed  too  aggravating  to  endure  the  knowledge  of 
the  fact  that  the  government  should  feed,  clothe  and  equip  In- 
dians, to  go  out  and  fight  and  kill  soldiers  and  others  who  were 
working  to  protect  the  frontier.  So  after  the  excitement  had 
somewhat  lulled,  a  detachment  was  quickly  prepared  to  march 
to  the  agency.  No  one  knew  the  object  of  their  trip.  Most 
persons  supposed  it  was  to  capture  another  Indian  murderer, 
belonging  to  the  agency,  who  had  killed  a  citizen  on  Red  River 
of  the  North,  last  summer.  Four  officers  and  a  hundred  men 
left  this  post,  one  cold  windy  day,  under  sealed  orders.  The 
orders  directed  them  to  capture  and  bring  back  an  Uncpapa 
Indian,  called  Rain-in-the-Face,  the  assassin  of  Dr.  Honzinger 
and  Mr.  Baliran.  Our  next  post  is  twenty  miles  distant,  and 
had  the  orders  not  been  sealed,  General  Ouster  knew  that  the 
Sioux  scouts  employed  by  government  at  Fort  Rice,  as  soon  as 
the  troops  arrived  there  and  told  their  errand,  would  send  out 
a  runner  to  the  agency  below  and  inform  the  Indians  of  the 
intended  arrest,  giving  time  for  the  murderer  to  escape.  So 
the  orders  were  not  opened  until  Rice  was  left  behind  twenty 
miles.  As  the  troops  neared  the  agency  it  was  found  neces- 
sary to  observe  the  greatest  care,  to  prevent  the  Indians  from 
finding  out  the  object  of  the  visit.  It  was  the  day  for  our  red 
brethren  to  draw  beef  from  their  generous  Uncle  Sam.  Hun- 
dreds of  them  were  there  at  the  agency,  of  course  armed  to  the 
teeth,  as  they  always  are.  In  the  face  of  hundreds  of  fully 
armed  Indians,  though  on  the  reservation,  still  most  of  them 
full  of  hate  toward  the  white  man,  it  seemed  a  very  venture- 
some deed  to  appear  in  their  midst  and  claim  one  of  their  num- 
ber. The  reservation  Indians  are  constantly  told  that  they  will 
be  fed,  clothed,  and  armed,  if  they  will  consent-never  to  make 
war  on  the  white  man,  but  if  they  do  they  must  submit  to  the 
penalties  of  the  law.  But  in  the  instance  of  this  murderer  he 


518  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

dared  everything  to  prove  his  courage.  He  had  been  frequently 
to  the  agency,  boasting  of  his  base  deed.  One  party  of  troops 
had  been  down  to  capture  him  earlier  in  the  winter,  but  he 
had  hidden  and  escaped  them.  So  Captain  Yates,  who  had 
charge  of  the  troops,  sent  one  of  the  lieutenants,  with  forty 
men,  to  the  Indian  camp  ten  miles  below,  to  make  inquiries 
for  three  Indians  who  had  murdered  citizens  on  Red  River 
last  summer. 

This  ruse  succeeded  in  deceiving  the  Indians  as  to  the  real 
object  of  their  presence  among  them.  As  the  trader's  store  is 
the  great  place  of  resort  for  the  Indians,  it  was  presumed  that 
in  the  course  of  the  day  Rain-in-the-Face  would  be  there.  Col. 
Custer  (brother  of  the  general)  was  directed  to  take  five  picked 
men  and  go  to  the  store  and  capture  the  murderer,  should  the 
latter  put  in  an  appearance.  He  remained  in  the  store  for  sev- 
eral hours.  The  day  was  cold  and  the  Indians  kept  their  blan- 
kets drawn  about  their  heads,  thus  rendering  it  almost  impossible 
to  distinguish  one  from  the  other.  At  last  one  of  them  loosened 
his  blanket  and  Col.  Custer  identified  him  as  Rain-in-the-Face. 
Coming  suddenly  behind  him,  he  threw  his  arms  around  him 
and  seized  the  Winchester  rifle  that  the  Indian  attempted  in  an 
instant  to  cock.  The  murderer  was  taken  entirely  by  surprise. 
Stolid  as  their  faces  usually  are,  his,  in  this  moment  of  amaze, 
was  a  study.  No  fear  to  be  seen,  but  other  emotions  showed 
themselves  with  lightning  rapidity  on  his  countenance.  Sur- 
prise, hate,  revenge,  then  the  final  determination  that  he  would 
show  his  brother  warriors  he  was  not  afraid  to  die.  He  had 
been  considered  brave  beyond  precedent,  to  even  enter  the 
agency  store  and  encounter  this  risk  of  arrest. 

As  soon  as  Rain-in-the-Face  was  actually  captured  and  his 
hands  tied,  an  old  Indian  orator  of  the  tribe  began  exhorting 
the  Indians,  who  had  assembled  in  the  store  to  the  number  of 
thirty  or  more,  to  recapture  their  comrade.  He  spoke  in  the 
key  assumed  by  the  Indian  warriors,  high  and  loud,  but  with 
no  rising  or  falling  inflections.  The  most  intense  excitement 


RAIN-IN-THE-FACE.  519 

prevailed  among  the  braves.     The  instant  Rain-in-the-Face  was 
arrested,  Captain  Tates,  who  had  remained  outside  a  close  ob- 
server of  affairs,  gave  the  signal,  and  rallied  his  entire  force  in 
the  immediate  vicinity  of,  the  trader's  store,  prepared  to  repel 
anv  attempt  to  rescue  the  prisoner.     These  precautions  were 
adopted  none  too  quickly,  for  no  sooner  had  news  of  the  cap- 
ture of  Rain-in-the-Face  been  conveyed  to  the  numerous  groups 
of  Indians  to  be  seen  in  the  vicinity  of  the  agency,  than  a  mass 
of  armed  warriors,  estimated  at  over  five  hundred  in  number, 
rushed  to  the  trader's  store,  and  in  loud,  threatening,  and  ex- 
cited  tones,  demanded  the  instant   release   of  their  comrade. 
The  occasion  was  one  requiring  the  exercise  of  the  utmost  pru- 
dence as  well  as  the  most  determined  courage  upon  the  part  of 
the  little  group  of  officers  and  men  who  stood  with  weapons  in 
their  hands,  about  the  prisoner.     Determined  to  resist  to  the 
very  death  any  attempt  at  a  rescue,  Captain  Yates,  presenting 
a  bold  front  to  the  Indians,  enraged  as  they  were,  prevented 
the  immediate  recapture  of  his  prisoner.     By  means  of  an  inter- 
preter, he  then  briefly  explained  to  the  Indians  the  cause  of  th 
arrest,  and  announced  the  determination  of  himself  and  men  to 
maintain  their  hold  over  their  captive.     He  at  the  same  time 
urged  the  chiefs  to   withdraw  with  their  followers,  and  thus 
avoid  a  collision  that  would  only  result  in  loss  of  life  on  both 
sides,  without  accomplishing  any  purpose.     Seeing  they  could 
not  carry  out  their  end  by  intimidation  or  the  display  of  greatly 
superior  numbers,  the  Indians  then  resorted  to  parley  and  offers 
of  compromise.     They  offered  through  an  interpreter  to  sacrifice 
two  Indians  of  the  tribe,  if  Rain-in-the-Face  could  be  released 
He  is  a  great  warrior  among  them.     He  has  five  brothers  at 
the  agency,  one  of  whom,  Iron  Horn,  is  a  chief  of  influential 
standing  in  the  tribe.     It  was  not  expected  that  Indians  of  any 
notoriety  or  rank  would  be  offered  as  a  sacrifice;  only  some 
who   had  not  distinguished  themselves  in  any  way  j  and  the 
selections  were  to  be  made  by  the  great  moguls  of  the  tribe. 
These  offers  were  of  course  refused,  and  Rain-iii-the-Face  was 


520  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

taken  to  the  camp  of  the  Cavalry.  In  an  incredibly  short  time 
not  an  Indian  was  to  be  seen  at  the  agency.  All  went  to  their 
camp,  ten  miles  below.  Later  in  the  day,  a  party  of  fifty 
mounted  Indians  dashed  by  the  agency  on  the  road  to  be  taken 
by  our  troops  on  the  return.  Of  course  our  officers  expected 
to  be  attacked  by  this  party  the  next  morning,  but  they  were 
unmolested,  and  reached  here  after  a  march  of  three  days, 
through  cold  and  snow  and  winds  such  as  only  Dakota  can  fur- 
nish. It  was  explained  to  us  afterward,  that  the  party  of  fifty 
seen  passing  the  agency  were  on  their  way  to  the  camp  of  the 
chief  "  Two  Bears  "  to  try  and  induce  him  to  urge  his  young 
braves  to  combine  with  them  in  the  release  of  Rain-in-the-Face. 
But  Two  Bears  is  an  old  chief,  and  he  opposed  the  attack.  He 
has  been  a  friend  of  the  whites  for  a  long  time,  but  his  age 
would  induce  one  to  think  the  motive  of  his  friendship  was 
policy. 

After  the  officers  had  reported,  General  Ouster  sent  for  Rain- 
in-the-Face  to  interview  him.  He  is  a  young  man  with  an  im- 
penetrable countenance.  This  is  as  we  saw  him,  but  in  a  sub- 
sequent interview,  when  General  Ouster  locked  himself  alone  in 
a  room  with  him,  he  showed  some  signs  of  agitation.  After  a 
time,  when  they  had  talked  by  signs  as  far  as  it  was  possible, 
the  interpreter  was  admitted,  and  for  hours  General  Ouster 
attempted  by  every  clever  question  he  could  invent,  to  induce 
Rain-in-the-Face  to  confess  his  crime.  At  last  he  succeeded 
in  getting  his  account  of  the  murder,  and  the  next  day  in  the 
presence  of  a  number  of  the  officers,  Rain-in-the-Face  made  a 
full  confession  of  his  crime.  He  called  Dr.  Honzinger  the  old 
man,  and  says  he  shot  him,  but  he  rode  some  distance  before 
felling  from  his  horse.  Mr.  Baliran  he  described  as  being  among 
some  trees,  arid  signaling  to  them  by  holding  up  his  hand  as  an 
overture  of  peace.  He  says  that  Baliran  gave  them  his  hat  when 
they  reached  him,  but  they  shot  him  at  once,  first  with  a  gun, 
then  with  arrows.  One  of  the  arrows  entered  his  back  and  he 
tried  to  pull  it  through,  but  failed.  They  did  not  scalp  their 


RAIN-IN-THE-FACE.  521 

victims.  Dr.  Honzinger  was  bald,  and  Mr.  Baliran  had  his  hair 
closely  cut.  Neither  of  these  gentlemen  were  armed  when  at- 
tacked by  the  Indians.  This  short  but  cruel  story  made  our 
blood  boil  when  we  afterwards  learned  what  Rain-in-the-Face 
had  confessed. 

The  brother  of  the  prisoner,  "  Iron  Horn,"  and  one  other 
Indian,  had  followed  the  cavalry  up  from  the  agency  and  asked 
to  see  the  captive  before  they  went  home.  General  Ouster 
sent  for  Rain-in-the-Face,  and  he  met  his  brother  and  had  coun- 
cil with  him.  They  expected  it  was  a  farewell  interview,  as 
the  Indians  all  believed  Rain-in-the-Face  would  be  hung. 

During  the  council,  which  was  very  solemn,  Iron  Horn  took 
off  his  beautiful  beaded  blanket  and  put  it  on  his  brother,  taking 
his  common  one  in  place  of  it.  He  also  exchanged  pipes  with 
him,  giving  his  highly  ornamented  one  to  Rain-in-the-Face,  to 
present  to  General  Ouster.  He  charged  his  brother  most  sol- 
emnly not  to  try  to  escape,  that  should  he  get  back  to  the  reser- 
vation he  would  be  recaptured,  and  he  believed  he  would  be 
kindly  treated  while  a  captive.  He  hoped  the  great  Father 
would  not  hang  him,  and  perhaps  General  Ouster  would  inter- 
cede in  his  favor.  The  great  Father  rarely  hung  Indians. 
Asking  him  not  to  lose  his  spirits,  they  took  a  farewell  smoke 
and  he  departed. 

In  about  ten  days  he  returned,  bringing  a  party  of  In- 
dians with  him.  Another  interview  with  General  Ouster 
was  obtained.  After  all  the  guests  were  seated,  Rain-in-the- 
Face  came  over  from  the  guard  house  and  entered,  having  been 
sent  for  at  the  request  of  the  Indians.  He  came  into  the  room, 
trying  not  to  show  his  pleasure  at  seeing  his  friends,  nor  his 
grief  at  his  imprisonment  and  his  evidently  expected  death  ; 
but  these  emotions  passed  over  his  face  in  quick  succession, 
and  then  came  the  look  of  settled  indifference  that  the  Indian 
constantly  tries  to  wear.  His  brother  rose  at  once  and  went 
to  Rain-in-the-Face,  and,  to  the  intense  amazement  of  the  few 
privileged  spectators  General  Ouster  had  allowed  to  enter,  he 


522  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

kissed  him.  An  Indian  kiss,  to  be  sure ;  the  lips  were  laid 
quietly  on  his  cheek,  with  no  sound  or  motion ;  but  it  is  a 
solemn  caress,  and  one  never  seen  before,  with  one  single  ex- 
ception, by  the  oldest  Indian  fighter  here.  Several  of  the  rank- 
ing Indians  stepped  solemnly  to  the  prisoner  and  gave  him  the 
same  dignified  salute.  Then  one  of  the  old  men  of  the  tribe 
walked  in  front  of  him,  and  lifting  his  hand  above  his  head  and 
raising  his  eyes,  said  a  few  words  in  prayer  to  the  Great  Spirit 
for  this  unfortunate  brother.  Rain-in-the-Face  hung  his  head 
low  on  his  breast,  to  hide  the  emotion  that  he  thought  would 
ill  become  a  warrior  as  brave  as  he  really  is. 

After  a  long  speech  by  Iron  Horn,  delivered  in  the  usual 
high  monotonous  key,  the  next  in  rank  rose,  and  so  on,  till 
half  a  dozen  had  spoken.  Iron  Horn  thanked  General  Ouster 
for  his  care  of  Rain-in-the-Face,  asked  permission  to  visit  him 
again,  begged  him  to  write  again  to  the  Great  Father  and 
intercede  for  the  life  of  their  brother,  and  then,  taking  off  the 
buckskin  shirt  he  wore,  he  presented  the  highly  ornamented 
garment  to  the  General.  Then  came  such  a  singular  request. 
It  was  the  story  of  Damon  and  Pythias  among  uncivilized 
warriors.  Two  shy  young  braves,  sitting  near  the  end  of  the 
circle  among  the  untitled,  asked  through  Iron  Horn  the  privi- 
lege of  sharing  the  captivity  of  Rain-in-the-Face.  Not  many 
murderers  or  felons  in  the  States  find  friends  who  in  the  hour 
of  arrest  or  capture  ask  to  share  the  prison  with  them.  Con- 
sent was  given  to  this  request,  if  the  friends  would  be  willing  to 
be  locked  in  the  prison  till  the  hour  came  for  them  to  go  home. 

They  rested  in  the  guard  house  with  their  friend  for  a  daj- 
and  night,  and  then  returned  to  the  agency.  The  imprison- 
ment of  Rain-in-the-Face  continued  for  several  months,  till  a 
circumstance  occurred  that  gave  him  his  liberty. 

So  far  Mrs.  Ouster's  narrative,  written  at  the  time.  The 
circumstance  she  speaks  of  introduces  another  story  which  will 
give  an  excellent  idea  of  another  phase  of  Ouster's  character, 
besides  completing  the  record.  We  are  indebted  for  this  story 


RAIN-IN-THE-FACE.  523 

to  the  kindness  of  Mrs.  Yates,  widow  of  the  brave  captain  whose 
party  took  the  Indian.  She  entitles  it  the  "  Story  of  the  Grain 
Thieves." 

"  It  seems  strange,"  says  this  lady,  "  that  any  one  at  all  ac- 
quainted with  the  working  and  planning  of  Ouster's  mind, 
could  accuse  him  of  rashness  ;  there  is  the  most  wonderful  de- 
nial of  this  imputation  in  every  engagement  which  he  entered 
during  the  war,  in  the  planning  of  the  Washita  campaign,  and 
last,  but  not  least,  to  many  minds,  the  following  up  and  final 
arrest  of  the  grain  thieves  at  Fort  Abraham  Lincoln,  a  matter 
which  some  might  deem  of  unimportance,  but  which  should  be 
considered  of  value  in  showing  the  patient  energy  and  tenacity 
of  purpose  as  exemplified  in  his  character.  It  is  of  importance 
also,  because  it  established  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  lawless  fron- 
tiersmen of  Bismarck  and  its  vicinity,  as  one  whom  it  would  be 
as  well  to  respect,  one  who  was  quick  to  pursue  and  sure  to 
overtake. 

"  During  the  spring  of  1875,  the  grain  from  the  several 
forage  buildings  at  Fort  Lincoln  had  been  steadily  disappearing. 
The  river  being  still  frozen,  intercourse  between  the  post  and 
the  town  of  Bismarck  was  fully  established,  and  it  became  a  diffi- 
cult matter  to  trace  the  stolen  grain  to  any  particular  parties,  as 
well  as  a  problem  what  to  do  with  the  parties  in  the  event  of 
finding  it.  Law  and  order  had  not  resolved  itself  from  the 
chaos  of  the  newly-put-together  town. 

"  The  General  was  also  hampered  by  being  forbidden  by  or- 
der to  make  arrests  outside  of  the  military  reservation,  all  exte- 
rior justice  being  meted  out  by  the  good  mayor  of  Bismarck ; 
who,  '  slow  to  anger  and  plenteous  in  mercy,'  the  General 
feared  might  not  prove  as  powerful  a  coadjutor  as  he  could 
desire.  With  all  these  discouraging  facts  to  dampen  his  ardor, 
he  quietly  went  to  work,  early  and  late,  gathering  in  his  proofs 
in  which  he  was  greatly  assisted  by  Lieutenant  Garland,  of 
the  Sixth  Infantry,  formerly  a  lawyer.  Ever  watchful  of  tho 
slightest  opportunity,  nothing  escaped  him.  Believing  with 


524:  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

Pope  that  l  the  proper  study  of  mankind  is  man,'  he  studied 
man  as  he  found  him  in  Bismarck. 

"  Once  he  arose  in  the  night  and  himself  inspected  the  grain 
on  the  landing  to  see  that  it  was  all  right,  questioning  and  ex- 
amining the  guard,  and  only  retiring  when  fully  satisfied  that 
no  robbery  would  be  attempted  that  night.  Months  before  the 
denouement,  he  knew  where  each  of  the  dramatis  persons 
was,  could  have  arrested  any  one  of  them,  or  even  a  half  a 
dozen,  if  he  had  been  rash  ;  but,  being  patient,  he  waited  until 
he  possessed  the  required  proofs  to  arrest  every  one  who  had 
been  in  the  least  connected  with  the  disappearance  of  the  grain, 
knowing  well  that  in  arresting  only  a  part  of  the  number,  he 
gave  the  rest  warning  to  escape. 

"  So  when,  one  bright  day,  just  before  the  breaking  up  of 
the  river  in  the  spring,  he  issued  orders  for  the  regiment  to  be 
in  readiness  to  start  at  the  call  of  the  trumpet  for  Bismarck,  not 
an  officer  of  his  command  but  was  as  astonished,  and  knew  aa 
little  of  what  was  expected  of  them,  as  did  the  citizens  of  Bis- 
marck, when  they  saw  the  cavalry,  fully  armed  and  equipped, 
come  riding  into  their  little  town. 

"  The  Seventh  Cavalry  rode  to  the  different  places  indicated 
by  the  General,  and  found  the  grain  at  every  place  pointed  out 
by  him,  to  the  surprise  and  indignation  of  the  honest  citizens 
of  Bismarck,  who  being  in  ignorance  of  the  localities  the  thieves 
had  chosen  to  secrete  it,  were  naturally  indignant  at  the  slur 
cast  upon  their  reputations.  For  a  while  loud  talking  ensued, 
and  a  riot  of  no  mean  pretensions  was  threatened.  Finally,  upon 
the  General  insisting,  doors  were  thrown  open  to  him,  and  the 
stolen  grain  in  every  instance  was  exposed  to  view,  the  soldiers 
turning  the  bags  over,  and  showing  the  government  brand.  In 
the  Mayor's  own  warehouse  (he  being  also  a  prominent  mer- 
chant at  the  time,)  a  number  were  discovered.  You  can  im- 
agine the  good  mayor's  surprise  at  this  last  selection  of  a  repos- 
itory for  these  stolen  goods. 

"A  number  of  arrests  were  made,  the  mayor  now  concurring 


RAIN-IN-THE-FACE.  525 

heartily  with  the  military,  and  for  temporary  safe  keeping  the 
corn  thieves  were  escorted  by  the  cavalry  back  to  Fort  Abraham 
Lincoln  and  lodged  in  the  guard  house. 

"  Their  trial,  which  topk  place  at  Fargo,  Minnesota,  occupied 
many  months,  and  employed  numbers  of  witnesses,  the  leading 
actors  in  the  scene  shortly  afterwards  finding  their  way  into  the 
penitentiary.  There  is  one  amusing  occurrence  connected  with 
the  above  arrest,  and  following  upon  the  order  received  by  Gen- 
eral Ouster  to  arrest  all  those  implicated  in  the  robbery  that 
could  be  found  upon  the  militarj'-  reservation  of  Fort  Lincoln. 
Off  this  reservation,  as  before  mentioned,  such  arrests  devolved 
upon  the  mayor.  The  General,  one  day,  became  aware  that 
two  of  the  principal  members  of  the  gang  were  at  that  time  in 
a  shanty  almost  half  a  mile  from  the  post.  Not  knowing  the 
men,  nor  having  any  description  of  their  appearance,  his  order 

to  the  officer  of  the  day  was  merely,  '  go  to 's  shanty,  and 

arrest  immediately  two  citizens  who  you  will  find  there — put 
them  in  the  guard  house.'  The  officer  of  the  day  started  off, 
and  the  General  proceeded  to  make  a  call  upon  a  certain  family 
in  the  garrison.  Seating  himself  near  the  window  where  he 
could  command  a  view  of  the  road  in  front  of  the  officer's  quar- 
ters, laughing  and  conversing  meanwhile,  his  eye  scarcely  left 
the  window. 

"  Presently,  a  wagon  drove  by,  containing  two  inoffensive 
looking  personages  in  citizen's  attire  ;  there  was  nothing  at  all 
suspicious  in  their  appearance,  nor  was  it  unusual  for  citizens  to 
have  business  in,  and  drive  through  the  post.  Only,  one  of  the 
men  looked  back  anxiously  over  his  shoulder.  This  act  aroused 
the  General's  interest,  but  he  allowed  them  to  drive  around — 
which  they  did  slowly — until  they  were  almost  in  front  of  the 
guard  house,  when  he  rose  abruptly,  excused  himself  to  the 
lady,  and  stepping  upon  the  porch,  placed  both  hands  to  his 
mouth  shouting  '  Guard,  arrest  those  men  ! ' 

"  The  wondering  guard  obeyed,  the  men  were  assisted  to 
alight,  having  driven  up  to  their  destination  themselves.  Soon 


526  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

it  became  evident  what  had  occasioned  the  anxious  looks  over 
their  shoulders.  In  a  lumbering  wagon,  drawn  by  four  mules, 
stood  the  officer  of  the  day,  jabbing  the  mules  with  his  sabre, 
and  the  while  ejaculating  in  profound  English. 

"  He  had  obeyed  orders,  had  searched  the  shanty,  but  finding 
no  one  there,  was  about  to  return  home  without  making  the 
arrest,  when  he  observed  the  men  in  the  wagon.  At  first  think- 
ing they  were  honest  hay  cutters,  he  allowed  them  to  make  con- 
siderable headway  from  him.  On  second  thought,  he  concluded 
to  overtake  them,  but  finding  that  at  this  rate  they  would  soon 
be  off  the  reservation,  and  no  arrest  could  then  be  made,  he 
seized  the  nearest  vehicle,  which  was  a  heavy  water  wagon, 
ordering  the  soldiers  to  jump  out.  Clutching  the  r"eins  with 
one  hand  and  punching  the  wheelers  with  his  sabre  in  the 
other,  he  came  upon  the  scene  just  as  the  general  had  made 
the  arrest  in  person." 

The  arrests  were  made  after  Rain-in-the-Face  had  been, 
several  months  in  the  guard  house,  and  amongst  others  there 
were  two  particularly  hard  cases,  who  had  been  caught  driving 
wagons  loaded  with  hay  off  the  ground. 

"  The  guard  house,"  says  Mrs.  Ouster,  concluding  her  story, 
"  was  only  a  poorly  built,  wooden  building,  quite  insecure,  and 
these  citizens  had  in  one  night  cut  a  hole  in  the  side  of  the  rear 
wall,  large  enough  to  creep  through.  Two  crept  safely  out, 
and  Rain-in-the-Face,  seeing  the  opening  after  they  had  gone, 
quickly  made  his  escape.  We  found  afterwards  that  he  went 
at  once  to  the  hostile  camp,  and  last  spring  he  sent  word  by 
agency  Indians  that  he  had  joined  Sitting  Bull  and  was  awaiting 
his  revenge  for  his  imprisonment." 

That  he  took  it,  all  the  world  now  knows,  and  they  can  see 
in  his  portrait  taken  from  an  excellent  photograph,  what  sort 
of  a  man  this  desperado  is.  Truly  he  looks  soft  enough,  and  as 
innocent  as  a  lamb,  but  for  all  that  he  is  well  known  as  one  of 
the  bravest  men  of  his  nation.  The  tribe  were  particularly 
proud  of  him  for  one  thing,  his  extraordinary  fortitude  against 


RAIN-IN-THB-FACE.  527 

physical  pain.     He  was  said  to  have  hung  for  four  hours  in  the 
"  Sun  dance."  * 

*  The  Sun  Dance,  says  Mrs.  Yates,  to  whom  we  are  already  indebted,  is  a 
test  of  nerve  and  endurance  of  the  Indian ;  in  other  words,  it  is  the  Military 
Academy  from  which  he  graduates,  a  well-informed  soldier.  Here  he  is  taught 
to  be  wily,  hardy,  stoical  and  cruel.  It  is  held  in  the  middle  of  summer, 
when  the  sun's  rays  are  nearly  vertical,  and  its  heat  therefore,  the  most 
intense.  One  of  its  features  is  the  exposure,  upon  platforms  erected  for  the 
purpose,  of  the  nude  forms  of  the  Indian  braves,  to  the  direct  and  burning 
rays  of  the  sun.  Lying  on  their  backs,  with  eyes  distended,  their  gaze  is 
fixed  upon  the  solar  king,  uutil  tears  stream  from  their  tortured  and  mal- 
treated organs.  Numerous  tests  are  too  horrible  to  mention,  and  would 
require  as  much  nerve  to  witness  and  describe,  as  to  participate  in  them. 
Visitors  frequently  faint  away  in  the  presence  of  such  sickening  details. 

For  these  young  Indian  cadets  to  fail  in  the  slightest  detail,  is  certain 
disgrace;  to  exceed  what  is  demanded  by  competent  judges,  calls  forth 
applause,  admiration,  and  gifts.  Many  a  chief  goes  back  to  the  Sun  Dance 
for  the  beginning  of  his  record.  His  bravery  and  endurance  there  is  never 
forgotten,  and  serves  him  in  good  stead  ever  after. 

Not  long  since,  an  excellent  engraving  of  a  Sun  Dance  appeared  in  Har- 
per's Weekly.  In  this  picture,  Indians  could  be  seen  undergoing  the  suspen- 
sion test.  This  is  done  by  cutting  a  gash  under  some  of  the  sinews  of  the 
back,  immediately  under  the  shoulder  blades,  passing  thongs  of  buffalo 
hide  through  the  gashes,  and  by  these  thongs  suspending  the  Indian  to  the 
roof  of  a  large  tepee.  Here  he  hangs  until  his  own  weight  or  motion  causes 
the  thongs  to  cut  through  the  sinews,  when  he  falls  to  the  ground,  and  has 
successfully  passed  the  trial.  The  summer  before  General  Custer's  expedition 
to  the  Black  Hills,  a  grand  Sun  Dance  was  held  at  Standing  Rock,  Dakota. 
The  tests  were  unusually  severe  ;  the  judges  exacting.  A  Sioux,  nick  named 
'Pete,'  could  not  endure  the  suspension  test,  but  fainted  away,  and  upon 
coming  to,  begged  to  be  taken  down.  He  was  released,  but  henceforth  was 
irretrievably  disgraced,  compelled  to  dress  as  a  squaw,  and  forever  debarred 
the  privileges  of  a  brave.  The  squaws  held  him  in  derision,  and  poor  Pete's 
lot  was  a  gloomy  one  indeed.  Pete  accompanied  the  General  on  the  Black 
Hills  expedition  ;  he  bore  his  disgrace  with  equanimity,  and  had  always  an 
amiable  smile  for  everybody.  The  Indian  scouts  obliged  Pete  to  cook  and 
do  all  their  other  menial  labor. 

At  this  same  dance,  Rain-in-the-Face  so  distinguished  himself  as  to  win 
the  popularity  of  several  tribes.  In  the  suspension  test  he  was  gashed  so 
deep,  that  he  could  not  by  his  own  weight  cut  through  the  sinews.  He 
hung  in  mid  air  for  several  hours,  blood  streaming  from  his  wounds,  and 


528  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    OUSTER. 

The  escape  of  Rain-in-the-Face  to  the  hostiles  was  made  in  the 
spring  of  1875  and  during  that  summer  these  hostiles,  clustered 
around  the  headwaters  of  the  Yellowstone,  began  to  send  their 
war  parties  ont  near  the  settlements,  while  the  agency  Indians 
were  perpetually  slipping  off  to  join  them.  Dodge's  Black 
Hills  expedition  further  contributed  to  unsettle  the  Indians,  and 
when  the  miners  moved  in  numbers  into  that  region,  it 
became  evident  that  a  general  war  with  the  Northern  Sioux  was 
impending.  The  short  summer  was  the  only  salvation  of  the 
settlers,  and  when  1876  came,  it  was  clear  that  the  fight  could 
no  longer  be  averted. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  government  resolved  for 
the  first  time  to  make  war  on  the  hostiles. 

going  through  the  motion  of  dancing  the  while.  He  became  faint  from  loss 
of  blood,  and  the  judges  decided  to  cut  him  down.  Rain-in-the-Face  ob- 
jected however  to  this,  and  so  was  allowed  to  swing  in  this  manner  for  foul 
hours — when  the  flesh  at  last  gave  way  and  let  him  down. 


EIGHTH  BOOK.— THE  LAST   CAMPAIGN. 

CHAPTER  I. 
SITTING  BULL. 

WHILE  the  retreat  of  1868  had  pacified  most  of  the  Sioux, 
and  especially  the  great  chiefs  Red  Cloud  and  Spotted 
Tail,  with  their  bands,  there  was  a  small  portion  of  the  Sioux 
nation  which  remained  implacable  in  its  enmity  to  the  whites, 
and  kept  to  its  original  habits  of  life,  out  in  the  wilderness. 
This  portion  was  generally  known  by  the  title  of  "  the  hos- 
tiles,"  and  the  most  powerful  chief  of  the  different  bands  was 
and  is  known  by  the  title  of  Sitting  Bull.  To  explain  to  the 
general  reader  the  meaning  of  the  words  "  nation,"  "  tribe," 
and  "  band,"  a  short  sketch  of  Indian  polity  is  here  necessary. 

The  Indian  tribes  of  the  plains  bear  a  strong  likeness  in 
their  modes  of  government  to  the  Arabs  and  Tartars.  Ab- 
stractly it  may  be  termed  patriarchal,  but  actually  it  is  nearly  a 
pure  republic.  Every  member  of  a  band  does  just  about  what 
he  pleases,  and  obeys  his  chief  when  it  pleases  him,  subject 
always  to  the  verdict  of  popular  opinion  and  the  physical  ability 
of  the  chief  to  thrash  him.  While  the  dignity  of  chieftainship 
appears  to  be  hereditary,  it  is  subject  to  so  many  checks,  and 
depends  so  much  on  personal  ability  to  persuade  one's  followers 
to  pursue  a  certain  line  of  conduct,  that  it  may  be  called  a  mere 
delusion,  in  the  hands  of  any  but  a  great  warrior ;  and  prowess 
in  war  is  the  only  sure  road  to  real  power  among  Indians. 
While  the  Indians,  as  a  mass,  are  thus  independent  of  all  but 
persuasive  influences,  the  patriarchal  element  so  far  prevails  that 
34 


530  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  OUSTER. 

the  family  is  the  basis  of  the  organization  for  war  and  peace. 
The  members  of  a  family,  in  all  its  ramifications  of  brothers 
and  cousins,  uncles  and  nephews,  generally  travel  together, 
hunt  together,  and  fight  together,  agglomerating  in  time,  with 
their  connections  by  marriage,  into  a  ''band  "  varying  from  two 
to  twenty  or  thirty  lodges.  These  "  bands  "  have  a  remoter  con- 
nection, by  blood  ties,  with  other  bands,  and  constitute  together 
a  "tribe,"  which  may  number  from  two  to  thirty  or  forty 
"  bands."  These  tribes  again  have  a  still  more  remote  blood 
connection  with  other  tribes,  constituting  a  "nation,"  snch  as 
the  Sioux  Nation,  which  comprises  the  Yankton,  Brule,  Teton, 
Uncpapa,  and  several  other  tribes,  each  tribe  in  its  turn  embrac- 
ing several  bauds. 

The  "  hostiles,"  so  called,  are  formed  of  bands  differently 
composed.  The  patriarchal  ties  noticeable  in  other  bands  are 
replaced  here  by  a  mere  alliance  of  convenience.  Every  Indian 
who  feels  discontented  at  the  agencies  joins  the  "  hostiles  "  and 
attaches  himself  to  the  band  of  Sitting  Bull  or  Crazy  Horse, 
the  only  two  great  chiefs  who  were,  at  the  time  we  write  of, 
avowedly  "  hostile."  Thus  their  bands,  originally  numbering 
perhaps  twenty  lodges  apiece,  with  a  fighting  force  of  a  hundred 
warriors  to  each  band,  were  swelled  by  the  arrival  of  discon- 
tented families  to  many  more.  The  village  of  Crazy  Horse,  at 
the  close  of  the  winter  of  1875,  was  found  to  contain  one  hun- 
dred and  five  lodges,  which,  at  the  ordinary  rate  of  five  or  six 
warriors  to  a  lodge  or  "  tepee,"  furnished  a  force  of  about  550 
warriors.  Sitting  Ball's  band  probably  then  numbered  at  least 
150  lodges,  he  being  a  more  famous  chief  than  Crazy  Horse. 
During  the  summer  time,  the  forces  of  both  received  constant 
additions  from  the  agency  Indians,  who  came  out  for  a  sum- 
mer's hunt,  provided  with  plenty  of  breechloading  and  magazine 
guns  and  ammunition.  An  inspection  of  the  map  near  the  close 
of  this  part  of  our  book  will  show  the  singular  advantages  which 
the  agencies  offered  for  this.  The  position  of  the  "  hostiles  " 
was  very  well  selected,  near  the  head  of  the  Yellowstone,  in  a 


(SITTING    BULL.  531 

country  surrounded  by  "  bad-lands,"  which  prevented  the  whites 
from  near  approach,  except  on  great  and  protracted  expeditions, 
like  that  led  by  Stanley.  To  form  an  idea  of  the  "  bad-lands," 
the  eastern  reader  can  use  a  familiar  illustration.  You  have  all 
no  doubt  seen  a  clay-Held  after  a  long  and  hot  drought  in  sum- 
mer, how  it  is  seamed  over  with  innumerable  cracks,  perfectly 
perpendicular,  leaving  miniature  chasms  between.  Such,  mag- 
nified by  a  hundred,  are  the  "bad-lands"  of  the  north-west. 
They  are  patches  of  clay  soil,  baked  by  the  long  and  intense 
droughts  of  that  climate  into  chasms  four  or  five  feet  wide  and 
perhaps  twenty  feet  deep,  absolutely  impassable  for  wagons 
\vhere  they  occur,  quagmires  in  the  early  spring  freshets,  a  lab- 
yrinth of  ravines  in  the  summer.  These  bad-lands  surrounded 
the  country  of  the  hostiles  in  1873,  and  surround  them  now. 

So  much  for  the  natural  advantages  of  Sitting  Bull's  position, 
considered  in  a  defensive  point  of  view,  but  a  greater  advantage 
accrues  to  him  from  the  strategic  lines  of  the  country  and  the 
existence  of  the  Indian  agencies.  A  second  look  at  the  map  will 
reveal  how  the  agencies  affect  the  strategic  position. 

Observe  that  the  Missouri  River,  beginning  in  the  north- 
west corner  of  the  map,  describes  nearly  a  perfect  circle  around 
the  country  of  the  "  hostiles,"  and  remember  that  all  the  Indian 
agencies  are  on  this  river,  and  you  will  begin  to  realize  what  is 
meant  by  the  "strategic  advantages"  of  Silting  Bull.  Begin- 
ning at  the  mouth  of  the  Cheyenne  River,  there  are  Cheyenne 
Agency,  Brule  Agency,  Grand  River  Agency,  Standing  Rock 
Agency,  Fort  Berthold  and  Fort  Peck  and  several  other  places, 
all  full  of  friendly  Indians,  supported  by  Government,  and  ready 
to  join  the  hostiles  in  the  summer,  bringing  arms  and  ammu- 
nition with  them.  To  give  an  idea  of  the  supplies  of  the  latter, 
let  us  take  what  went  through  in  the  spring  of  1876  alone,  for 
distribution  to  Indians.  Our  evidence  is  contained  in  the  private 
letter  of  an  officer  on  the  spot.  This  officer  has  investigated  the 
matter,  and  finds  that  the  following  shipments  were  made  by 
river  steamer  to  these  agencies,  and  to  Forts  Ben  ton,  McLoud 


532  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

and  Claggett,  (also  agencies)  on  the  21st  May,  20th  June,  6th 
and  30th  July,  1876,  while  the  war  was  actually  raging.  No  less 
than  56  cases  of  arms,  or  1120  Winchester  and  Remington 
rifles,  and  413,000  rounds  of  patent  ammunition  went  there 
on  these  steamers,  besides  large  quantities  of  loose  powder,  lead, 
and  primers.  These  shipments  were  all  for  issue  to  Indians, 
through  the  Indian  agents,  or  for  sale  through  Indian  traders. 
The  country  to  which  they  were  sent  contains  only  Indians, 
soldiers,  arid  Indian  traders  or  agents.  These  shipments  more- 
over were  as  nothing  to  those  of  previous  years,  and  especially 
those  of  the  summer  of  1875,  when  more  than  a  million  rounds 
of  ammunition  and  several  thousand  stand  of  arms  were  sent 
through. 

Now  perhaps  Sitting  Bull's  chief  advantage  can  be  seen,  as 
first  shown  in  the  Yellowstone  expedition  of  1873.  This  ex- 
pedition started  from  Fort  Rice  in  the  summer  of  1873  and 
moved  off  at  a  leisurely  pace,  due  west.  Indian  runners  at  the 
same  time  started  off,  up  and  down  the  Missouri,  to  carry  the 
news.  Many  of  them  travelled  luxuriously  by  the  steamers  the 
government  was  kind  enough  to  supply,  to  carry  stores  to  the 
agencies  for  the  use  of  the  Indians.  By  the  time  Stanley  had 
reached  the  Little  Missouri,  (see  map)  every  agency  all  along 
the  line  of  the  river  was  informed  of  his  movements,  and  parties 
of  warriors  on  their  war  ponies,  with  no  burdens  save  arms, 
ammunition  and  food,  were  starting  from  the  circumfer- 
ence of  the  quarter  circle,  to  find  Sitting  Bull  and  have  a 
little  fun. 

All  those  from  the  upper  agencies  had  a  shorter  distance  to 
travel  than  Stanley,  and  knew  the  country  better.  No  wonder 
they  arrived  before  him.  The  trail  which  Stanley  struck  on 
the  Yellowstone  was  in  all  probability  that  of  the  real  acknowl- 
edged "  hostiles,"  the  village  of  Sitting  Bull,  with  a  force  of 
some  800  braves,  but  the  reinforcements  which  afterwards 
swelled  his  numbers  to  1500,  in  the  fight  near  Pompey's  Pillar 
must  have  come  from  the  northern  agencies,  and  Stanley  says 


SITTING    BULL.  533 

so  in  his  report,  specifying  Fort  Peck  as  "  the  centre  of  all  the 
villainy  of  the  Indian  Department." 

Thus,  in  carrying  on  war  with  the  United  States  "War  De- 
partment, Sitting  Bull  had  great  and  peculiar  advantages  from 
the  nature  of  his  position,  and  these  advantages  it  was  which 
had  made  him  constantly  triumphant.  It  may  have  seemed 
strange  to  many  that  Ouster  should  have  been  able,  alone,  to 
have  beaten  the  Indians  of  the  Southern  Plains,  while  the  Sioux 
of  the  North  had  overcome  all  successive  combinations  against 
them,  compelling  the  government  to  pacify  them  by  giving 
them  up  all  they  asked,  in  the  treaty  of  1868. 

The  War  Department  had  made  a  gallant  struggle  to  hold 
this  country,  but  Sitting  Bull  and  the  hostiles  had  beaten  them. 
Look  again  on  the  map  at  the  sites  of  old  Fort  Reno  and  old 
Fort  Phil  Kearny.  The  last  is  right  at  the  edge  of  Sitting 
Bull's  stronghold.  It  was  the  scene  of  the  fearful  massacre  of 
1868,  when  almost  the  whole  garrison  was  annihilated.  It  was 
difficult  to  keep  this  fort  supplied.  Everything  had  to  come  by 
wagon  train  from  Fort  Fetterman  on  the  south,  while  Sitting 
Bull  drew  all  his  supplies  of  ammunition  from  Fort  Peck 
and  a  dozen  other  places,  and  lived  on  the  buffalo  by  which 
he  was  surrounded.  The  white  men  could  not  starve  him, 
but  he  could  harass  them  constantly,  and  he  did  so.  Finally 
the  Department  was  compelled  to  abandon  Fort  Reno  and 
Kearny,  and  gave  up  the  country  to  Sitting  Bull,  by  the  treaty 
of  1868. 

Five  years  later,  in  1873,  it  was  judged  expedient  to  break 
that  treaty  and  try  a  new  line  of  operations,  this  time  up  the 
valley  of  the  Yellowstone.  This  line  possessed  one  and  only 
one  advantage  :  while  the  Yellowstone  was  navigable,  supplies, 
and  even  an  expedition,  could  be  sent  up  by  steamer,  compara- 
tively safe  from  the  Indians.  A  fleet  of  light  draught  steamers 
with  bullet-proof  guards  and  a  few  Gatlings,  may  yet  be  found 
the  true  solution  of  the  Sitting  Bull  difficulty ;  as  such  boats 
can  ascend  the  Big  Horn  River  to  within  sight  of  the  Indian 


534  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

stronghold.  By  land,  as  Stanley  went,  the  Yellowstone  route 
was  as  bad  as  the  rest,  except  for  provisions.  It  was  very  long, 
and  did  not  stop  the  supplies  of  Sitting  Bull.  The  only  reason 
Stanley  escaped  serious  disaster,  was  that  he  kept  near  the 
river  and  was  able  to  use  his  artillery,  while  Sitting  Bull  was 
not  as  yet  joined  by  any  very  formidable  force  of  Agency  Indi- 
ans. In  the  war  of  1876  all  this  was  to  be  changed,  and  Sitting 
Bull  was  to  find  himself  in  a  perfect  position,  occupying  inte- 
rior lines,  able  to  strike  at  his  enemies  wherever  he  pleased 
and  beat  them  in  detail,  and  all  the  while  able  to  draw  his 
supplies  and  reinforcements  from  a  number  of  concentrating 
lines,  none  of  which  his  enemies  were  able  to  cut.  Indians 
kept  streaming  in  to  his  help  from  all  the  quarter  circle  of  agen- 
cies, informing  him  of  every  step  taken  by  his  enemies,  and 
bringing  ammunition,  guns,  ponies,  and  men  by  hundreds. 

Of  Sitting  Bull  personally,  not  very  much  is  known.  It  is 
many  years  since  he  attended  a  council,  and  he  has  been  so  long 
secluded  from  the  whites  that  no  portrait  of  him  is  extant. 
From  the  description  of  Agency  Indians  and  others,  he  is  said 
to  be  a  heavily  built  Indian,  with  a  large  massive  head,  and 
(strange  to  say)  brown  hair,  unlike  most  Indians.  He  is  heavily 
marked  with  the  small  pox.  The  events  of  his  life  have  been 
recorded  by  himself,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  whites,  by 
an  accident,  soon  after  the  Phil  Kearny  massacre.  A  scout 
brought  into  one  of  the  forts  an  old  roster  book,  once  belong- 
ing to  the  Thirteenth  IT.  S.  Infantry,  which  Sitting  Bull  had 
captured,  and  in  this  was  found  a  series  of  over  a  hundred 
little  Indian  pictures,  describing  the  various  exploits  of  the 
artist.  In  the  first  he  is  shown  as  a  young  warrior,  naked  and 
unadorned,  taking  his  first  scalp  by  charging  a  Crow  Indian 
mounted.  From  the  mouth  of  the  young  warrior  goes  a  line 
which  joins  him  to  his  "  totem  ''  or  symbol,  a  buffalo  bull  sitting 
upon  its  haunches,  which  identified  the  book  as  the  diary  of 
Sitting  Bull.  This  totem  is  found  in  all  the  pictures.  Almost 
every  picture  represents  the  killing  of  a  man  or  woman  or  both, 


SITTING    BULL.  535 

some  Indians,  some  whites.  A  few  represent  Sitting  Bull 
carrying  off  herds  of  horses.  These  pictures  are  in  regular 
Indian  style,  such  as  a  clever  child,  without  teaching,  might 
draw.  There  is  no  attempt  at  art,  but  there  is  no  mistake  as 
to  what  is  meant.  There  are  the  men,  the  horses,  the  women, 
the  Indian  war  bonnets,  the  white  man's  stovepipe  hat,  in  the 
true  spirit  of  caricature,  the  salient  features  seized  and  fixed. 
Fac-similes  of  many  of  these  pictures  were  published  in  the 
New  York  Herald,  and  subsequently  in  Harper's  Weekly,  in 
the  latter  case  accompanied  by  an  article  from  Colonel  Strother, 
better  known  as  "  Port  Crayon."  "We  have  hardly  judged  them 
worth  insertion  here,  however. 

It  was  stated  at  one  time  that  Sitting  Bull,  while  hating 
the  white  Americans  and  disdaining  to  speak  their  language, 
was  yet  very  fond  of  the  French  Canadians,  that  he  talked 
French,  and  that  he  had  been  converted  to  Christianity  by 
a  French  Jesuit,  named  Father  De  Smet.  How  true  this  may 
be  is  uncertain,  but  probably  there  is  some  foundation  for  it. 
The  French  Jesuits  have  always  been  noted  for  their  wonder- 
ful success  in  winning  the  affections  of  the  Indians,  as  well 
as  for  the  transitory  nature  of  their  conversions,  and  it  is 
very  possible  that  Father  De  Smet  may  have  not  only  baptized 
Sitting  Bull  at  some  time,  but  induced  him  and  his  braves  to 
attend  mass,  as  performed  by  himself  in  the  wilderness.  The 
benefits  of  the  conversion  seem  however  to  have  been  only 
skin  deep,  as  far  as  preventing  cruelty  in  war  is  concerned. 

One  thing  about  Sitting  Bull  is  certain  :  he  is  an  Indian  of 
unusual  powers  of  mind,  and  a  warrior  whose  talent  amounts 
to  genius,  while  his  stubborn  heroism  in  defence  of  the  last 
of  his  race  is  undeniable.  Cruel  he  may  be ;  that  is  from 
the  instincts  of  his  race  :  a  general  of  the  first  natural  order  he 
must  be,  to  have  set  the  United  States  at  defiance  as  he  has 
for  the  last  ten  years.  That  he  has  been  able  to  do  this  so 
long  is  owing  to  his  skilful  use  of  two  advantages,  a  central 
position  surrounded  by  "  bad-lands,"  and  the  quarter  circle 


536  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 

of  agencies  from  which  he  draws  supplies  and  allies  every 
campaign. 

In  the  face  of  these  advantages  and  of  Sitting  Bull's  talents 
as  a  warrior,  the  government  gave  up  the  fight  in  1868.  In 
1876,  it  was  determined  to  try  one  more  campaign  against 
Sitting  Bull.  We  shall  see  how  it  succeeded. 

In  the  meantime,  the  people  of  America  will  not  fail  to 
remark  that  Sitting  Bull's  truest  and  most  persistent  allies  are 
the  Indian  Department  and  the  Indian  traders,  who  supply  him 
with  "Winchester  rifies  and  patent  ammunition,  so  that  his  men 
are  better  armed  than  the  troops  of  the  War  Department. 
Better  soldiers  individually  they  always  were,  for  every  man  is 
a  perfect  rider  and  good  shot,  while  the  regular  cavalry  is  mainly 
composed  of  green  recruits,  so  unreliable  that  even  a  chief  like 
Ouster  did  not  dare  to  fight  them  mounted,  but  had  to  turn  his 
men  into  mounted  infantry.  But  the  inferior  troops  have  disci- 
pline, and  had  they  as  good  or  superior  weapons,  could  beat  the 
Indians,  as  they  used  to,  before  1861.  There  is  still  an  easy 
way  to  stop  all  these  slaughters,  which  is  to  stop  the  supplies  of 
ammunition  from  going  to  the  Indians. 

To  accomplish  this  only  one  course  can  succeed.  Congress 
in  both  branches  must  be  compelled  by  public  opinion  to  abolish 
the  Indian  Department  forever.  Every  one  admits  the  neces- 
sity of  the  step,  but  the  corruption  fund  of  this  department  is 
so  great  that  public  opinion  has  not  yet  succeeded  in  kill- 
ing the  abuse.  Politicians  of  both  parties  are  interested  in 
the  money,  and  nothing  else  holds  the  Indian  Department 
together.  The  cost  of  the  Indians  to  the  government  has 
risen  in  ten  years  from  less  than  a  million  to  twenty  mil- 
lions annually,  and  Indian  agents  and  traders  grow  rich  on  the 
stealings  of  supplies  used  by  Indians  to  kill  soldiers,  while  the 
residue  of  the  stealings  goes  into  election  funds.  The  events 
of  the  Indian  war  of  1876  have,  however,  opened  the  eyes  of 
the  people  to  much  of  this  abuse.  God  grant  that  it  may  end 
in  the  final  destruction  of  the  "  Indian  Ring." 


CHAPTER  II. 

CKAZY   HORSE. 

WAR  having  been  once  determined  on  against  the  Sioux, 
the  only  questions  were,  who  should  begin  it,  and 
where  ?  It  was  finally  resolved  that  three  expeditions  should 
start,  one  from  the  north,  one  from  the  south,  and  one  from 
the  east ;  and  that  the  three  should  all  strike  for  the  country 
near  the  headwaters  of  the  Yellowstone,  where  Forts  Reno  and 
Phil  Kearny  had  formerly  been  established. 

The  three  columns  could  not  be,  or  at  all  events  were  not,  de- 
spatched simultaneously.  They  were  to  start  from  two  distinct 
departments,  commanded  by  Generals  Terry  and  Crook,  whose 
headquarters  were  several  hundred  miles  apart,  and  in  the  midst 
of  different  climates.  Terry,  whose  northern  column  must  start 
from  Fort  Lincoln,  up  near  the  borders  of  the  British  Terri- 
tory, could  not  move  as  early  as  Crook,  who  was  far  to  the 
south.  The  latter  started  his  column  on  the  1st  of  March,  1876, 
from  Fort  Fetterman,  and  struck  off  to  the  north  for  the  POWT- 
der  River. 

The  column  consisted  of  ten  companies  of  the  Second  and 
Third  Cavalry  and  two  companies  of  infantry,  with  a  strength 
of  700  men  and  40  days  supplies,  on  pack  mules  and  in  wragons. 
The  whole  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Reynolds,  Third  Cav- 
alry, brevet  Major-General,  and  was  accompanied  by  Briga- 
dier-General Crook,  the  department  commander.  This  column 
started  with  fine  weather  in  its  favor,  and  every  indication  of 
opening  spring.  There  were  sixty  wagons  and  400  pack-mules 
in  the  train,  making,  with  the  cavalry  horses,  1,500  animals  for 


538  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

which  forage  had  to  be  carried.  Nothing  was  heard  of  this  ex- 
pedition till  March  26,  when  the  following  telegram  was  received 
by  General  Sheridan  from  Crook  : 

FORT  RENO,  March  22. 

We  cut  loose  from  the  wagon  train  on  the  17th  inst.,  and 
scouted  the  Tongue  and  Eosebud  Rivers  until  satisfied  that  there 
were  no  Indians  upon  them  ;  then  struck  across  the  country  to- 
ward Powder  Eiver.  General  Reynolds,  with  part  of  the  com- 
mand, was  pushed  forward  on  a  trail  leading  to  the  village  of 
Crazy  Horse,  near  the  mouth  of  Little  Powder  River.  This  he 
attacked  and  destroyed  on  the  17th  inst.,  finding  it  a  perfect  mag- 
azine of  ammunition,  Avar  material,  and  general  supplies.  Crazy 
Horse  had  with  him  the  Northern  Cheyennes  and  some  of  the 
Minneconjous,  probably  in  all  one-half  of  the  Indians  off  the 
reservation.  Every  evidence  was  found  to  prove  these  Indians  in 
copartnership  with  those  at  the  Red  Cloud  and  Spotted  Tail 
Agencies,*  and  that  the  proceeds  of  their  raids  upon  the  settlements 
had  been  taken  to  those  agencies,  and  supplies  brought  out  in  re- 
turn. In  this  connection  I  would  again  urgently  recommend  the 
immediate  transfer  of  the  Indians  of  those  agencies  to  the  Mis- 
souri River.  I  am  satisfied  that  if  Sitting  Bull  is  on  this  side  of 
the  Yellowstone,  that  he  is  camped  at  the  mouth  of  Powder  River. 
We  experienced  severe  weather  during  our  absence  from  the 
wagon  train,  snow  falling  every  day  but  one,  and  the  mercurial 
thermometer  on  several  occasions  failing  to  register. 

GEORGE  CROOK,  Brigadier-General. 

Such  was  the  first  brief  intimation  of  the  facts  of  the  Pow- 
der River  fight.  After  a  while  the  history  was  amplified  by 
the  reports  of  the  newspaper  correspondents.  From  their 
accounts  and  the  subsequent  full  report  of  Crook  the  whole 
story  came  out.  After  leaving  Fort  Fetterman  nothing  hap- 
pened for  some  days.  The  expedition  left  Crazy  Woman's 
Fork  with  ten  companies  of  cavalry,  on  the  night  of  March  7, 
with  fifteen  days'  rations  on  pack  mules.  The  infantry  and 
wagon  train  were  sent  back  to  the  rear.  The  command  marched 
down  Tongue  River  nearly  to  the  Yellowstone,  scouting  the 

*  These  agencies  are  to  the  south,  not  on  the  map  in  this  work. 


CRAZY    HORSE.  539 

Rosebud  and  adjacent  streams.  No  Indians  were  found  in 
this  entire  region.  The  expedition  then  moved  to  the  head 
of  Otter  Creek,  where  General  Reynolds  was  sent  forward  with 
six  companies,  and  by  a  rapid  night  march  reached  Powder 
River  early  on  the  morning  of  the  17th,  where  he  surprised 
and  attacked  Crazy  Horse's  village  of  105  lodges.  He  captured 
the  village,  and  after  an  engagement  lasting  five  hours  entirely 
destroyed  it. 

So  far  the  expedition  very  closely  resembled  that  of  Custer 
on  the  Washita.  A  trail  in  the  snow  had  been  found  and  fol- 
lowed, and  the  Indian  village  had  been  surprised.  There 
the  resemblance  ended. 

Custer's  victory  on  the  "Washita  had  been  complete  and 
overwhelming,  and  he  had  brought  away  all  his  prisoners,  be- 
sides destroying  the  most  indispensable  part  of  an  Indian's 
property, — the  horses — in  the  face  of  a  superior  force  of  over- 
awed enemies.  Reynolds  had  no  such  history.  He  found  the 
village  of  the  Indian  chief  all  alone,  and  was  free  from  other 
enemies.  The  contrast  of  his  movements  was  great.  It  will 
be  remembered  how  Custer,  having  found  the  enemy's  village 
in  the  night,  employed  the  time  till  morning  in  surrounding  it. 
The  correspondents  with  Reynolds  tell  a  different  story.  From 
the  account  of  the  New  York  Tribune  writer,  (an  officer  of  the 
expedition),  which  we  shall  in  the  main  follow,  the  difference 
of  leaders  will  be  seen.  This  officer  says : 

At  4. 20  A.  M.  we  had  marched  thirty  miles,  and  were,  as  near 
as  we  could  tell,  near  the  Powder  River  breaks.  A  halt  was 
called  here,  and  the  column  took  shelter  in  a  ravine.  No  fires 
were  allowed  to  be  kindled,  nor  even  a  match  lighted.  The  cold 
was  more  intense  than  we  had  yet  felt,  and  seemed  to  be  at  least 
30°  below  zero.  The  command  remained  here  till  abont  6  o'clock, 
doing  their  utmost  to  keep  from  freezing,  the  scouts  meantime 
going  out  to  reconnoitre.  At  this  hour  they  returned,  reporting 
a  larger  and  fresher  trail  leading  down  to  the  river,  which  was 
about  four  miles  distant.  The  column  immediately  started  on 
this  trail.  The  approach  to  the  river  seemed  almost  impractica- 


540  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

blc.  Before  reaching  the  final  precipices  which  overlooked  the 
river-bed,  the  scouts  discovered  that  a  village  of  about  100  lodges 
lay  in  the  valley  at  the  foot  of  the  bluffs.  It  was  now  8  o'clock. 
The  sun  shone  brightly  through  the  cold,  frosty  air.  The  col- 
umn halted,  and  Noyes's  battalion,  Second  Cavalry,  was  ordered 
up  to  the  front.  It  consisted  of  Company  I,  Second  Cavalry, 
Captain  Noyes,  and  Company  K,  Second  Cavalry,  Captain  Egan. 
This  battalion  was  ordered  to  descend  to  the  valley,  and  while 
Captain  Egan  charged  the  camp,  Captain  Noyes  was  to  cut  out 
the  herd  of  horses  feeding  close  by  and  drive  it  up  the  river.  Cap- 
tain Moore's  battalion,  consisting  of  Company  F,  Third  Cavalry, 
and  Company  E,  Second  Cavalry,  was  ordered  to  dismount  and 
proceed  along  the  edge  of  the  ridge  to  a  position  covering  the 
eastern  side  of  the  village,  opposite  that  from  which  Captain  Egan 
was  to  charge.  Captain  Mills's  battalion  was  ordered  to  follow 
Egan,  dismounted,  and  support  him  in  the  engagement,  which 
might  follow  the  charge.  These  columns  began  the  descent  of  the 
mountain,  through  gorges  which  were  almost  perpendicular,  and 
it  seemed  almost  impossible  that  horses  could  be  taken  through 
them.  Nearly  two  hours  were  occupied  in  getting  the  horses  of 
the  charging  column  down  these  rough  sides  of  the  mountain,  and 
even  there,  when  a  point  was  reached  where  the  men  could  mount 
their  horses  and  proceed  toward  the  village  in  the  narrow  valley 
beneath,  Moore's  battalion  had  not  been  able  to  gain  its  position 
on  the  eastern  side,  after  clambering  along  the  edges  of  the  moun- 
tain. A  few  Indians  could  be  seen  with  the  herd,  driving  them 
to  the  edge  of  the  river,  but  nothing  indicated  that  they  knew  of 
our  approach.  Just  at  9  o'clock  Captain  Egan  turned  the  point 
of  the  mountain  nearest  the  river,  and  first  in  a  walk  and  then  in 
a  rapid  trot  started  for  the  village.  The  company  went  first  in 
column  of  twos,  but  when  within  200  yards  of  the  village  the 
command  "  Left  front  into  line  "  was  given,  and  with  a  yell  they 
rushed  into  the  encampment.  Captain  Noyes  had  in  the  mean  time 
wheeled  to  the  right  and  started  the  herd  up  the  river.  .  .  .  With 
the  yell  of  the  charging  column  the  Indians  sprang  up  as  if  by 
magic,  and  poured  in  a  rapid  fire  from  all  sides.  Egan  charged 
through  and  through  the  village  before  Moore's  and  Mills'  battal- 
ions got  within  supporting  distance,  and  finding  things  getting 
rery  hot,  formed  his  line  in  some  high  willows  on  the  south  side 
of  the  camp,  from  which  point  he  poured  in  rapid  volleys  upon 
the  Indians.  Up  to  this  time  the  Indians  supposed  that  one  com- 
pany was  all  they  had  to  contend  with,  but  when  the  other  bat- 


CRAZY    HORSE.  541 

talions  appeared,  rapidly  advancing,  deployed  as  skirmishers,  and 
pouring  in  a  galling  fire  of  musketry,  they  broke  on  all  sides  and 
took  refuge  in  the  rocks  along  the  side  of  -the  mountain.  The 
camp,  consisting  of  110  lodges,  with  immense  quantities  of  robes, 
fresh  meat,  and  plunder 'of  all  kinds,  with  over  700  head  of 
horses,  was  in  our  possession.  The  work  of  burning  began  imme- 
diately, and  soon  the  whole  encampment  was  in  flames.  While 
the  work  of  demolition  was  going  on  under  the  direction  of  Gen- 
eral Keynolds,  the  Indians  poured  in  a  well-directed  fire  from  the 
sides  of  the  mountain  and  from  every  available  hiding-place. 
Not  satisfied  with  this,  they  made  a  determined  attack  on  the 
troops  about  noon,  with  a  view  to  regaining,  possession  of  the 
camp.  Captain  Mills,  who  had  charge  of  the  skirmish  line,  per- 
ceived their  movement,  and  asked  for  additional  men.  These 
were  sent  in  promptly,  and  the  attack  was  quickly  and  handsomely 
repulsed,  the  Indians  retiring  in  disorder.  After  the  work  of  de- 
struction had  been  completed,  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops  began, 
and  the  whole  command  moved  rapidly  up  the  river,  twenty 
miles,  to  the  mouth  of  Lodgepole  Creek,  where  it  went  into  camp, 
after  two  days  and  one  night  of  constant  marching. 

So  far  so  good.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  troops,  instead 
of  surrounding  the  Indians,  had  been  surrounded  by  them, 
and  finally  fell  back.  Now  mark  the  sequel. 

After  the  fight  was  over,  the  troops  marched  rapidly  up  the 
river  to  the  mouth  of  Lodgepole  Creek.  This  point  was  reached 
at  nightfall  by  all  except  Moore's  battalion  and  Captain  Egan's 
company.  Company  E.  Second  Cavalry,  was  the  rear  guard,  and 
assisted  Major  Stan  ton  and  the  scouts  in  bringing  up  the  herd  of 
horses.  Many  of  these  were  shot  on  the  road,  and  the  remainder 
reached  camp  about  9  P.  ir.  These  troops  had  been  in  the  saddle 
for  36  hours,  with  the  exception  of  five  hours  during  which  they 
Avere  fighting,  and  all,  officers  and  men,  were  much  exhausted. 
The  horses  had  had  no  grazing,  and  began  to  show  signs  of  com- 
plete exhaustion.  Upon  arriving  at  Lodgepole,  it  was  found  that 
General  Crook  and  the  other  four  companies  and  pack-train  had 
not  arrived,  so  that  everybody  was  supperless  and  without  a  blan- 
ket. The  night,  therefore,  was  not  a  cheerful  one,  but  not  a 
murmur  was  heard.  The  wounded  men  lay  upon  the  snow  or 
leaned  against  a  tree,  and  slept  as  best  they  could  on  so  cold  a 
night. 


54:2  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

Owing  to  some  misunderstanding,  our  four  dead  men  were  left 
on  the  field  to  be  mutilated  by  the  Indians.  These  men  could  have 
been  removed  easily,  and  that  they  were  not,  caused  a  great  deal 
of  dissatisfaction  among  the  troops.  Saturday  at  noon  General 
Crook  and  the  remainder  of  the  command  arrived.  In  the  mean- 
time a  portion  of  the  herd  of  ponies  had  straggled  into  the  ravines, 
and  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians. 

This  is  very  unlike  the  sequel  to  Ouster's  triumph,  and 
shows  forcibly  the  lack  of  an  energetic  leader  and  officers  imbued 
with  the  same  enthusiasm.  The  correspondent  closes  with  the 
following  paragraphs  of  unconscious  severity. 

It  is  hardly  proper  to  close  this  sketch  of  the  engagement  with- 
out referring  more  particularly  to  those  causes  which  prevented 
its  complete  success.  First  among  these  was  the  failure  of  Cap- 
tain Moore's  battalion  to  reach  the  position  assigned  it  in  the 
rear  of  the  village,  or  a  point  covering  the  rear,  before  the  charge 
was  made  by  Captain  Egan.  This  failure  allowed  the  Indians  to 
make  good  their  escape  to  the  rocky  fastnesses  of  the  mountains 
overlooking  the  valley,  from  which  they  subsequently  poured  in  a 
galling  fire  upon  our  troops.  Moore's  battalion  was  a  strong  one 
in  number,  and  needed  only  to  be  led  to  the  front  where  it  could 
be  effective  to  do  good  service.  When  it  was  discovered  that  the 
battalion  would  not  be  at  the  place  assigned  it,  and  that  its  com- 
mander did  not  apparently  intend  to  put  it  there,  Major  Stanton 
and  Lieut.  Sibley,  with  five  men,  left  it  and  went  on,  taking  up  the 
position  which  the  battalion  should  have  occupied,  and  gave  the 
flying  savages  the  best  enfilading  fire  they  could.  But  they  were 
too  few  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  Indians.  This  was  the  first 
serious  blunder.  The  next  was  that  after  the  herd  of  ponies, 
numbering  over  700,  had  been  captured,  driven  twenty  miles  from 
the  seei.e  of  action,  and  turned  over  to  General  Reynolds,  com- 
manding the  troops,  he  failed  to  place  a  guard  around  them,  so 
that  the  greater  portion  of  them  strayed  off  during  the  night,  and 
were  picked  up  by  the  Indians.  Furthermore,  there  were  large 
quantities  of  buffalo  meat  and  venison  in  the  village,  which  Gen- 
eral Crook  had  directed,  in  case  of  capture,  to  be  brought  out  for 
the  use  of  the  troops,  who  were  on  half  rations  of  fresh  meat. 
This  was  not  done,  and  as  a  result,  the  soldiers  have  had  no  fresh 
meat  except  ponies  since  that  time. 


CRAZY    HORSE.  543 

In  short  it  became  clear,  when  full  news  of  the  expedition 
leaked  out,  that  the  Powder  Eiver  fight  was  an  example  of  an 
opportunity  thrown  away,  in  which  almost  every  one  was  to 
blame  for  only  one  thing-- -want  of  energy.  Capt.  Noyes  actu- 
ally allowed  his  men  to  unsaddle  and  rest,  after  he  had  first 
driven  away  the  Indian  herd,  and  while  the  fighting  was  going 
on,  and  for  this  he  was  afterwards  court-martialed  and  repri- 
manded in  general  orders. 

But  the  real  trouble  seems  to  have  been  simple  enough — a 
want  of  heart,  an  excessive  caution  in  every  one,  especially  the 
leader.  When  Ouster  went  after  Indians,  he  himself  was  always 
in  the  advance,  and  looking  out  for  his  enemy.  At  the  Washita, 
we  have  found  him  with  the  advanced  scouts  on  all  occasions, 
and  watching  his  enemy  himself.  Here,  on  the  other  hand,  we 
see  neither  Crook  nor  Reynolds  out  in  front,  the  night  wasted 
in  idle  waiting,  and  the  battle  commenced  at  9  o'clock,  with  the 
result  of  everybody  falling  just  a  little  short  of  his  work. 

The  Powder  River  fight,  which,  under  Ouster,  would  prob- 
ably have  ended  in  the  complete  destruction  of  the  band  of 
Crazy  Horse,  ended  in  merely  burning  some  of  his  property 
and  exasperating  him,  while  leaving  him  all  his  weapons  and 
men,  and  almost  all  his  horses.  It  was  an  ominous  commence- 
ment for  a  campaign  of  disaster. 

After  that  time,  the  curtain  was  hardly  ever  lifted  till  the 
commencement  of  the  winter  of  1876,  and  even  then  not  in  the 
form  of  a  victory  over  hostile  Indians,  but  the  more  question- 
able success  of  a  movement  of  far  less  danger,  that  should  have 
been  made  long  ago.  This  movement  was  the  surrounding  and 
forcible  disarmament  of  the  Sioux  at  the  principal  agencies, 
taking  from  them  their  ponies,  and  compelling  them  to  live 
peaceably ;  and  the  army  is  fain  to  be  proud  of  this,  lacking 
other  subjects  of  congratulation. 

Recognizing  fully  the  difficulties  which  surround  army  op- 
erations against  the  Indians,  we  must  still  admit  the  worst  to  be 
the  low  character  of  the  regular  troops.  In  the  infantry,  this  is 


544:  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

marked  by  apparent  inability  to  execute  severe  marches  on  foot, 
in  the  cavalry  by  an  almost  total  incapacity  to  fight  mounted 
against  the  Indians.  Infantry  and  cavalry  advance  well  enough 
in  the  common  skirmish  line  on  foot,  but  there  are  so  many 
recruits,  so  few  veterans  in  the  ranks,  that  the  issue  of  a  single 
combat  between  an  Indian  and  a  dragoon  is,  almost  as  a  matter 
of  course,  the  death  of  the  dragoon.  Compelled  as  they  are,  by 
the  inferiority  of  their  men,  to  fight  dismounted,  too  many  of 
our  cavalry  officers  have  fallen  into  the  pernicious  habit  which 
spoiled  the  Confederate  cavalry  during  the  civil  war,  which 
ruined  all  European  cavalry  from  the  invention  of  firearms  till 
the  days  when  Gustavus  Adolphus  once  more  introduced 
the  charge  sword-in-hand,  and  which  again  ruined  them  in 
the  interval  between  his  days  and  those  of  Frederick  the  Great. 
This  habit  is  the  distrust  of  the  sabre,  and  the  consequent 
timidity  evinced  by  all  concerned,  when  a  hand-to-hand  fight 
is  necessary.  The  Indians,  with  all  their  improved  firearms, 
universally  retain  the  lance  with  their  other  weapons.  The 
drilled  soldier,  possessing  a  sabre,  uses  it  only  as  an  orna- 
ment on  dress  parade,  and  leaves  it  in  quarters  when  he  goes 
out  to  fight — first,  on  the  ground  that  its  clattering  may  be 
heard  by  Indians,  second,  on  the  singular  plea,  put  forth  by 
Colonel  Brackett,  in  his  "  History  of  the  U.  S.  Cavalry," 
that  "if  the  soldier  gets  near  enough  to  an  Indian  to  use  his 
sabre,  it  is  an  even  chance  which  goes  under."  Can  it  be 
wondered  at  that  Indians  beat  men  who  are  so  ignorant  of 
the  art  of  attack  and  defence,  and  who  despise  all  the  teachings 
of  military  history  ?  If  it  be  true  that  the  chances  are  now 
even,  or  in  favor  of  the  Indian,  there  is  a  simple  remedy.  It 
is  to  teach  the  men  how  to  use  their  sabres,  till  they  trust  to 
them.  When  officers  and  men  do  that,  the  Indians  will  fear 
them,  not  they  the  Indians. 


CHAPTER  III. 
OUSTER  AND   GRANT. 

IT  is  now  time  to  turn  to  that  part  of  the  campaign  under 
General  Terry's  orders.  When  Sheridan  and  Sherman 
planned  the  destruction  of  Sitting  Bull,  it  was  ordered  that  Ous- 
ter should  be  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Dakota  column. 
It  was  organized  at  his  post,  was  mainly  composed  of  his  regi- 
ment, and  was  repeatedly  denominated  in  orders  "  Ouster's 
column."  The  reasons  for  giving  him  this  post  were  perfectly 
simple.  Ouster  had  never  yet  met  with  a  single  disaster  while 
in  command  of  an  important  expedition,  and  he  had  been 
blessed  with  more  complete  success  in  his  Indian  expeditions 
than  any  other  officer  in  the  regular  army.  His  only  rival  as 
an  Indian  tighter  was  Crook,  and  Crook  had  gained  his  reputa- 
tion by  a  pursuit  and  extermination  of  small  scattered  bands  of 
Apaches  in  Arizona,  who  were  not  blessed  with  a  semi-circle  of 
Indian  agencies  in  their  rear  to  supply  them  with  "Winchester 
rifles  and  patent  ammunition.  Besides  this,  Crook  was  getting 
older,  and  having  been  made  a  brigadier,  was  not  so  likely  to 
work  as  Ouster,  who  was  still  only  a  lieutenant-colonel,  thanks 
to  the  seniority  rule.  Brigadier  General  Terry,  the  department 
commander,  had  never  been  in  the  field  as  an  Indian  tighter, 
and  felt  quite  content  to  leave  the  Indian  laurels  to  Ouster. 

Terry  was  a  brigadier  who  owed  his  sudden  elevation  to 
his  present  rank  to  the  capture  of  Fort  Fisher.  Having  been 
a  volunteer  only,  and  before  that  a  lawyer,  not  a  West  Pointer, 
Terry  found  himself  in  a  peculiar  position  in  the  army.  Had 
he  been  a  nervously  energetic  officer  like  Ouster,  the  enmity 
35 


546  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

he  would  have  excited  among  the  old  seniority  officers,  espe- 
cially the  graduates,  would  have  been  much  greater.  As  it 
was,  while  they  hated  him  passively,  they  had  not  the  same 
opportunity  to  spite  him,  Terry  being  two  steps  higher  than 
Ouster.  Only  his  great  sweetness  of  temper  and  modesty 
preserved  him  from  active  enmity.  Terry  trusted  Ouster  im- 
plicitly,  and  admired  him  greatly,  and  it  was  all  settled  that 
Caster  should  lead  the  Dakota  column. 

Then  came  a  sadden  interruption  to  all  these  plans,  a  chain 
of  incidents  which  ended  in  a  disaster  to  the  nation  and  in  the 
temporary  triumph  of  Ouster's  enemies.  The  facts  of  this 
business  are  so  important  to  the  vindication  of  Caster's  character 
from  the  attacks  of  these  enemies,  that  the  nation  of  which  he 
was  the  pride  will  not  deem  wasted  the  space  which  brings 
them  clearly  to  light. 

While  Caster  was  hard  at  work  preparing  for  his  part  of  the 
Sioux  Expedition,  eager  for  work  and  foreseeing  a  further  tri- 
umph, he  received  a  telegram  from  Mr.  Helster  Clymer,  Chair- 
man of  a  certain  Congressional  Committee,  requiring  his 
presence  in  Washington,  to  give  testimony  as  to  some  alleged 
abuses  in  the  War  Department.  At  the  time,  Mr.  Belknap, 
who  had  lately  resigned  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War,  was 
under  investigation  in  regard  to  an  alleged  sale  by  him  of  a 
post-tradership  *  to  a  person  called  Marsh.  The  committee  had 
stumbled  on  the  evidence  of  this  sale  by  accident,  and  the  Sec- 
retary, overwhelmed  with  shame  at  the  discovery  of  his  appar- 

*  Post-traders  now  supply  the  place  of  the  old  sutlers,  whose  office  waa 
abolished  a  few  years  since.  They  have  the  exclusive  privilege  of  trading  a 
the  post  to  which  they  are  appointed,  and  where  the  garrison  is  large  the 
privilege  is  exceedingly  valuable,  as  much  of  the  pay  of  soldiers  and  officers 
is  generally  spent  in  the  post-trader's  store,  for  little  luxuries.  The  post- 
tradership  given  to  Marsh  was  at  Fort  Sill,  Indian  Territory,  where  ten 
companies  of  cavalry  were  generally  stationed,  aggregating  about  600  men 
and  forty  officers,  including  staff,  etc.  The  pay  of  the  garrison  amounted  to 
about  $160.000  a  year,  and  at  the  ordinary  sutler's  rates,  it  was  pretty  cer- 
tain that  at  least  $100,000  would  be  spent  at  the  store,  with  a  profit  to  the 
post-trader,  at  100  per  cent.,  of  at  least  $50,000  per  annum. 


CUSTER    AND    GRANT.  547 

ent  venality,  had  resigned  his  office  under  charges,  and  was  at 
once  impeached  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

The  defence  of  the  delinquent  secretary,  so  far  as  it  appeared, 
was  that  his  first  wife  had,,  unknown  to  him,  sold  her  influence 
with  him  for  the  office,  that  his  second  wife,  sister  of  the  first, 
had  continued  the  bargain  with  Marsh  after  the  death  of  her 
sister,  and  that  he,  Belknap,  was  perfectly  ignorant  of  the  whole 
matter  till  shortly  before  the  examination  of  Marsh,  when  the 
shame  and  misery,  experienced  by  him  at  the  exposure  of  the 
delinquencies  of  his  two  wives,  was  so  great  as  to  lead  to  his 
giving  up  the  fight  in  advance.  Although  this  is  not  the  place 
to  enter  into  the  merits  or  demerits  of  the  Belknap  case,  which 
has  since  been  legally  settled  in  his  favor,  it  may  be  stated  that 
this  explanation  was  believed  to  be  the  truth  by  all  those  who 
were  personally  intimate  with  the  ex-secretary's  career.  One 
of  these  was  President  Grant,  on  whose  staff  the  Secretary  had 
served  as  General  Belknap,  during  the  war,  and  who  remained 
his  firm  friend  in  his  trouble. 

The  Congressional  committee  was  determined,  however,  to 
investigate  every  act  of  Belknap's  career  in  regard  to  frontier 
posts,  and  began  to  call  witnesses  from  all  quarters,  groping 
blindly  after  the  facts.  The  vaguest  hearsay  evidence  was 
snatched  at,  and  at  last  some  one  suggested  that  General  Caster 
knew  something  about  corruption  on  the  part  of  the  ex-secre- 
tary ;  he  had  been  heard  by  some  one  to  say  that  he  had  heard 
something  on  the  subject,  and  so  forth.  On  this  vague  infor- 
mation the  sapient  Chairman  telegraphed  a  summons  to  Custer 
to  come  to  Washington,  and  so  started  a  train  of  circumstances 
which  was  to  end  in  the  untimely  death  of  the  best  cavalry  chief 
on  the  American  continent.  Custer  was  much  disturbed.  He 
telegraphed  at  once  to  Terry  to  know  what  he  should  do,  stating 
that  his  own  information  was  only  hearsay,  and  devoid  of  value 
to  the  case,  and  asking  whether  an  order  was  not  necessary. 
He  made  these  inquiries  of  Terry,  knowing  that  his  general  had 
Seen  bred  a  lawyer.  At  the  same  time,  showing  his  scrupulous 


548  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

sense  of  justice,  he  asked  whether  he  was  not  bound  to  go,  and 
tell  what  little  he  knew  and  how  he  knew  it.  In  the  same  tele- 
gram, showing  his  peculiarly  sensitive  honor,  he  asks  for  a  court 
of  inquiry  on  himself  in  regard  to  his  own  conduct  towards  a 
discontented  officer  of  his  regiment,  concerning  a  transfer  from 
one  company  to  another,  in  which  the  officer  complained  that 
injustice  had  been  done  him.  Terry's  answer  to  this  telegram 
was  as  follows : 

HDQRS.  DEPT.  OF  DAKOTA,  ST.  PAUL,  Mm.,  March  16,  1876. 
To  Lieut.  Col.  Custer.  Fort  Lincoln,  Dakota: 

Despatch  received.  You  need  no  order  beyond  the  sum- 
mons of  the  committee.  I  am  sorry  to  have  you  go,  for  I  fear  it 
will  delay  our  movements.  I  should  suppose  that  if  your  testimony 
is  not  as  to  the  facts  themselves,  and  will  only  point  out  the  wit- 
nesses from  whom  the  committee  can  get  the  facts,  your  informa- 
tion might  be  communicated  by  letter  or  telegraph,  and  that  being 
done,  you  might  ask  to  be  relieved  from  personal  attention 
without  exposing  yourself  to  misconstruction.  However,  you 
must  use  your  own  judgment. 

In  regard  to  the  other  matter,  I  don't  think  that  you  need  a  court 
of  inquiry.  Your  statement  to  me  vindicated  you  in  my  eyes  :  a 
repetition  to  General  Sheridan  would  doubtless  vindicate  you  in 
his.  A  court  could  not  be  convened  until  after  the  summer  cam- 
paign is  over.  Tour  services  are  indispensable,  and  no  thought  of 
a  transfer  can  le  entertained. 

TERRY,  Comd'g.  Dept. 

Ouster  took  Terry's  advice  and  telegraphed  to  Clymer  as 
follows : 

FORT  LINCOLN,  DAKOTA,  March  16, 1876. 
Hon.  Heister  Clymer : 

While  I  hold  myself  in  readiness  to  obey  the  summons  of  your 
committee,  I  telegraph  to  state  that  I  am  engaged  upon  an  impor- 
tant expedition,  intended  to  operate  against  the  hostile  Indians, 
and  I  expect  to  take  the  field  early  in  April.  My  presence  here  ia 
deemed  very  necessary.  In  view  of  this,  would  it  not  be  satisfac- 
tory for  you  to  forward  to  me  such  questions  as  may  be  necessary, 
allowing  me  to  return  my  replies  by  mail. 

GEO.  A.  OUSTER. 


CUSTER    AND    GRANT.  549 

Clymer,  proud  of  his  power  to  see  through  a  millstone 
much  further  than  any  one  else,  would  not  be  denied,  and  made 
Ouster  come  on,  besides  putting  him  through  a  cross-examina- 
tion that  lasted  two  days, -and  compelling  him  to  tell  not  only 
all  he  knew,  but  all  he  did  not  know,  into  the  bargain.  After 
a  month's  torture  of  Ouster,  he  finally  found  out  that  the  latter 
had  written  him  an  honest  letter,  and  that  the  committee 
might  better  have  left  him  in  Fort  Lincoln. 

To  only  one  fact  was  Ouster  able  to  testify,  of  his  own  knowl- 
edge. This  was  that,  on  one  occasion  the  contractor  at  Fort 
Lincoln  had  turned  him  over  a  large  quantity  of  grain,  in  sacks 
which  had  borne  the  Indian  brand,  and  which  he  suspected  had 
been  stolen  from  the  Indian  Department,  as  part  of  the  gigantic 
system  of  fraud  by  which  the  Indian  Ring  played  into  the  hands 
of  army  contractors.  At  the  time  this  grain  was  issued  to 
Ouster  he  refused  to  receive  it,  and  telegraphed  to  Department 
Headquarters  on  the  subject,  expressing  his  suspicions.  In  due 
time,  his  communication  having  been  forwarded  through  regu- 
lar channels,  he  received  a  positive  order  to  take  the  grain. 
This  order  he  stated  to  the  committee,  he  believed  to  have 
come  down  from  the  Secretary  of  War.  This  evidence,  while 
avowedly  only  on  information  and  belief,  was  regarded  by 
Clymer  as  implicating  the  Secretary  in  some  fresh  fraud,  and 
on  the  face  of  things  there  was  ample  ground  for  Ouster's 
honest  suspicions  of  the  whole  business.  It  turned  out  after- 
wards, that  Ouster  was  mistaken  as  to  the  origin  of  the  per- 
emptory order.  It  really  came  from  Terry  alone,  on  the 
latter's  responsibility.  We  shall  see  later  how  perfectly  frank 
Ouster  was  in  the  matter,  and  how  ready  publicly  to  retract  his 
error. 

Much  has  been  said  by  strong  political  partisans  as  to  this 
last  public  action  of  Ouster.  By  those  who  were  ardent  sup- 
porters of  the  ex-secretary,  and  especially  of  his  avowed  friend, 
President  Grant,  the  indirect  and  hearsay  testimony  which  was 
all  that  Ouster  could  give,  was  contrasted  with  the  previ- 


550  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

ous  parade  of  its  promised  value  made  by  the  committee,  and 
especially  by  the  partisan  newspapers  on  the  side  of  the  com- 
mittee. Ouster  was  called  a  "'  swift  witness,"  a  "  retailer  of 
gossip  "  and  accused  of  intriguing  for  his  summons  in  order  to 
escape  frontier  duty.  Much  of  this  abuse  might  be  now  passed 
over  on  the  score  of  partisan  excitement,  -were  it  not  that  the 
writer  of  Ouster's  biography  feels  himself  bound  by  a  sense  of 
duty  to  probe  the  truth  to  the  very  bottom. 

As  regards  the  Belknap  case,  it  is  certain  that  Ouster's 
evidence  was  wholly  immaterial.  His  only  item  of  personal 
knowledge  adverse  to  the  secretary  was  founded  on  an  honest 
mistake,  which  he  was  swift  to  acknowledge  when  it  was  pointed 
out  to  him.  As  a  witness  of  the  prosecution,  he  should  never 
have  been  called. 

Who  called  him  ? 

Helster  Clymer  and  that  ingenious  committee  which  so 
studiously  mismanaged  the  Belknap  case,  were  the  real  parties 
to  blame.  Ouster  had  telegraphed  to  Clymer,  begging  to  be 
excused  from  attendance  at  Washington,  as  an  important 
expedition  was  about  to  take  the  field,  in  which  his  presence 
was  necessary.  He  earnestly  begged  to  be  left  at  his  post,  but 
his  request  was  denied.  Clymer  was  bound  to  have  him  in 
Washington  for  political  effect,  just  as  Johnson  in  old  times 
had  been  determined  to  have  Ouster's  name  associated  with 
his,  in  "  swinging  round  the  circle."  In  both  cases  the  only 
party  injured  was  the  honest  unsuspecting  soldier.  The  more 
Clymer  questioned  him,  the  more  ludicrous  was  his  failure  to 
extract  anything  but  the  truth.  For  this  truth,  Ouster  has 
been  blamed  by  his  enemies,  when  the  real  party  to  blame  was 
the  officious  chairman  who  persisted  in  calling  him.  On  Cly- 
mer's  shoulders,  moreover,  rests  the  responsibility  of  deferring 
Ousted  s  departure  after  Sitting  Bull  a  whole  month.  Had  he 
gone  in  April,  before  the  Indians  had  gathered  in  force,  Ouster 
might  be  alive  now. 

One  person  in  the  United  States,  however,  would  not  believe 


OUSTER    AND    GRANT.  551 

in  Ouster's  unwillingness  to  testify.  Instead  of  this,  he  took 
Ouster's  presence  and  testimony  in  Washington  as  a  personal 
affront  to  himself.  This  person  was  President  Grant. 

President  Grant  was  once  General  Grant.  As  General  Grant 
he  was  chiefly  distinguished  for  one  virtue,  an  indomitable  resolu- 
tion and  obstinacy  in  following  whatever  plan  he  had  resolved  on, 
an  iron  determination  to  pursue  it  at  whatever  cost.  This  qual- 
ity of  determination  in  war  had  finally  conducted  him  to  success, 
because  as  a  general  his  power  was  absolute.  As  the  executive 
of  a  republic,  it  brought  him  hatred  and  ill-will,  for  the  success- 
ful head  of  a  republic  must  be  an  eloquent  and  persuasive  man, 
who  can  win  others  to  his  side  by  flattery,  and  who  knows  how 
to  yield  outwardly,  while  gaining  his  ends  by  craft  and  subtlety. 

Another  virtue  possessed  by  General  Grant  was  that  of 
faithfulness  to  his  friends,  and  this  virtue  also  tended  to  his 
success  in  war,  while  in  peace  it  operated  in  exactly  the  oppo- 
site direction.  Had  it  been  accompanied  by  good  judgment  in 
the  choice  of  friends,  it  might  not  have  been  so  disastrous,  but 
unluckily,  Grant  seems  from  the  first  to  have  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  very  questionable  friends,  who  would  have  fleeced 
him  had  he  been  a  rich  man,  who  were  accused  of  fleecing  the 
nation  under  his  protection,  he  being  a  high  officer. 

The  efforts  of  the  Clyraer  committee  and  the  House  during 
the  Belknap  investigation  had  undoubtedly  been  directed  to- 
wards the  injury  of  Grant  and  his  friends,  who  formed  what 
was  known  under  the  general  term  of  "the  Administration;" 
and  the  animus  of  the  whole  attack  was  so  evident,  the  persis- 
tency of  the  efforts  to  find  something  on  which  to  hang  more 
impeachments  so  untiring,  that  they  had  excited  the  bitterest 
indignation  in  Grant  himself.  His  very  virtues,  pride,  firm- 
ness, faithful  friendship,  conviction  of  honesty,  tended  to  em- 
bitter his  animosity  against  all  connected  with  the  attack  on 
uhis  administration."  He  looked  on  them  as  mortal  enemies, 
and  never  forgave  them.  Amongst  these  he  now  counted  Ous- 
ter. He  never  paused  to  inquire  whether  the*  latter  was  a 


552  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

willing  witness,  whether  his  testimony  was  dragged  out  of  him 
or  not ;  he  made  up  his  mind  that  Ouster  had  turned  against 
him  in  his  period  of  trial,  and  he  became  bitterly  and  inexora- 
bly incensed  against  him,  personally.  Ouster  heard  of  this, 
through  private  sources,  and  knew  that  the  President's  im- 
pression as  to  his  own  testimony  was  quite  unfounded.  As 
soon,  therefore,  as  he  was  released  from  his  attendance  at  the 
committee,  he  called  at  the  White  House  to  pay  his  respects  to 
the  President,  hoping  by  a  frank  personal  statement  to  disabuse 
his  mind  of  the  mistake.  For  the  first  time  in  his  life,  Ouster 
found  himself  treated  with  ignominy,  compelled  to  wait  in  the 
ante-room  for  hours,  to  see  other  persons  getting  audiences  be- 
fore him,  while  he  himself  was  left  perfectly  unnoticed,  although 
his  card  was  sent  in  from  the  first.  Three  times  he  called  at 
the  White  House,  and  on  neither  occasion  was  he  even  noticed. 
These  visits  were  made  at  various  times  during  his  sojourn  at 
Washington,  while  he  was  daily  expecting  his  release  and  re- 
turn to  Dakota.  He  had  left  the  fort,  expecting  to  be  gone 
ten  days  at  furthest :  he  had  now  been  detained  at  Washington 
for  over  a  month,  unable  to  go  anywhere,  uncertain  of  his 
movements  from  day  to  day.  He  was  only  able  to  take  one 
hurried  trip  to  New  York  on  one  occasion,  to  have  a  little  busi- 
ness talk  with  his  publishers  about  his  "  War  Memoirs,"  which 
he  had  commenced  during  the  past  winter  at  Fort  Lincoln. 
This  hurried  visit  was  the  occasion  of  the  last  glimpse  of  Ous- 
ter caught  by  the  writer  of  this  biography,  while  in  the  edito- 
rial rooms  of  the  "  Galaxy."  Ouster  looked  worn  and  thin,  and 
somewhat  worried,  his  hair  cut  short,  a  great  change  from  the 
debonair  cavalier  of  the  Waynesboro'  fight.  His  manner 
conveyed  the  impression  of  a  nervous  man  with  his  nerves  all 
on  edge,  in  a  state  of  constant  repressed  impatience.  He  had 
left  his  wife  behind  at  Fort  Lincoln,  and  knew  that  every  day 
brought  the  season  of  active  operations  nearer,  while  he  was 
away.  No  wonder  he  looked  worried.  At  last  he  was  released 
from  his  attendance,  May  1st.  and  went  to  the  White  House, 


OUSTER    AND    GRANT.  553 

with  a  last,  almost  despairing  effort  to  get  an  audience  from 
Grant  and  to  explain  his  action.  Once  more  he  was  compelled 
to  submit  to  the  slight  of  being  kept  waiting  in  the  ante-room 
among  the  President's  lackeys.  Time  was  going  on :  his  de- 
tention by  the  official  summons  was  over,  and  he  knew  that 
his  duty  imperatively  called  him  back  to  Fort  Lincoln,  that 
very  day.  He  sat  down  and  wrote  the  following  note,  which 
he  sent  in. 

To  His  Excellency  the  President : 

To-day  for  the  third  time  I  have  sought  an  interview  with  the 
President — not  to  solicit  a  favor,  except  to  be  granted  a  brief 
hearing — but  to  remove  from  his  mind  certain  unjust  impressions 
concerning  myself,  which  I  have  reason  to  believe  are  entertained 
against  me.  I  desire  this  opportunity  simply  as  a  matter  of  jus- 
tice, and  I  regret  that  the  President  has  declined  to  give  me  an 
opportunity  to  submit  to  him  a  brief  statement,  which  justice  to 
him,  as  well  as  to  me,  demanded. 

Eespectfully  submitted. 
G.  A.  CUSTEE,  Lt.  Col.    Seventh  Cavalry, 

Bvt.  Maj.  Genl.  II.  S.  Army. 

This  letter  was  sent  in  to,  and  read  by,  the  President.  Du- 
ring the  last  visit,  as  we  are  credibly  informed,  General  Ingalls, 
then  acting  quartermaster-general,  found  Ouster  in  the  ante-room, 
and  went  in  to  see  the  President.  Ingalls  was  a  good  and  just 
man,  and  a  friend  of  both.  He  asked  the  President  if  he  knew 
that  Ouster  was  outside,  waiting.  The  President  did — he  did 
not  wish  to  see  him.  Then,  Ingalls  urged,  he  should  at  least  spare 
Ouster  the  indignity  of  waiting  outside,  and  send  him  a  message 
to  save  his  time — that  so  much  was  due  to  Ouster's  past  services 
at  least.  Then  the  President  sent  out  word  that  he  refused  to 
see  Colonel  Ouster,  and  Ouster  sat  down  and  wrote  his  quiet, 
manly  letter,  honest  and  proud,  sad  and  dignified,  like  himself 
in  every  word.  It  was  useless.  Grant  refused  to  see  him. 

Ouster  had  no  longer  any  pretext  for  staying  in  Washing- 
ton. He  had  already  been  to  call  on  the  General  of  the  Army, 


554  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

and  found  that  Sherman  was  away  in  New  York,  but  was  ex- 
pected back  in  the  evening.  He  went  off  and  secured  his  pas- 
sage on  the  night  train,  calling  on  Inspector-General  Marcy  and 
Adjutant-General  Townsend  on  the  way.  Adjutant-General 
Marcy  had  wished  Ouster,  on  the  way  back  to  Dakota,  to  perform 
some  duty  in  Detroit  which  would  delay  him,  but  hearing  from 
Ouster  of  the  urgency  of  his  haste,  on  account  of  the  late- 
ness of  the  season,  and  of  the  necessity  of  his  immediate  pres- 
ence at  Fort  Lincoln,  gave  him  the  following  letter. 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  INSPECTOR- GENERAL'S  OFFICE. 

Washington,  D.  C.  May  1st,  1876. 
Lieut.  Col.  G.  A.  Custer,  U.  8.  Army. 

COLONEL  : — Understanding  that  the  general  of  the  army  de- 
sires you  to  proceed  directly  to  your  station,  the  service  which  I 
recommended  you  to  perform  in  Detroit,  Michigan,  can  be  exe- 
cuted by  another  officer.  And  in  the  absence  of  the  general  you 
have  my  consent  to  omit  stopping  at  Detroit  for  the  purpose 
specified  in  the  Adjutant-General's  letter  to  you. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

E.  B.  MAKCY,  Inspector  General. 

Custer  made  a  last  call  at  Sherman's  office.  The  General 
was  not  back  from  New  York,  and  his  length  of  stay  was  still 
uncertain.  Custer  took  the  train,  and  was  soon  whirling  away 
toward  Chicago.  The  next  day,  May  2d,  General  Sheridan 
was  awakened  from  his  slumbers  by  the  following  extraordinary 
telegram : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  2d,  1876 
General  P.  H.  Sheridan,  Chicago,  Illinois. 

I  am  this  moment  advised  that  General  Custer  started  last 
night  for  Saint  Paul  and  Fort  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  was 
not  justified  in  leaving  without  seeing  the  President  or  myself. 
Please  intercept  him  at  Chicago  or  Saint  Paul,  and  order  him  to 
halt  and  await  further  orders.  Meanwhile,  let  the  Expedition  from 
Fort  Lincoln  proceed  without  him. 

(Signed)  W.  T,  SHERMAN,  Gteneral, 


CUSTER    AND    GRANT.  555 

It  was  the  hand  of  Sherman,  but  the  head  of  Grant.  The 
grim  implacable  animosity  of  the  President  was  aroused.  Ous- 
ter's testimony  had  made  him  the  President's  foe.  Right  or 
wrong,  Grant  was  determined  to  punish  him,  and  there  was 
but  one  way  to  do  it — deprive  him  of  the  command  of  the  ex- 
pedition, and  so  humiliate  him.  No  one  knew  better  than 
Grant  that  if  Ouster  went  in  command  of  the  Dakota  column 
he  was  certain  to  return  victorious,  with  fresh  laurels.  That 
pill  was  too  bitter  for  the  President  to  swallow.  All  that 
Sheridan  could  do,  in  the  face  of  such  a  positive  order,  was  to 
obey  it.  An  officer  was  sent  to  the  station,  and  Ouster  was 
stopped  on  the  4th  of  May  by  the  following  letter: 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  Div.  OF  THE  MISSOURI, 

Chicago,  111.,  May  4th,  1876. 

Lieutenant- Col.  G.  A.  Ouster,  Seventh  U.  8.  Cavalry,  Chicago,  Til. 
SIR  : — Agreeably  to  instructions  contained  in  the  enclosed  copy 
of  a  telegraphic  dispatch  from  the  general  of  the  army,  of  the  2d 
instant,  the  Lieutenant-General  commanding  the  division  directs 
you  to  remain  in  Chicago  until  the  receipt  of  further  orders  from 
superior  authority,  to  be  furnished  you  through  these  head- 
quarters. 

Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

R.  C.  DEUM,  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 

There  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  obey.  Ouster  drove  in  haste 
to  Sheridan's  headquarters,  and  found  him  as  friendly  as  ever. 
Sheridan  knew  no  more  of  the  cause  of  the  order  than  did  Ous- 
ter himself,  and  told  him  so.  He  had  no  objection  to  Ouster's 
telegraphing  direct  to  Sherman  for  an  explanation,  and  the  as- 
tonished officer  at  once  sent  off  the  following  dispatch  : 

CHICAGO,  ILL. 
General  W.  T.  Sherman,  Washington,  D.  C. 

I  have  seen  your  despatch  to  General  Sheridan  directing  me  to 
await  orders  here,  and  am  at  a  loss  to  understand  that  portion  re- 
ferring to  my  departure  from  Washington  without  seeing  you  or 
the  President,  as  I  called  at  the  White  House  at  ten  o'clock  A.  M. 


556  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

Monday,  sent  my  card  to  the  President,  and,  with  the  exception 
of  a  few  minutes'  absence  at  the  War  Department,  I  remained  at 
the  White  House  waiting  an  audience  with  the  President  until 
three  p.  M.,  when  he  sent  me  word  that  he  would  not  see  me.  I 
called  at  your  office  about  two  P.  M.,  but  was  informed  by  Colonel 
McCook  you  had  not  returned  from  New  York,  but  were  expected 
in  the  evening.  I  called  at  your  hotel  at  four  p.  M.  and  about  six 
p.  M.,  but  was  informed  by  the  clerk  that  you  had  not  returned 
from  New  York.  I  then  requested  Colonel  McCook  to  inform 
you  of  the  substance  of  the  above  dispatch,  and  also  that  I  was  to 
leave  at  seven  that  evening  to  report  to  my  «ommand. 

While  at  the  War  Department  that  day,  I  also  reported  the 
fact  of  my  proposed  departure  to  the  Adjutant-General  and  to  the 
Inspector-General  of  the  army,  and  obtained  from  them  written 
and  verbal  authority  to  proceed  to  my  command  without  visiting 
Detroit,  as  previously  ordered  to  do.  At  my  last  interview  with 
you,  I  informed  you  that  I  would  leave  Washington  Monday  night 
to  join  my  command,  and  you,  in  conversation  replied  that  "  that 
was  the  best  thing  I  could  do."  Besides,  you  frequently,  during 
rny  stay  in  Washington,  called  my  attention  to  the  necessity  for  my 
leaving  as  soon  as  possible.  I  telegraph  you  direct,  with  the  per- 
mission of  the  Lieutenant-General. 

G.  A.  CUSTER,  Brevet  Major-General. 

Later  in  the  day  he  sent  this  further  telegram : 

CHICAGO,  May  4, 1876.    2:30  P.  M. 
Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman,  Washington,  D.  0. 

I  desire  to  further  call  your  attention  to  your  statement  to  me, 
in  your  office,  that  I  should  go  in  command  of  my  regiment. 

Also  to  your  reply  when  I  inquired  if  the  President  or  other 
parties  had  any  charges  to  make  against  me.  In  leaving  Wash- 
ington, I  had  every  reason  to  believe  I  was  acting  in  strict  accord- 
ance with  your  suggestions  and  wishes.  I  ask  you  as  General  of 
the  army  to  do  me  justice  in  this  matter. 

G.  A.  CUSTER. 

No  answer  came  to  these  despatches,  and  Ouster  well  knew 
the  reason.  It  was  not  Sherman  who  was  thus  putting  him  to 
torture,  but  some  one  behind  Sherman  who  was  able  to  com- 
mand him.  Grant  was  resolved  to  humiliate  Ouster,  no  matter 


CUSTER    AND    GRANT.  557 

at  what  cost.  He  was  stolidly  determined  to  have  his  own 
way.  As  a  last  resort,  Ouster  telegraphed  a  third  time  in  the 
evening. 

General  W.  T.  Sherman,  Washington,  D.  C. 

After  you  read  my  despatch  of  to-day,  I  would  be  glad  if  my 
detention  could  be  authorized  at  Fort  Lincoln,  where  my  family  is, 
instead  of  at  this  point. 

G.  A.  CUSTEB,  Bvt.  Major  General. 

Not  a  word  in  answer  to  all  this.  Ouster  had  committed 
no  crime  ;  there  were  no  charges  against  him.  He  had  done 
nothing  but  obey  orders  all  through,  but  it  was  necessary  he 
should  be  punished,  as  the  President  could  punish  no  one  else. 
In  this  Grant  showed  great  knowledge  of  human  nature.  No 
doubt  he  would  have  liked  immediately  to  punish  every  officer 
who  had  testified  against  his  "  administration,"  but  he  had  no 
means  by  which  to  do  it.  ISTo  one  else  of  the  witnesses  was 
in  command  of  an  expedition,  no  one  was  a  successful  Indian 
fighter,  no  one  else  was  a  high-strung  nervous  cavalier,  sensitive 
to  a  slight.  Ouster  was  the  only  man.  It  was  so  easy  to  pun- 
ish him,  by  the  simplest  means :  the  reason  assigned  was  so 
plausible.  Grant  knew  that  the  torture  lay  in  the  first  humili- 
ation, the  minor  details  were  of  little  consequence.  After  all, 
the  President,  while  a  bitter  foe,  was  not  a  cruel  one.  He  had 
no  objection  to  letting  Ouster  see  his  family.  So  it  appears  by 
the  following  despatch : 

CHICAGO,  May  5th. 
Brigadier  General  A.  H.  Terry,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 

The  Lieutenant  General  directs  me  to  transmit  for  your  infor- 
mation  and  guidance  the  following  telegram  from  the  General  of 
the  Army : — 

"  Have  received  your  dispatch  of  to-day,  announcing  General 
Ouster's  arrival.  Have  just  come  from  the  President,who  orders 
that  General  Ouster  be  allowed  to  rejoin  his  post,  to  remain  there 
on  duty,  but  not  to  accompany  the  expedition  supposed  to  be 


558  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

on  the  point  of  starting  against  the  hostile  Indians,  under  Gen~ 
oral  Terry. 

(Signed,)  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  General. 

Please  acknowledge  receipt. 

(Signed,)  E.  0.  DRUM,  A.  A.G. 

HDQKS.  DEPT.  OF  DAKOTA, 

ST.  PAUL,  MAY  8th,  1876. 

Official  copy  respectfully  furnished  for  the  information  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Ouster. 

GEO.  KUGGLES,  Ass.  Adj.  Genl. 

It  appears  clearly  from  the  next  message  that  Sherman  was 
not  inimical  to  Ouster,  for  he  telegraphed  to  hirn  kindly  enough. 
Immediately  following  Sherman's  telegram,  will  be  found  one 
from  Ouster,  illustrating  the  frankness  and  completeness  with 
which  he  always  acknowledged  his  errors.  It  is  the  one  we 
have  before  referred  to,  as  connected  with  the  matter  of  the 
giain  frauds.  Sheridan's  telegram  is  as  follows  : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 
Gen.  G.  A.  Ouster,  Chicago,  HI. 

Before  receipt  of  yours,  had  sent  orders  to  General  Sheridan 
to  permit  you  to  go  to  Abe  Lincoln  on  duty,  but  the  President 
adheres  to  his  conclusion  that  you  are  not  to  go  on  the  expedition. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN,  General. 

The  other  telegram  is  as  follows : 

SAINT  PAUL,  May  6th,  1876. 
To  Hon.  Heister  Clymer,  Washington,  D.  C.  : 

General  Terry,  commanding  the  Department  of  Dakota,  informs 
me  that  the  report  I  forwarded  from  Fort  Lincoln,  regarding 
certain  corn  delivered  at  that  post,  for  the  use  of  the  army,  in 
Indian  sacks,  was  received  at  his  headquarters  in  the  city,  and 
after  due  investigation,  was  acted  upon  finally  by  his  authority 
and  that  it  was  he  and  not  the  late  Secretary  of  War,  who  sent 
the  order  to  Fort  Lincoln,  directing  that,  under  certain  instruc- 
tions intended  to  protect  the  government,  the  corn  in  question 
should  be  received.  The  receipt  of  the  order  was  reported  to 


CUSTER    AND    GRANT.  559 

me,  and  at  the  same  time  I  derived  the  impression  that  the 
order  emanated  from  the  War  Department.  As  I  would  not 
knowingly  do  injustice  to  any  individual,  I  ask  that  this  telegram 
may  be  appended  to,  and  made  part  of  my  testimony  before  your 

committee. 

G-.  A.  OUSTER. 

Then  Ouster  found  himself,  May  6,  in  St.  Paul,  and  con- 
demned by  the  President's  order  to  remain  behind  and  see  his 
comrades  go  to  war.  How  bitterly  it  must  have  recalled  to 
him  his  equally  unjust  detention,  eight  years  before,  at  Fort 
Leavenworth,  and  the  disasters  to  the  nation  which  had  fol- 
lowed his  punishment.  That  punishment  led  to  the  Phil  Kearny 
massacre  and  Forsyth's  disastrous  siege  on  the  island.  It  shows 
how  free  from  vulgar  ambition  and  how  pure  was  Ouster's  pa- 
triotism, that  he,  the  proud  soldier,  publicly  insulted  and  humil- 
iated without  the  pretence  of  a  fault  on  his  part,  should  have 
written  such  a  letter  as  this,  which  follows.  The  last  words 
we  commend  to  the  nation  that  loves  him.  We  also  commend 
Terry's  letter  of  transmittal. 

HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  DAKOTA, 

SAINT  PAUL,  MINN.,  May  6th,  1876. 

Adjutant  General,  Division  of  Missouri,  Chicago. 

I  forward  the  following  : — 
To  His  EXCELLENCY  THE  PRESIDENT,  through  Military  Channels. 

I  have  seen  your  order,  transmitted  through  the  general  of  the 
army,  directing  that  I  be  not  permitted  to  accompany  the  expedi- 
tion about  to  move  against  hostile  Indians.  As  my  entire  regi- 
ment forms  a  part  of  the  proposed  expedition,  and  as  I  am  the 
senior  officer  of  the  regiment  on  duty  in  this  Department,  I  re- 
spectfully but  most  earnestly  request  that  while  not  allowed  to  go 
in  command  of  the  expedition,  I  may  be  permitted  to  serve  with 
my  regiment  in  the  field. 

/  appeal  to  you  as  a  soldier  to  spare  me  the  humiliation  of  seeing 
my  regiment  march  to  meet  the  enemy  and  I  not  to  share  its  dangers. 
(Signed)  Gr.  A.  OUSTER, 

Bvt  Maj.  Genl.  U.  S.  Army. 

In  forwarding  the  above,  I  wish  to  say  expressly,  that  I  have 


560  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

no  desire  whatever  to  question  the  orders  of  the  President,  or  of 
my  military  superiors.  Whether  Lieut.  Col.  Ouster  shall  be  per- 
mitted to  accompany  my  column  or  not,  I  shall  go  in  command 
of  it. 

I  do  not  know  the  reasons  upon  which  the  orders  already  given 
rest ;  but  if  those  reasons  do  not  forbid  it,  Lieut.  Col.  Ouster's 
services  would  ~be  very  valuable  with  his  command. 
(Signed)  TEEBT, 

Commanding  Department. 

It  will  be  seen  that  Terry  is  cautious  as  to  expressing  an 
opinion,  being  restrained  from  speaking  out  by  official  reticence. 
He  could  not  say  to  his  superior  officer,  whether  he  thought  it 
or  not; — "Look  here;  this  is  a  scandalous  shame.  Ouster  has 
done  nothing  wrong,  he  has  only  obeyed  the  law  and  told  the 
truth  ;  and  the  President  is  taking  a  mean  and  cowardly  advan- 
tage of  his  power  to  punish  Ouster  indirectly,  because  he  dare 
not  do  it  directly."  The  old  adroitness  of  the  lawyer  appears 
in  all  of  Terry's  conduct.  He  makes  no  enemies ;  even  the  old 
"West  Pointers,  over  whose  heads  Fort  Fisher  had  jumped 
him,  could  not  find  it  in  their  hearts  to  hate  him. 

But  the  opposition  papers  were  not  so  mealy-mouthed.  All 
over  the  land  they  teemed  with  double-leaded  articles  on 
"Grant's  tyranny"  and  "Ouster's  degradation,"  and  took  the 
quarrel  up,  not  because  they  cared  for  Ouster,  but  because 
they  could  make  political  capital  out  of  it.  All  the  foul  vul- 
tures of  politics  flocked  to  see  the  battle,  expecting  a  feast  at 
its  conclusion.  The  "administration"  papers  were  thus  in  a 
manner  forced  into  the  fight,  and  into  an  attitude  of  antagonism 
to  Ouster,  which  has  pursued  him  beyond  his  grave.  This  was 
unfortunate  enough,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  it  will  go  no 
further.  I  have  written  in  this  chapter  a  plain  statement  of 
facts,  and  introduced  copies  of  the  original  documents,  on  pur- 
pose to  show  that  Ouster's  action  in  the  whole  of  this  matter 
was  entirely  unpolitical,  and  in  the  earnest  hope  that  it  may 
prevent  his  memory  from  being  made  the  subject  of  a  partisan 
fight.  No  man  was  ever  more  thoroughly  an  honest  soldier  and 


CUSTER    AND    GRANT.  561 

less  of  a  politician  than  Ouster,  and  no  man  has  suffered  more 
from  the  efforts  of  those  vampires  of  life,  the  politicians,  to  make 
use  of  him  in  their  quarrels. 

Two  men  were  to  blame  for  all  the  trouble  :  meddling,  offi- 
cious Heister  Clymer,  who  insisted  on  making  Ouster  come  to 
Washington  ;  obstinate,  implacable  Grant — the  man,  not  tho 
President — who  would  not  listen  to  a  word,  and  who  was  actu- 
ally willing  to  imperil  the  whole  fate  of  the  Sioux  campaign 
and  to  permit  hundreds  of  lives  to  be  lost,  to  gain  his  revenge 
on  Ouster.  The  question  has  nothing  to  do  with  one  party  or 
the  other,  bnt  the  responsibility  of  all  that  follows  rests  person- 
ally on  these  two  men — the  busy-body  and  the  implacable 
tyrant.  One  was  willing  to  imperil  a  nation  to  serve  his  fac- 
tion, the  other  was  ready  to  forget  his  office,  to  prostitute  his 
position,  to  sacrifice  a  hecatomb  of  innocent  lives,  to  gratify  his 
private  revenge.  From  the  consequences  of  that  act  he  cannot 
escape. 

Grant  was  satisfied  with  his  first  disgrace  of  Ouster,  or  dared 
not  face  the  criticism  which  would  have  greeted  the  announce- 
ment of  the  fact  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  was 
willing  to  imperil  the  success  of  an  important  expedition  to 
gratify  his  private  revenge.  That  was  going  a  step  too  far  :  so 
Grant  yielded  to  Ouster's  petition  so  far  as  to  let  him  go  as  a 
subordinate,  in  the  expedition  which  Grant  well  knew  in  his 
heart  that  Ouster  alone  was  fit  to  command. 

The  papers  said  this  openly,  both  opposition  and  indepen- 
dents, whereupon  the  administration  papers  felt  themselves  com- 
pelled to  print  alleged  utterances  of  General  Sherman  to  the  effect 
that  there  were  "  plenty  of  officers  in  the  army  just  as  capable 
as  Ouster."  Here  again  the  officious  meddling  of  Ouster's  in- 
judicious friends  only  embittered  his  single  real  enemy,  Grant, 
and  compelled  Sherman,  as  an  official  person,  to  appear  hostile 
to  Ouster.  Possibly  the  general  of  the  army  did  say  there 
were  plenty  of  officers  fit  to  take  Ouster's  place,  but  he  knew 
well  enough  that  there  was  not  one,  for  it  was  now  May  7th, 
36 


562  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

and  the  operations  of  every  other  officer  had  so  far  been  marked 
by  want  of  energy  all  through,  especially  in  i\\Q  fiasco  of  the 
Powder  River  fight.  The  fact  was,  and  Sherman,  Grant,  and 
Sheridan  knew  it,  none  better,  that  no  one  could  replace  Ous- 
ter's peculiar  qualities.  "  Custer"  said  Sheridan  at  Fort  Leav- 
enworth,  seven  years  before,  "  You  are  the  only  man  that  never 
failed  me" 

Write  those  words  in  gold  on  his  monument.  None  could 
wish  a  prouder  epitaph. 

NOTE.  Since  this  chapter  was  printed  and  stereotyped,  the 
author  has  received  information  from  the  publishers  of  the  Gal- 
axy, that  tends  further  to  disprove  the  accusation  that  Ouster  was 
willing  to  go  to  Washington  before  the  committee.  In  conversa- 
tion with  members  of  the  firm,  while  on  his  way  to  Washington, 
Ouster  distinctly  stated  that  he  knew  nothing  of  his  own  knowl- 
edge, as  to  the  Belknap  or  other  cases,  that  could  be  of  the  slightest 
value  to  the  committee.  He  displayed  the  greatest  anxiety  to  bo 
back  at  his  post,  and  the  peremptory  summons  of  the  committee 
was  a  great  disappointment  to  him.  As  he  expressed  it,  he  had 
"  begged  of  the  committee  to  allow  him  to  remain  at  Fort  Lincoln, 
where  he  was  so  busy  preparing  the  expedition  of  which  he  had 
been  promised  the  command." 

Mrs.  Ouster,  who  of  all  persons,  is  most  capable  of  judging 
of  her  husband's  wishes,  has  also  most  positively  assured  the 
author  that  it  was  with  the  greatest  unwillingness  that  Ouster  de- 
parted from  Fort  Lincoln,  and  with  the  fear  before  his  eyes  that 
it  would  end  in  disaster  to  the  expedition. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  GKEAT  EXPEDITION. 

HE  slight  and  partial  success  of  the  Powder  River  fight 
_JL  was  productive  of  one  very  serious  result,  as  it  turned  out. 
General  Crook  virtually  agreed,  and  the  authorities  agreed  with 
him,  as  to  the  substantial  truth  of  the  following  statement,  made 
by  a  writer  present  with  the  expedition.     He  said  :  Instead  of 
15,000  or  20,000  hostile  Indians  in  this  country,  the  expedition 
has  demonstrated  that  there  are  probably  not  2,000  all  told. 
The  Tribune  correspondent  in  his  report  also  said : 

It  does  not  seem  probable  that  there  are  half  as  many  hostile 
Indians  in  this  northern  country  as  the  War  Department  has  sup- 
posed. For  nearly  two  weeks  this  command  has  been  marching 
through  the  best  part  of  the  whole  unceded  Sioux  lands,  and  it 
has  not  seen  1,000  Indians  in  all.  I  doubt  if  there  are  3,000  hos- 
tile people  south  of  the  Missouri  and  east  of  the  Big  Horn  Moun- 
tains. Other  military  expeditions  will  soon  follow  this  one,  and 
in  the  end  all  these  tribes  will  be  glad  to  take  agency  rations,  poor 
and  insufficient  as  they  generally  are,  for  the  rest  of  their  days. 

These  sentiments  were  echoed  by  others,  and  formed  the 
basis  of  the  calculation  on  which  the  expeditions  to  come  were 
composed.  The  strength  of  the  columns  was  as  follows,  Crook 
had  ten  companies  of  the  Third  Cavalry,  five  of  the  Second 
Cavalry,  with  six  companies  from  the  Fourth  and  Ninth  In- 
fantry, an  aggregate  strength  of  1,300  men.  His  route  was 
north  from  Fort  Fetterman.  (See  map.) 

Gibbon,  whose  route  was  due  east  from  Fort  Ellis,  Mon- 


564:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

tana,  had  four  companies  of  the  Second  Cavalry  and  two  com- 
panies of  the  Seventh  Infantry,  a  total  force  of  some  four  hun- 
dred men,  including  train,  etc. 

The  Terry  column  moving  west  from  Fort  Lincoln  consisted 
of  the  whole  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry — twelve  companies — under 
Custer,  and  three  companies  of  the  Sixth  and  Seventeenth  In- 
fantry, with  four  Gatling  guns  and  a  detachment  of  Indian 
scouts.  Official  returns  show  that  this  force  comprised  twenty- 
eight  officers  and  seven  hundred  and  forty-seven  men  of  the 
Seventh  Cavalry,  eight  officers  and  one  hundred  and  thirty-live 
men  of  the  Sixth  and  Seventeenth  Infantry,  two  officers  and 
thirty-two  men  in  charge  of  the  Gatling  battery,  and  forty-five  en- 
listed Indian  scouts.  The  wagon  train  contained  one  hundred  and 
fourteen  six-mule  teams,  thirty-seven  two-horse  teams,  and  sev- 
enty other  vehicles,  ambulances,  etc.,  with  eighty-five  packmules, 
and  employed  one  hundred  and  seventy-nine  civilian  drivers. 

Thus  there  was  a  total  force  of  twenty-seven  hundred  armed 
men  seeking  for  the  Sioux,  divided  into  three  columns,  respec- 
tively of  the  strength  of  four  hundred,  one  thousand  and  one 
thousand  three  hundred.  These  three  columns  were  to  start 
from  the  circumference  of  a  circle  with  a  radius  of  some  three 
hundred  miles,  to  concentrate  somewhere  in  the  country  where 
Reynolds  had  struck  Crazy  Horse  and  his  band. 

Crook  did  not  leave  Fort  Fetterman  till  May  29th.  His 
column  reached  old  Fort  Reno,  June  3d.  In  this  vicinity  the 
expedition  rested,  while  a  party  of  scouts  were  detached  to  the 
encampments  of  the  Crows  and  Shoshones,  tribes  of  Indians 
inimical  to  the  Sioux,  to  obtain  their  assistance  as  scouts  and 
light  troops.  On  the  7th  of  June  the  column  was  on  the  head 
of  the  Tongue  River,  near  old  Fort  Phil  Kearny,  where,  on 
the  8th  a  war  party  of  Sioux  came  down  and  tried  to  stam- 
pede the  American  horses,  bringing  on  a  skirmish  which  resulted 
in  the  repulse  of  the  Indians.  On  the  14th  the  column  was 
joined  by  a  number  of  Crows,  Shoshones  and  Nez  Perces  whom 
the  scouts  had  brought  back,  and  on  the  16th  the  whole  party 


THE    GREAT    EXPEDITION.  565 

started  to  find  the  bands  of  Sitting  Bull  and  Crazy  Horse,  re- 
ported to  be  on  the  Rosebud  River,  to  the  north.  The  Crows 
who  came  in  reported  that  they  had  seen  Gibbon's  camp  on  tfie 
other  side  of  the  Sioux;  on  the  Tongue  River,  and  that  the 
United  States  forces  had  already  been  attacked  by  Sitting  Bull's 
people,  who  had  taken  some  horses  from  them. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  up  to  the  16th  June,  the  United 
States  programme  was  carried  out  as  fairly  as  could  be  expected, 
and  that  two  of  the  converging  columns  had  already  arrived 
within  striking  distance  of  Sitting  Bull  and  his  friends.  It 
was  now  that  its  faults  were  to  be  glaringly  exposed.  The 
regular  force  near  the  enemy  amounted  to  1700  men,  whereof 
400  were  separated  from  the  other  1300  by  a  rough  mountain- 
ous country  of  some  hundred  miles,  and  between  the  two  lay 
Sitting  Bull  and  his  braves,  in  a  compact  body. 

On  the  16th,  Crook  advanced  his  force  early  in  the  morn- 
ing. Each  man  carried  four  days'  rations,  the  infantry  were 
mounted  on  mules,  and  the  train  was  left  behind  them.  The 
destination  of  the  column  was  Sitting  Bull's  village,  on  the 
Rosebud  River,  sixty  miles  north.  By  the  evening  of  the  16th, 
the  column  had  marched  forty  miles,  and  went  into  camp  for 
the  night.  The  Tribune  correspondent  says  very  justly,  "  This 
was  the  first  mistake."  Crook  should  have  marched  all  night 
and  attacked  at  daybreak,  but  just  as  in  the  case  of  the  Powder 
River  fight,  the  time  was  wasted.  The  mistake  is  claimed  by 
the  correspondent  to  be  the  fault  of  the  Indian  allies,  who  had 
been  out  hunting  buffalo  that  day,  and  who  gorged  themselves 
with  meat  at  night  and  refused  to  advance.  A  poor  excuse  is 
better  than  none. 

The  next  morning  Sitting  Bull  turned  the  tables  on  Crook 
by  attacking  him,  and  the  story  told  by  the  correspondent  is 
instructive.  It  shows  what  a  tissue  of  blunders  and  cross  pur- 
poses a  battle  may  become  under  the  command  of  the  oldest  of 
generals,  in  Indian  warfare,  when  all  are  not  animated  by  the 
same  spirit. 


566  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

The  Crows  and  other  scouts  had  been  sent  forward  to  find 
the  Sioux  village,  and  the  correspondent  proceeds : 

"  June  17th,  having  marched  seven  miles,  being  in  camp  un- 
saddled, successive  shots  were  distinctly  heard,  and  the  advance 
of  the  Sioux  confirmed  by  our  scouts  pouring  over  the  hills.  Our 
present  position,  being  surrounded  by  bluffs,  was  an  untenable  one, 
and  one  well  chosen  by  the  Sioux  for  their  attack.  The  advance 
was  sounded,  and  the  line  of  battle  then  formed,  was  "Noyes' 
battalion"  right,  "Mills'"  right  centre,  "Chambers' "  centre, 
"  Indian  allies "  left  centre,  Eoyall  (with  "  Henry's  battalion," 
and  one  company  of  Mills)  left.  Mills'  and  Noyes'  battalion  were 
pushed  forward,  charging  the  enemy  in  gallant  style.  The  rest 
of  the  line  did  not  advance.  Mills  and  Noyes  were  ordered  to 
march  on  the  village,  which  order  fortunately  for  them  was  re- 
voked. Eoyall's  right  was  separated  from  the  main  command  by 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  He  occupied  a  very  important  and  dan- 
gerous position  ;  one  which  if  held  by  the  enemy  would  have  ren- 
dered Crook's  line  on  the  bluff  untenable  unless  he  had  advanced. 
Having  occupied  this  place  under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  commence- 
ment of  the  fight  (8  A.  M.,)  until  2  p.  M.,  Captain  Nickerson  of 
General  Crook's  staff  brought,  attended  with  great'personal  dan- 
ger (as  the  Indians  seemed  to  divine  his  mission),  orders  for 
Colonel  Eoyall  to  retire  or  connect  his  line  with  General  Crook's. 
This  was  effected,  instead  of  by  a  forward  movement,  by  a  sort  of 
left  about  wheel,  or  retreat.  The  Indians  seized  this  favorable 
opportunity  by  advancing  and  occupying  the  place  vacated  by  our- 
selves and  pouring  upon  us  a  galling  fire  from  three  different 
directions,  charging  upon  our  lines  and  trying  to  capture  our  led 
horses,  our  men  being  dismounted  as  skirmishers.  Eoyall,  by 
maintaining  successive  lines  of  retreat,  aided  by  the  great  gal- 
lantry of  his  men  and  officers,  succeeded,  with  loss,  in  joining 
Crook's  command. 

This  loss  was  diminished  by  the  charge  made  by  our  allies  and 
two  infantry  companies  from  Crook's  left  upon  the  advancing 
Sioux.  This  charge  should  have  been  made  when  we  first  com- 
menced our  retreat  movement.  It  was  in  what  may  be  called 
"Death  Hollow"  during  the  retreat,  while  superintending  the 
movements  of  his  battalion,  that  Colonel  Henry  was  severely 
wounded  in  the  face,  tlie  ball  entering  near  the  left  temple,  and 
coming  out  the  right  side  of  the  face. 


THE    GREAT    EXPEDITION.  567 

"  The  order  now  was  for  all  the  troops  to  advance  upon  the  -vil- 
lage, supposed  to  be  some  six  miles  off.  This  order  was  twice  given 
and  twice  changed,  the  latter  owing  to  ammunition  becoming  short, 
and  upon  the  representation  of  the  guide,  who  had  lived  with  the 
Sioux,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  pass  through  a  difficult 
canon  and  secure  the  village  without  immense  loss  to  our  troops. 
These  reasons,  besides  caring  for  his  wounded,  decided  General 
Crook  to  go  into  camp  on  the  battle-field  of  the  day,  which  he  did. 

"  The  next  two  succeeding  days,  without  further  molestation, 
we  returned  to  our  permanent  camp." 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  correspondent  puts- the  very  best 
face  on  the  battle  that  could  be  put  there,  but  none  the  less  it 
is  impossible  to  hide  the  fact  that  Crook  was  taken  by  surprise. 
"Being  in  camp  unsaddled"  is  the  commencement  of  the 
fight,  while  on  a  march  to  "  surprise  "  an  active  foe.  In  the 
course  of  the  battle,  Crook's  left  is  driven  in  with  serious  loss, 
and  only  saved  from  annihilation  by  the  charges  of  the  Indian 
allies  and  the  infantry.  The  Herald  correspondent  puts  on  a 
still  better  face,  by  claiming  a  substantial  victory,  but  even  he 
cannot  hide  the  fact  of  real  defeat.  Pie  says : 

The  object  of  the  scout  which  was  so  unsuccessful  and  yet  not 
without  an  encouraging  result,  was  to  discover  and  destroy  the 
village  of  the  Sioux,  which  the  guides,  white,  half-breed  and 
Indian,  agreed  in  declaring  to  be  on  the  Yellowstone  Kiver.  be- 
tween the  mouths  of  the  Eosebud  and  the  Tongue.  It  proved  to 
be  nearer  the  base  of  the  expedition  than  was  believed,  and  Gen- 
eral Crook's  ignorance  of  'its  proximity,  due  to  the  negligence  and 
inactivity  of  the  Crow  allies,  who  were  entrusted  with  the  work 
of  scouting,  is  the  cause  of  failure  of  the  movement.  The  Sioux 
were  certainly  repulsed  in  their  bold  onset,  and  lost  many  of 
their  bravest  warriors,  but  when  they  fled,  could  not  be  pursued 
without  great  danger  in  the  rough  country  through  which  their 
way  lay.  Had  his  scouts  proved  faithful,  so  that  he  could  have 
been  prepared  to  occupy  the  commanding  positions  with  infantry 
in  advance  of  the  main  column,  he  would  have  had  warning  of 
the  concentration  of  the  enemy  to  impede  his  course,  and  could 
have  driven  him  back  into  the  village  and  ended  the  campaign  by 
destroying  it.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  blame  of  the  miscarriage 


568  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

of  the  scout  belongs  to  the  Crows,  whose  instinct,  vigilance,  and 
knowledge  of  their  own  country  was  relied  upon  to  render  every 
move  of  the  force  intelligent.  On  the  contrary,  their  undisci- 
plined frenzy  and  failure  to  discover  the  lodgment  of  the 
enemy  in  time  to  frustrate  their  meditated  attack  precipitated  a 
battle  which  began  with  a  stupendous  advantage  on  his  side  and  in 
a  spot  of  his  own  choice  naturally  suitable  to  the  success  of  their 
method  of  warfare.  The  Sioux's  strength  was  masked,  except 
when,  emboldened  by  the  disastrous  withdrawal  of  the  left  icing  of 
the  cavalry,  they  made  a  dash  from  both  ends  of  a  deep  hollow 
which  lay  in  its  way  and  exposed  it  to  a  murderous  fire,  and 
suddenly  swarmed  on  the  front,  left  and  rear.  Then  it  was  that 
the  timely  fire  of  the  infantry  upon  their  main  body,  the  charge 
of  the  Snakes  into  the  hollow  and  a  rapid  pursuit  of  them  for 
three  miles,  dismayed  them  utterly  and  they  fell  back  and  dis- 
appeared. Had  it  not  been  for  their  occupation,  unperceived  by  the 
General,  of  positions  from  which  they  could  %>our  an  enfilading 
fire  upon  both  flanks  of  the  body  of  cavalry  on  the  left,  they 
would  not  have  stood  in  the  face  of  the  troops  a  moment  after 
their  first  charge. 

The  last  sentence,  "  had  it  not  been  "  etc.,  is  decidedly  good. 
It  shows  that  Crook  was  outgeneraled  by  Sitting  Bull,  and 
that  the  latter  had  troops  not  accustomed  to  the  direct  charge, 
and  that  is  all.  The  Indians  fought  in  their  own  way,  and  did 
all  they  wanted.  They  drove  Crook  back  to  his  camp. 

Meanwhile  what  were  Terry  and  Gibbon  doing  ?  The  re- 
ports show  the  following  state  of  things  : 

Generals  Terry  and  Gibbon  communicated  with  each  other, 
June  1st,  near  the  junction  of  the  Tongue  and  Yellowstone  Kivers, 
and  learned  that  a  heavy  force  of  Indians  had  concentrated  on 
the  opposite  bank  of  the  Yellowstone,  but  about  eighteen  miles 
distant.  For  fourteen  days  the  Indian  pickets  had  confronted 
Gibbon's  videttes. 

General  Gibbon  reported  to  General  Terry  that  the  cavalry  had 
thoroughly  scouted  the  Yellowstone  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Big  Horn,  and  no  Indians  had  crossed  it.  It  was  now  certain 
that  they  were. not  prepared  for  them,  and  on  the  Powder,  Tongue, 
Rosebud,  Little  Horn,  or  Big  Horn  rivers  General  Terry  at  once 
commenced  feeling  for  them. 


THE    GREAT    EXPEDITION.  569 

Major  Eeno,  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  with  six  companies  of 
that  regiment,  was  sent  up  Powder  Eiver  150  miles  to  the  mouth 
of  Little  Powder  to  look  for  the  Indians,  and,  if  possible,  to  com- 
municate with  General  Crook.  He  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
Little  Powder  in  five  days,  but  saw  no  Indians  and  could  hear 
nothing  of  Crook.  As  he  returned,  he  found  on  the  Eosebud  a 
very  large  Indian  trail,  about  nine  days  old,  and  followed  it  a  short 
distance,  when  he  turned  about  up  Tongue  Eiver,  and  reported 
to  General  Terry  what  he  had  seen.  It  was  now  known  no  Indi- 
ans were  on  Tongue  Eiver  or  Powder  Eiver,  and  the  net  had  nar- 
rowed down  to  Eosebud,  Little  Horn  and  Big  Horn  Eivers. 

General  Terry,  who  had  been  waiting  with  Custer  and  the 
steamer  Far  West,  at  the  mouth  of  Tongue  Eiver,  for  Eeno's  re- 
port, as  soon  as  he  heard  it,  ordered  Custer  to  march, up  the  south 
bank  to  a  point  opposite  General  Gibbon,  who  was  encamped  on 
the  north  bank  of  the  Yellowstone.  Terry,  on  board  Uie  steamer 
Far  West,  pushed  up  the  Yellowstone,  keeping  abreast  of  General 
Custer's  column. 

General  Gibbon  was  found  in  camp,  quietly  awaiting  develop- 
ments. A  consultation  was  had  with  Generals  Gibbon  and  Cus- 
ter, and  then  General  Terry  definitely  fixed  upon  the  plan  of 
action.  It  was  believed  the  Indians  were  on  the  head  of  the  Eose- 
bud or  over  on  the  Little  Horn,  a  divide  of  ridge  only  fifteen 
miles  wide  separating  the  two  streams.  It  was  announced  by 
General  Terry  that  General  Custer's  column  would  strike  the 
blow. 

In  order  to  understand  the  position  of  affairs,  it  will  now  be 
necessary  to  lay  before  the  reader  an  outline  sketch  of  the  lines 
of  the  campaign  so  far,  and  show  the  position  of  the  contending 
parties  at  this  time.  (See  map.)  This  sketch  indicates  with 
sufficient  accuracy  for  the  reader  the  progress  of  the  campaign. 
It  shows  the  routes  of  the  three  columns  up  to  the  juncture 
when  Custer  was  sent  after  the  Indians,  and  the  lines  of  march. 
It  will  be  seen  that  after  Gibbon's  and  Terry's  junction  the  two 
were  about  a  hundred  miles  from  Crook,  and  that  the  Sioux 
were  between  them.  Crook,  after  his  defeat,  fell  back  to  the 
head  of  the  Tongue  River.  The  Powder,  Tongue,  Rosebud, 
and  Big  Horn  Rivers  all  run  north  into  the  Yellowstone,  and 


570  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

Sitting  Bull  was  between  the  head-waters  of  the  Rosebud  and 
Big  Horn,  the  main  tributary  of  the  latter  being  known  as  the 
Little  Big  Horn.  Thus  stood  matters  when  Terry  sent  off  the 
following  despatch  to  Sheridan,  from  his  camp  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Rosebud  River.  He  writes  : 

"No  Indians  hare  been  met  with  as  yet,  but  traces  of  large  and 
recent  camp  have  been  discovered  twenty  or  thirty  miles  up  the 
Rosebud.  Gibbon's  column  will  move  this  morning  on  the  north 
side  of  the  Yellowstone,  for  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Horn,  where  it 
will  be  ferried  across  by  the  supply  steamer,  and  whence  it  will 
proceed  to  the  mouth  of  the  Little  Horn,  and  so  on.  Ouster  will 
go  up  the  Rosebud  to-morrow  with  his  whole  regiment,  and 
thence  to  the  head-waters  of  the  Little  Horn,  thence  down  the 
Little  Horn. 


BiDcroh  Librw* 


CHAPTER  V. 
THE  LAST  BATTLE. 

BEFORE  entering  on  the  consideration  of  Ouster's  last  march 
and  battle,  it  is  necessary  to  correct  a  mistaken  impression 
set  afloat  by  those  same  insincere  friends  and  real  enemies  who 
had  already  done  their  best  to  embroil  and  embitter  the  close 
of  his  life.  This  impression  is,  that  Ouster,  during  the  whole 
of  the  last  campaign,  was  suffering  from  depression  of  spirits, 
that  he  felt  his  disgrace  keenly,  that  he  was  slighted  by  General 
Terry,  and  that  these  stings  induced  him  to  act  rashly.  The 
facts  are  exactly  the  reverse. 

General  Terry,  from  the  very  commencement  of  the  expe- 
dition, trusted  Ouster  implicitly,  and  the  very  best  feeling  existed 
between  them.  No  one  was  more  modest  than  Terry,  nor  more 
willing  to  defer  to  the  experience  of  Ouster  ;  and  inasmuch  aa 
the  route  followed  by  the  Terry  column  was  the  very  same  as 
that  followed  three  years  before  by  the  Stanley  expedition,  Gen- 
eral Terry  was  only  too  glad  to  avail  himself  of  Ouster's  help  to 
pilot  the  column,  just  as  Stanley  had  in  his  time.  It  became 
Ouster's  regular  duty  to  ride  ahead  of  the  main  body  with  a 
battalion  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  and  to  mark  out  the  day's 
march  for  the  wagons  by  leaving  a  broad  trail.  An  oflicer 
present  during  the  whole  compaign,  whose  name  we  at  present 
withhold,  says: 

As  he  seemed  to  me  first,  so  he  was  to  the  last,  the  incarnation 
of  energy.  How  often  I  watched  him  in  our  march  to  *he  Powder 
River,  like  the  thoroughbred  he  rode,  champing  the  bit  and  chaf- 
ing to  be  off,  longing  for  action.  Our  last  day's  march  before 


674:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  OUSTER. 

reaching  Powder  River  was  through  the  worst  and  roughest  country 
that  I  have  ever  seen  a  train  taken  over  in  campaign. 

Early  in  the  day  the  guides  and  scouts  were  baffled  by  the 
labyrinth  of  ravines  and  confusion  of  bad-lands.  Ouster  took  the 
lead  and  took  us  through.  I  heard  General  Terry  express  his 
satisfaction  that  evening  in  these  words  :  "  JVo  one  but  General 
Cluster  could  have  brought  us  through.  He  is  the  best  guide  lever 
saiv."  Notwithstanding  his  manifestation  of  a  little  restivenesa 
during  this  march,  I  was  glad  to  know  that  he  was  steadily  reveal- 
ing his  fine  qualities  to  General  Terry,  and  winning  his  way  to  the 
position  which  drew  from  his  commanding  officer  the  carte  blanche 
under  which  he  marched  up  the  Eosebud  on  the  22d  June.  It 
will  not  do  for  any  one  to  say  that  he  disobeyed  orders  on  that 
occasion.  He  did  as  every  one  capable  of  comprehending  him  and 
his  orders  knew  that  he  would  do,  and  by  those  orders  I  am  will- 
ing that  he  shall  be  judged,  not  by  documents  or  explanations 
outside  of  them. 

The  reader  will  now  very  naturally  ask  to  see  these  orders 
and  find  what  they  were.  Fortunately  they  exist,  and  are  as 
follows : 

Lieut.   Col.  Custer,  Seventh  Cavalry : 

COLONEL  : — The  Brigadier-General  Commanding  directs  that 
as  soon  as  your  regiment  can  be  made  ready  for  the  march  you 
proceed  up  the  Rosebud  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians  whose  trail  waa 
discovered  by  Major  Reno  a  few  days  since.  It  is,  of  course,  im- 
possible to  give  any  definite  instructions  in  regard  to  this  move- 
ment, and,  were  it  not  impossible  to  do  so,  the  Department  Com- 
mander places  too  much  confidence  in  your  zeal,  energy  and  abil- 
ity to  wish  to  impose  upon  you  precise  orders  which  might  hamper 
your  action  when  nearly  in  contact  with  the  enemy.  He  will, 
however,  indicate  to  you  his  own  views  of  what  your  action  should 
be,  and  he  desires  that  you  should  conform  to  them  unless  you 
shall  see  sufficient  reason  for  departing  from  them.  He  thinks 
that  you  should  proceed  up  the  Rosebud  until  you  ascertain  defi- 
nitely the  direction  in  which  the  trail  above  spoken  of  leads. 
Should  it  be  found,  as  it  appears  to  be  almost  certain  that  it  will 
be  found,  to  turn  toward  the  Little  Big  Horn,  he  thinks  that  you 
should  still  proceed  southward,  perhaps,  as  far  as  the  head- waters 
of  the  Tongue,  and  then  turn  toward  the  Little  Big  Horn,  feeling 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  575 

constantly,  however,  to  your  left  so  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of 
the  escape  of  the  Indians  to  the  south  or  south-east  by  passing 
around  your  left  flank.  The  column  of  Col.  Gibbon,  is  now  in 
motion  for  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Horn.  As  soon  as  it  reaches 
that  point  it  will  cross  the  Yellowstone  and  move  up  at  least  as 
far  as  the  parks  of  the  Big  and  Little  Big  Horn.  Of  course  its 
future  movements  must  be  controlled  by  circumstances  as  they 
arise  ;  but  it  is  hoped  that  the  Indians,  if  upon  the  Little  Big 
Horn,  may  be  so  nearly  inclosed  by  two  columns  that  their  escape 
will  be  impossible.  The  Department  Commander  desires  that  on 
your  way  up  the  Kosebud  you  should  thoroughly  examine  the 
upper  part  of  Tulloch's  Creek,  and  that  you  should  endeavor 
to  send  a  scout  through  to  Col.  Gibbon's  column  with  information 
of  the  result  of  your  examination.  The  lower  part  of  this  creek 
will  be  examined  by  a  detachment  from  Col.  Gibbon's  command. 
The  supply  steamer  will  be  pushed  up  the  Big  Horn  as  far  as  the 
forks  of  the  river  are  found  to  be  navigable  for  that  space,  and 
the  Department  Commander,  who  will  accompany  the  column  of 
Col.  Gibbon,  desires  you  to  report  to  him  there  not  later  than 
the  expiration  of  the  time  for  which  your  troops  are  rationed, 
unless  in  the  meantime  you  receive  further  orders. 

Respectfully,  etc., 

E.  W.  SMITH,  Captain  18th  Infantry. 
Acting  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 

These  orders  are  quite  clear  and  explicit  on  one  subject 
Ouster  was  sent  out  to  find  the  Indians  by  following  their  trail 
up  the  Rosebud,  and  Gibbon  was  to  hunt  them  from  another 
direction,  first  up  the  Yellowstone,  then  up* the  Big  Horn  River. 
This  would  bring  the  two  columns  together  on  the  Big  Horn 
somewhere  to  the  south  of  the  place  where  the  battle  finally 
occurred,  if  both  moved  at  the  same  rate,  for  their  trails  would 
then  be  each  round  two  sides  of  a  rectangle,  from  corner  to  cor- 
ner. The  first  corner  was  the  junction  of  the  Rosebud  and 
Yellowstone,  the  opposite  one  Sitting  Bull's  village  on  the  Big 
Horn.  Nothing,  however,  was  said  in  the  order  about  rates  ol 
inarching,  and  Ouster  was  left  entirely  to  his  own  discretion  as 
to  what  he  should  do  if  he  struck  the  enemy  first.  The  only 
limit  placed  to  his  time  in  the  order  is  the  period  for  which  his 


576  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

troops  are  rationed.  That  period  was  fifteen  days.  The  only 
expression  of  opinion  on  future  movements  is  found  in  the  sen- 
tence "  it  is  hoped  that  the  Indians*  if  upon  the  Little  Big 
Horn,  may  be  so  nearly  enclosed  by  the  two  columns  that  es~ 
cape  may  be  impossible"  The  only  fear  of  Terry  seems  to  be 
that  the  Indians  will  escape.  On  Ouster's  way  up  the  Rose- 
bud, he  is  directed  to  examine  "  the  upper  part  of  Tulloch's 
Creek."  This  creek  runs  into  the  Big  Horn  near  its  mouth. 
Its  "upper  part,"  was  some  ten  miles  to  the  right  of  Ouster's 
actual  trail,  which  followed  that  of  the  Indian  village  previously 
found  by  Reno.  Ouster  was  to  '•'  endeavor  to  send  through  a 
scout  to  Colonel  Gibbon's  column."  If  he  found  that  the  trail 
turned,  (as  it  did)  to  the  right,  Terry  "  thinks  you  should  still 
proceed  southward  "  to  the  head  waters  of  the  Tongue  before 
turning  after  the  Indians.  All  these  instructions,  it  will  be  no- 
ticed, are  entirely  advisory  and  permissory,  not  peremptory, 
Terry  expresses  his  conviction  of  the  impossibility  of  giving 
any  precise  orders  "  which  might  hamper  your  action  when 
nearly  in  contact  with1  the  enemy,"  and  only  desires  Ouster  to 
conform  to  his  views  "  unless  you  shall  see  sufficient  reason  for 
departing  from  them."  It  is  quite  clear  on  the  face  of  these 
orders  that  Custer  cannot  be  held  legally  or  morally  responsible 
for  any  departure  from  Terry's  advice.  The  whole  matter  is 
left  entirely  in  his  discretion,  the  general  placing  "  too  much 
confidence  in  your  zeal,  energy  and  ability  "  to  give  any  orders, 
beyond  one  to  report  in  fifteen  days.  On  his  discretion  solely 
he  must  be  judged.  In  following  him  through  the  course  of 
this  his  last  march,  we  shall  embody  so  much  of  the  official  re- 
port of  his  second  in  command,  Major  Reno,  made  at  the  close 
of  the  operations,  as  covers  the  period  to  Ouster's  death,  illus- 
trating it  by  the  evidence  of  other  persons,  taken  since  that 
time.  This  report  is  valuable  on  account  of  its  presumed  relia- 
bility as  to  dates,  times  and  places.  It  was  first  published  in 
the  Army  and  Navy  Journal  of  New  York  City,  the  official 
Army  paper,  and  is  addressed  according  to  military  etjquette,  to 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  577 

the  chief  of  Terry's  staff  for  the  time  being.     It  commences  as 
follows : 

HEADQUARTERS,  SEVENTH  CAVALRY, 
CAMP  ON  YELLOWSTONE  RIVER,  July  5,  1876. 

Captain  E.  W.  Smith,  A.  D.  C.  and  A.  A.  A.  G.  : 

The  command  of  the  Eegiment  having  devolved  upon  me,  as 
the  senior  surviving  officer  from  the  battle  of  June  25th  and  26th, 
between  the  Seventh  Cavalry  and  Sitting  Bull's  band  of  hostile 
Sioux,  on  the  Little  Big  Horn  Eiver,  I  have  the  honor  to  submit 
the  following  report  of  its  operations  from  the  time  of  leaving  the 
main  column  until  the  command  was  united  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Indian  village. 

The  regiment  left  the  camp  at  the  mouth  of  Eosebud  Eiver, 
after  passing  in  review  before  the  Department  Commander,  under 
command  of  Brevet  Major-General  G.  A.  Custer,  lieutenant-colo- 
nel, on  the  afternoon  of  the  22d  of  June,  and  marched  up  the 
Eosebud  twelve  miles,  and  encamped.  23d.  Marched  up  the  Eose- 
bud, passing  many  old  Indian  camps,  and  following  a  very  large 
lodge  pole  trail,  but  not  fresh,  making  thirty-three  miles.  24th. 
The  march  was  continued  up  the  Eosebud,  the  trail  and  signs  fresh- 
ening with  every  mile  until  we  had  made  twenty-eight  miles,  and 
we  then  encamped  and  waited  for  information  from  the  scouts. 
At  9.25.  P.  M.,  Custer  called  the  officers  together,  and  informed 
us  that,  beyond  a  doubt,  the  village  was  in  the  valley  of  the  Little 
Big  Horn,  and  that  to  reach  it,  it  was  necessary  to  cross  the  di- 
vide between  Eosebud  and  Little  Big  Horn,  and  it  would  be  im- 
possible to  do  so,  in  the  daytime,  without  discovering  our  march 
to  the  Indians  ;  that  we  would  prepare  to  move  at  11  P.  M.  This 
was  done,  the  line  of  march  turning  from  the  Eosebud  to  the 
right,  up  one  of  its  branches,  which  headed  near  the  summit  of 
the  divide. 

About  2  A.  M.  of  the  25th,  the  scouts  told  him  that  he  could 
not  cross  the  divide  before  daylight.  We  then  made  coffee  and 
rested  for  three  hours,  at  the  erpiration  of  Avhich  time  the  march 
was  resumed,  the  divide  crossed,  and  about  8  A.  M.  the  command 
was  in  the  valley  of  one  of  the  branches  of  the  Little  Big  Horn. 
By  this  time  Indians  had  been  seen,  and  it  was  certain  that  we 
could  not  surprise  them,  and  it  was  determined  to  move  at  once 
to  the  attack. 

Previous  to  this  no  division  of  the  regiment  had  been  made 
since  the  order  was  issued,  on  the  Yellowstone,  annulling  wing 
37 


578  GENERAL  GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

and  battalion  organizations.  General  Ouster  informed  me  he 
would  assign  commands  on  the  march.  I  was  ordered  by  Lieu- 
tenant W.  W.  Cook,  adjutant,  to  assume  command  of  Companies 
M,  A  and  G ;  Captain  Benteen,  of  Companies  H,  D  and  K  ;  Cus- 
ter  retaining  C,  E,  F,  I  and  L,  under  his  immediate  command, 
and  Company  B,  Captain  McDougall,  in  rear  of  the  pack  train. 
I  assumed  command  of  the  companies  assigned  to  me,  and  with- 
out any  definite  orders  moved  forward  with  the  rest  of  the  col- 
umn, and  well  to  its  left.  I  saw  Benteen  moving  further  to  the 
left,  and,  as  they  passed,  he  told  me  he  had  orders  to  move  well 
to  the  left,  and  sweep  everything  before  him  ;  I  did  not  see  him 
again  until  about  2.30  p.  M.  The  command  moved  down  the 
creek  towards  the  Little  Big  Horn  valley.  Custer,  with  five 
companies  on  the  right  bank  ;  myself  and  three  companies  on  the 
left  bank  ;  and  Benteen  farther  to  the  left,  and  out  of  sight.  .  .  . 

Here  we  must  pause  awhile.  Major  Reno,  Brevet-colonel 
Benteen  and  President  Grant  have  made  the  pause  necessary,  by 
official  accusations  of  Ouster's  action  up  to  this  point.  Major 
Reno,  near  the  close  of  his  report,  accuses  Custer  in  these  words : 

I  think  (after  the  great  number  of  Indians  there  were  in  the 
village)  that  the  following  reasons  obtained  for  the  misfortune  ; 
his  rapid  marching  for  two  days  and  one  night  before  the  fight, 
attacking  in  the  daytime  at  12  M.,  and  when  they  were  on  the  qui 
vive,  instead  of  early  in  the  morning,  and  lastly,  his  unfortunate 
division  of  the  regiment  into  three  commands. 

General  Terry,  in  a  subsequent  despatch  to  Sheridan,  quoting 
Benteen,  accuses  Custer  of  the  same  fault,  and  states  that  Custer 
had  told  him  that  his  marches  "  would  be  at  the  rate  of  thirty 
miles  a  day." 

Custer,  according  to  Reno's  report,  left  Terry  at  noon  22d 
June,  and  struck  Sitting  Bull  on  the  morning  of  June  25th,  hav- 
ing made  one  night  inarch  only.  On  the  face  of  Reno's  report, 
the  night  march  was  only  from  11  p.  M.  to  2  A.  M.,  or  three  hours. 
Then  came  a  rest  of  three  hours,  with  feed  for  man  and  horse, 
the  march  resumed  at  5  A.  M.  the  Indians  seen  at  8  A.  M.,  finally 
struck  at  12.30.  This  gives  a  period  of  three  whole  days  in  all, 
at  30  miles  a  day,  making  90  miles.  The  actual  distance, 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  579 

measured  on  the  best  accessible  map,  makes  the  length  of  Ous- 
ter's trail  just  90  miles;  and  we  can  afford  to  allow  10  more  for 
windings.  According  to  Reno's  report,  the  distance  marched 
to  the  evening  of  the  24th  June  was  73  miles  (12  +  33  +  28) 
leaving  only  27  miles  for  the  distance  covered  during  the  fol- 
lowing night  and  day  march.  In  Terry's  despatch  of  self-justi- 
fication, above  referred  to,  he  says,  "  I  learned  from  Captain 
Benteen,  that  on  the  22d  the  cavalry  marched  12  miles  ;  on  the 
23d,  25  miles  ;  from  5  A.  M.  till  8  P.  M.  of  the  24th,  45  miles,  and 
then  after  night  10  miles  further,  resting  but  without  unsad- 
dling, 23  miles  to  the  battle-field."  This  account  adds  just  15 
miles  to  the  actual  distance.  It"  also  subtracts  8  miles  from 
Reno's  report  of  the  march  of  the  23d  June,  and  puts  on  17 
miles  to  Reno's  account  of  the  nWch  of  the  24th.  Where  Reno 
says  33,  Terry,  quoting  JBenteen,  says  25  ;  where  Reno  says  28, 
Terry,  quoting  JJenteen,  says  45. 

President  Grant,  who  hated  Ouster,  as  he  had  reason  to, 
having  injured  him,  distorts  the  facts  still  more  in  his  published 
interview  with  a  Herald  correspondent,  months  after.  We  give 
this  part  of  the  interview  entire,  question  and  answer. 

CORRESPONDENT — Was  not  Ouster's  massacre  a  disgraceful  de- 
feat of  our  troops  ? 

The  PRESIDENT — (with  an  expression  of  manifest  and  keenly 
felt  regret) — I  regard  Ouster's  massacre  as  a  sacrifice  of  troops, 
brought  on  by  Ouster  himself,  that  was  wholly  unnecessary — 
wholly  unnecessary. 

CORRESPONDENT — How  so,  Mr.  President  ? 

The  PRESIDENT — He  was  not  to  have  made  the  attack  before 
effecting  a  junction  with  Terry  and  Gibbon.  He  was  notified  to 
meet  them  on  the  26th,  but  instead  of  marching  slowly,  as  his 
orders  required,  in  order  to  effect  the  junction  on  the  26th,  he 
enters  upon  a  forced  march  of  eighty-three  miles  in  twenty-four 
hours,  and  thus  had  to  meet  the  Indians  alone  on  the  25th. 

Thus  Reno,  who,  whatever  his  faults,  is  apparently  an  hon- 
orable man,  who  labors  to  tell  the  truth,  makes  the  whole  march 


580  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  OUSTER. 

of  the  24th  and  25th  June  only  55  miles  (28  +  27)  agreeing  with 
the  map ;  Terry,  quoting  JSenteen,  makes  it  78  miles  (45  +  10 
+  23);  Grant,  the  President,  in  his  eagerness  to  bury  a  dead 
man  out  of  sight,  makes  it  83  miles. 

On  the  face  of  Reno's  report,  and  compared  with  the  actual 
distance,  judging  Ouster  as  we  have  a  right  to,  solely  on  his 
"zeal,  energy  and  ability,"  not  on  supposed  orders,  which 
Terry's  written  instructions  prove  he  never  received,  it  appears 
that  so  far  he  had  done  everything  that  a  cool  and  wary  Indian 
fighter  could  have  done.  At  all  events  the  Indians  had  not 
escaped.  Let  us  see  now  what  followed,  still  quoting  Reno. 
His  report  proceeds  thus : 

As  we  approached  a  deserted  village,  in  which  was  standing 
one  tepee,  about  11  A.  M.,  Ouster  motioned  me  to  cross  to  him, 
which  I  did,  and  moved  nearer  to  his  column,  until  about  12.30 
A.  M.,  when  Lieutenant  Cook,  adjutant,  came  to  me  and  said 
the  village  was  only  two  miles  ahead  and  running  away.  To 
"  move  forward  at  as  rapid  gait  as  I  thought  prudent  and  to  charge 
afterwards,  and  the  whole  outfit  would  support  me  ; "  I  think 
those  were  his  exact  words.  I  at  once  took  a  fast  trot,  and  moved 
down  about  two  miles,  when  I  came  to  a  ford  of  the  river.  I 
crossed  immediately,  and  halted  about  ten  minutes  or  less,  to 
gather  the  battalion,  sending  word  to  Ouster  that  I  had  everything 
in  front  of  me,  and  that  they  were  strong. 

I  deployed,  and  with  the  Ree  scouts  on  my  left,  charged  down 
the  valley,  driving  the  Indians  with  great  ease  for  about  2£  miles. 
I  however,  soon  saw  that  I  was  being  drawn  into  some  trap,  as 
they  certainly  would  fight  harder,  and  especially  as  we  were  near- 
ing  their  village,  which  was  still  standing  ;  besides,  I  could  not 
see  Ouster,*  or  any  other  support,  and  at  the  same  time  the  very 
earth  seemed  to  grow  Indians,  and  they  were  running  towards  me 
in  swarms,  and  from  all  directions.  I  saw  I  must  defend  myself, 
and  give  up  the  attack  mounted.  This  I  did,  taking  possession 
of  a  point  of  woods,  and  which  furnished,  near  its  edge,  a  shelter 

*  This  fact,  of  not  seeing  Custer,  evidently  frightened  Reno  excessively, 
and  his  story  shows  how  unfit  he  was  to  take  part  in  any  operation  requiring 
combined  efforts.  Had  he  gone  on,  as  he  was  ordered,  he  would  have  found 
Custer  supporting  him,  in  the  most  effective  manner  possible,  by  attacking 
the  enemy  in  rear. 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  581 

for  the  horses  ;  dismounted,  and  fought  them  on  foot,  making 
headway  through  the  wood.  I  soon  found  myself  in  the  near  vi- 
cinity of  the  village,  saw  that  I  \v;as  fighting  odds  of  at  least  five 
to  one,  and  that  my  only  hope  was  to  get  out  of  the  wood,  where 
I  would  soon  have  been  surrounded,  and  gain  some  high  ground. 
I  accomplished  this  by  mounting  and  charging  the  Indians  be- 
tween me  and  the  bluffs,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  In 
this  charge,  First  Lieutenant  Donald  Mclntosh,  Second  Lieuten- 
ant Ben  H.  Hodgson,  Seventh  Cavalry,  and  A.  A.  Surg.  J.  M. 
De  Wolf,  were  killed.  I  succeeded  in  reaching  the  top  of  the 
bluff,  with  a  loss  of  three  officers  and  twenty-nine  enlisted  men 
killed,  and  seven  men  wounded.  Almost  at  the  same  time  I 
reached  the  top,  mounted  men  were  seen  to  be  coming  towards 
us,  and  it  proved  to  be  Colonel  Benteen's  battalion,  companies  H. 
D.  and  K ;  we  joined  forces,  and  in  a  short  time  the  pack  train 
came  up.  As  senior,  my  command  was  then  companies  A,  B,  D, 
G,  H,  K  and  M,  about  380  men,  and  the  following  officers  :  Cap- 
tains Benteen,  "Weir,  French  and  McDougall ;  First  Lieutenants 
Godfrey,  Mathey,  and  Gibson  ;  Second  Lieutenants  Edgerly,  Wal- 
lace, Varnum,  and  Hare  ;  A.  A.  Surg.  Porter.  First  Lieutenant 
De  Eudio  was  in  the  dismounted  fight  in  the  woods,  but  having 
some  trouble  with  his  horse,  did  not  join  the  command  in  the 
charge  out,  and  hiding  himself  in  the  woods,  joined  the  command 
after  nightfall  of  the  26th. 

Still  hearing  nothing  of  Custer,  and  with  this  reinforcement, 
I  moved  down  the  river  in  the  direction  of  the  village,  keeping  on 
the  bluffs.  We  had  heard  firing  in  that  direction,  and  knew  it 
could  only  be  Custer.  I  moved  to  the  summit  of  the  highest  bluff, 
but  seeing  and  hearing  nothing,  sent  Captain  Weir  with  his  com- 
pany to  open  communication  with  the  other  command.  He  soon 
sent  back  word,  by  Lieutenant  Hare,  that  he  could  go  no  farther, 
and  that  the  Indians  were  getting  around  him ;  at  this  time  he 
was  keeping  up  a  heavy  fire  from  his  skirmish  line.  I  at  once 
turned  everything  back  to  the  first  position  I  had  taken  on  the 
bluff,  and  which  seemed  to  me  the  best.  I  dismounted  the  men, 
had  the  horses  and  mules  of  the  pack  train  driven  together  in  a 
depression,  put  the  men  on  the  crests  of  the  hills  making  the  de- 
pression, and  had  hardly  done  so,  when  I  was  furiously  attacked  ; 
this  was  about  6  P.  M.  ;  we  held  our  ground  with  the  loss  of 
eighteen  enlisted  men  killed  and  forty-six  wounded  until  the  attack 
ceased,  about  9  p.  M. 


582  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

A  perusal  of  the  first  part  of  this  account  will  show  that 
whatever  the  length  of  the  previous  marches,  the  horses  in 
Reno's  column  were  not  so  fagged  out  but  what  they  could  take 
"  a  fast  trot "  for  two  miles  to  the  ford,  and  then  drive  the  In- 
dians two  and  a  half  miles  further.  This  makes  nearly  five 
miles  at  a  fast  pace  in  column  or  in  ranks,  with  packed  saddles, 
and  exhausted  horses  could  not  have  done  that. 

The  next  point  to  be  considered  is  that  of  dividing  the  regiment 
into  three  commands.  Here  Ouster  is  again  blamed  by  Reno 
at  the  close  of  his  report,  as  well  as  in  a  letter  which  the  au- 
thor lately  received  from  him,  totally  unsolicited,  and  in  which 
he  tries  to  justify  his  conduct.  In  the  report  he  calls  it  "  his 
unfortunate  division  of  the  regiment  into  three  commands  ;  "  in 
the  letter  he  says  "  The  division  of  the  regiment  into  three  sep- 
arate and  independent  commands  he  was  responsible  for,  and 
must  always  be  held  so." 

It  will  be  here  observed  by  those  who  have  read  this 
history  through,  that  Ouster's  invariable  method  of  attack  on  an 
enemy  was  the  same  which  he  adopted  on  the  Big  Horn,  an 
attack  on  front  and  flank  at  all  events,  both  flanks  and  front  if 
possible,  from  all  sides  at  once  if  he  had  time  to  execute  it.  In 
every  battle  in  the  civil  war  when  he  was  in  an  independent 
position,  he  always  worked  his  command  by  fractions,  so  as  to 
attack  an  enemy  on  several  points  at  once,  and  always  suc- 
ceeded, because  lie  was  always  heartily  seconded  by  men  who 
adored  him.  He  counted  much  on  the  moral  effect  to  be  pro- 
duced on  an  enemy  by  combined  attacks  and  a  cross-h're,  and 
always  found  his  calculations  correct.  In  fact  only  one  thing 
could  vitiate  them.  This  was,  cowardice  or  disobedience  in  the 
leader  of  any  of  the  fractions  which  were  to  work  simultane- 
ously ;  and  this  misfortune  Ouster  had  never  hitherto  suffered. 
His  subordinates  were  used  to  be  put  into  tight  places,  where 
everything  at  first  seemed  hopeless,  trusting  implicitly  to  their 
leader's  combinations  to  get  them  out. 

Next,  were  these  commands  independent  f    "We  can  hardly 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  583 

see  that,  any  more  than  regimental  commanders  are  independ 
ent  in  a  brigade.  No  general  can  do  anything  if  his  colonels 
will  not  support  him,  no  colonel  can  fight  a  cavalry  regiment 
under  Upton's  tactics  if  his  battalion  commanders  slight,  dis- 
obey, or  even  misunderstand  his  orders.  Ouster  was  a  peculiar 
man.  He  fought  in  a  peculiar  way,  and  needed  to  have  men 
under  him  used  to  his  rapid  energetic  style,  and  who  understood 
him.  Did  Reno  understand  him,  and  was  he  used  to  him  ? 
The  official  record  says  not.  He  had  never  served  under  Ous- 
ter in  the  field,  nor  seen  an  Indian  fight  since  the  civil  war. 

Let  us  see  whether  he  supported  Ouster.  He  says  ho 
"  charged  down  the  valley,  driving  the  Indians  with  great  ease 
for  about  2|  miles."  Then  he  suddenly  stops.  Why  ?  He  says 
he  "  saw  he  was  being  drawn  into  some  trap."  An  officer  pres- 
ent with  the  expedition,  who  examined  the  ground,  but  whose 
name  we  prefer  to  withhold  for  the  present,  writes  as  follows ; 

He  [Reno]  marched  until  he  came  to  the  village,  dismounted, 
and  occupied  a  timber  bottom,  which  completely  sheltered  him  and 
his  horses.  Girard  (the  interpreter)  says,  corroborated  by  Hern- 
don,  a  scout,  not  many  Indians  in  sight  at  this  time,  and  firing  at 
500  and  600  yards.  So  long  was  the  range  that  Charley  Reynolds, 
another  scout,  said,  "  No  use  firing  at  this  range;  we  will  have  a 
better  chance  by  and  by."  An  officer  present  says  that  Reno 
mounted  and  dismounted,  and  then  mounted  again  in  hot  haste, 
and  made  what  figures  in  his  report  as  a  "  charge."  He  is  the  only 
person  I  have  heard  call  it  by  that  name.  The  surgeon  present 
says  there  was  only  one  man  wounded  before  Reno  abandoned  the 
timber,  and  his  loss  begun  when  he  was  making  the  charge,  men 
and  horses  shot  from  behind.  Think  of  the  charge  they  must 
have  made,  across  the  Little  Horn,  and  were  checked  in  their 
flight  by  Benteen  running  into  them.  I  say  running  into  them, 
because  it  was  mere  accident.  But  where  was  Ouster  ?  He  moved 
down  to  the  lower  end  of  the  village  from  three  to  four  miles.  How 
long  did  Reno  engage  the  Sioux  village  ?  Not  over  thirty  minutes. 
What  is  the  conclusion  ?  That  Reno  was  in  and  out  of  the  fight 
before  Ouster  was  engaged.  If  further  proof  is  wanting,  it  is 
found  in  the  fact  that  Reno  says  in  his  report  he  heard  Ouster's 
firing  from  the  top  of  the  hill  to  which  he  had  retreated. 


584:  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

Besides  the  letter  from  which  this  extract  is  taken,  the  authoi 
lias  received  a  letter  from  another  officer  present  with  Major 
Reno,  in  response  to  one  asking  several  detailed  and  specific 
questions  as  to  the  fight  in  the  bottom,  the  subsequent  halt  on 
the  hill,  and  the  possibility  of  cooperation  with  Ouster  on  the 
part  of  Reno  and  Benteen.  This  letter  is  especially  valuable, 
because  written  with  Major  Reno's  sanction  and  knowledge, 
and  representing  his  side  of  the  question  as  fully  as  could  be 
desired.  In  the  expression  of  opinion  on  probabilities  this 
officer  coincides  with  Reno,  but  his  facts  corroborate  those 
stated  by  the  other  officer,  whose  opinions  are  exactly  opposite. 
The  facts  furnished  by  Major  Reno's  friend  are  as  follows  : 

"  At  the  time  Eeno  ceased  his  forward  movement,  no  man  had 
been  killed  or  wounded,  but  the  cloud  of  dust  denoted  an  immense 
number  of  Indians  a  short  way  off,  and  several  times  that  number 
between  us  and  that  cloud,  which  was  over  the  village,  advanc- 
ing in  their  peculiar  manner  and  passing  to  our  left  and  rear.  .  . 
The  command  was  dismounted,  the  horses  placed  in  a  wood,  and 
the  men  deployed  on  foot  across  the  plain.  The  number  of  In- 
dians continued  to  increase  and  to  surround  us.  Colonel  Eeno 
ordered  us  to  prepare  to  mount,  which  of  course  took  every  one  to 
the  wood.  We  were  mounted  as  though  to  charge,  and  in  an  in- 
stant afterward  dismounted,  and  I  supposed  we  were  to  fight  it 
out  there,  when  a  fire  opened  from  the  rear  through  the  brush 
.  .  .  We  were  ordered  to  mount.  I  was  by  the  side  of  Colonel 
Eeno,  going  out  of  the  wood,  and  asked  if  we  were  to  charge 
through.  He  said  yes,  and  the  command  moved,  Colonel  Eeno 
leading.  I  was  here  separated  from  the  command  for  a  time,  and 
on  turning  towards  it,  saw  it  moving  towards  the  ford  that  led 
to  the  hill.  The  column  was  fighting  at  closerange  from  all  sides. 
I  rejoined  with  difficulty,  and  followed  close  along  the  rear  to  the 
ford,  and  here  the  confusion  began.  Previously  the  men  had 
kept  in  column,  using  their  pistols.  When  the  ford  was  reached, 
it  was  each  man  for  himself.  In  passing  up  the  hill,  beyond  the 
river,  horses  and  men  were  joined  together,  and  some  of  the 
hindmost  suffered  necessarily. 

So  far,  as  to  the  facts  of  the  fight  in  the  bottom,  Reno's 
friend  even  exceeds  the  testimony  of  Reno's  harshest  critics  as  to 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  585 

his  incapacity  and  utter  demoralization  during  the  attack  of  the 
Indians.  We  have  italicized  the  places  of  most  importance,  as 
they  tell  the  real  story.  "  Advancing  in  their  peculiar  manner," 
— what  does  this  mean  in  plain  English  ?  That  the  Indians 
were  all  at  full  speed,  crouching  over  the  necks  of  their  fleet  little 
ponies,  flogging  away  with  their  short  whips,  and  all  the  time 
yelling  out  their  "  Hi  ! — yip — yip — yip — yip — hi  yah  !  !  !  " 
tiring  random  bullets  in  the  air.  These  sights  and  sounds 
seem  to  have  deprived  Reno  of  all  presence  of  mind.  This  he 
shows  clearly  by  his  repeated  changes  of  policy,  mounting  and 
dismounting  four  times  in  as  many  minutes,  and  finally  charg- 
ing out  in  column,  firing  pistols,  said  column  speedily  becoming 
a  huddled  mass  of  frightened  fugitives. 

As  to  the  halt  on  the  hill,  this  officer  differs  materially  with 
Reno  and  Benteen,  in  point  of  time.  He  admits  hearing  a  few 
shots  down  the  stream,  but  no  heavy  firing,  and  states  that  it 
was  an  hour  before  Benteen  arrived,  and  half  an  hour  more 
before  the  packs  came  up,  whereas  Benteen  and  Reno  both 
agree  that  they  came  together,  almost  immediately  after  Reno's 
action.  In  this  matter  it  is  pretty  clear  that  the  recollection  of 
Major  Reno's  friend  must  deceive  him,  as  he  places  Weirs  ad- 
vance almost  immediately  after  the  junction,  and  it  is  clear 
from  Reno's  report  that  Weir  must  have  started  out  after  five 
o'clock,  for  it  was  only  fifteen  minutes  from  his  return  to  the 
beginning  of  the  siege  on  the  hill  (at  6  p.  M.)  on  Reno's  show- 
ing. This  officer,  like  Benteen,  thinks  that  Caster  had  been 

O  *  ' 

destroyed  by  the  time  Benteen  arrived  on  the  hill,  w hereas  Kill 
Eagle's  evidence,  subsequently  mentioned,  shows  that  this  was 
not  the  case  till  sunset.  He  makes  one  curious  assertion  in 
giving  his  estimate  of  the  Indian  warriors,  which  he  places  at 
3,500.  It  is  this :  in  a  village,  standing,  squaws,  old  men,  and 
boys,  are  as  effective  as  the  ordinary  recruit."  Endorsing  such 
opinions,  is  it  any  wonder  Reno's  battalion  was  beaten,  when 
they  are  ready  to  succumb  to  squaws,  old  men,  and  boys  ? 

Now  let  us  return  to  Reno's  report,  and  try  it  by  the  test 


586  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    OUSTER. 

of  time  and  place.  He  says  that  Adjutant  Cook  told  him  to 
attack  at  12.30,  that  he  advanced  altogether  4%  miles,  crossed 
a  river,  halted  ten  minutes,  had  his  fight,  and  came  back,  meet- 
ing Benteen.  When  did  he  meet  Benteen?  Look  back  to 
the  report.  He  there  says  of  Benteen,  "  I  did  not  see  him 
again  till  about  2.30  p.  M."  That  gives  two  hours  for  his  ad- 
vance of  4£  miles,  fording  the  river  twice,  driving  the  enemy  2^ 
miles  and  the  dismounted  fight.  Our  period  of  thirty  minutes 
for  the  fight  in  the  bottom  seems  to  tally  with  Reno's  report. 
It  is  clear  that  it  was  a  short  fight,  and  Reno  confesses  his  over 
caution  in  the  words  "  /  saw  that  I  was  being  drawn  into 
some  trap." 

The  next  question  is,  how  long  did  Reno  remain  on  the  hill 
with  his  seven  companies,  in  safety  and  unassailed.  Here 
again  his  report  helps  us.  He  met  Benteen  at  2.30  p.  M.  :  he 
was  "furiously  attacked ;  this  was  about  6  p.  M."  The  time 
is  thus  complete.  Three  hours  and  a  half  of  waiting  on  the 
hill,  listening  to  Ouster's  volleys,  and  not  a  step  taken  to  renew 
the  attack.  Another  piece  of  evidence  is  found  in  the  narrative 
of  Herndon,  the  scout,  who  was  with  Reno.  When  the  major 
"  charged  "  out,  Herndon's  horse  fell  and  threw  him,  then  ran 
away,  leaving  him  in  the  bush,  where  he  was  joined  by  thir- 
teen soldiers,  three  of  them  wounded  and  left  behind.  His 
story  was  published  in  all  the  papers,  but  I  quote  from  the 
Army  and  Navy  Journal  of  July  15,  1876,  as  a  semi-official 
paper,  and  the  one  chosen  by  Reno  for  publication  of  his  re- 
port. Statements  in  that  paper  on  army  subjects  are  apt  to  be 
more  reliable  than  elsewhere,  as,  being  the  only  professional 
paper  in  the  country,  all  army  officers  watch  its  columns  and 
correct  every  mistake.  Herndon  says  of  the  "  charge  "  which 
he  saw  from  the  timber,  "  Little  resistance  was  offered,  and  it 
was  a  complete  rout  to  the  ford.  I  did  not  see  the  me"n  at  the 
ford,  and  do  not  know  what  took  place,  further  than  a  good 
many  were  killed  when  the  command  left  the  timber."  Hern- 
don and  his  thirteen  comrades  remained  in  the  timber  un- 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  587 

molested  for  nearly  three  hours,  after  Reno's  flight,  hearing 
firing  down  the  river  about  two  miles,  while  nearly  all  the  In- 
dians in  their  front  left,  and  went  down  the  valley.  Then  the 
little  party  got  out  and  went  to  Reno,  meeting  only  a  roving 
group  of  five  Indians,  whom  they  beat  off,  then  crossed  the 
river  to  Reno.  In  fifteen  minutes  after,  the  siege  on  the  hill 
commenced.* 

What  should  Reno  have  done  ?  His  only  real  safety  was  to 
hug  the  timber  and  defend  himself,  surrounded  or  not.  Ouster 
had  done  so  on  the  Yellowstone  in  1873,  ninety  against  three 
hundred  ;  Robbins  had  done  even  better  in  defending  his  wag- 
ons in  1867,  forty  against  six  hundred.  In  both  these  cases 
there  was  no  apparent  hope  of  succor  coming,  and  yet  Robbins 
and  Ouster  found  the  reward  of  their  tenacity,  help  coming 
when  it  was  least  expected,  and  victory  following.  On  Reno's 
own  statement,  he  had  one  hundred  and  forty-five  men,  who  in 
a  circle,  lining  the  edge  of  the  wood,  could  have  held  it  for 
hours.  The  Indians  were  fighting  mounted,  and  could  never 
have  stormed  the  wood,  and  help  was  coming.  Ouster  had 
promised  to  come.  If  Reno  could  get  no  further  he  could  at 
least  defend  himself,  die  in  his  tracks  if  need  be,  like  a  soldier. 
Instead  of  this,  he  tried  to  escape  by  running  away  from  an 
enemy  who  had  the  advantage  in  speed,  and  who  could  ride 
alongside  of  the  demoralized  cavalry,  pouring  in  perfect  streams 
of  bullets  from  their  Winchester  rifles.  By  his  inexperience  in 
Indian  warfare,  Major  Reno  thus  gave  himself  up,  helpless,  to 
the  favorite  style  of  fighting  of  his  enemies,  wherein  their  supe- 
rior horsemanship  and  superior  arms  had  a  full  chance  to  assert 
themselves.  Looking  for  personal  security,  he  took  the  course 
least  adapted  to  secure  it. 

*  "  Lieutenant  de  Rudio,  mentioned  in  Reno's  report,  was  also  left  be- 
hind, and  remained  in  the  wood,  together  with  Mr.  Qirard,  (the  interpreter) 
Private  O'Neill,  and  a  half  breed  scout.  All  these  four  got  off,  some  that 
night,  some  next  night.  De  Radio's  account  shows  a  general  careless  hap- 
hazard state  of  things  among  the  Indians,  entirely  opposed  to  any  deliberate 
trap  or  generalship. 


588  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  OUSTER. 

The  major  indeed  seerns,  from  his  hesitating  movements  in 
the  fight,  mounting  and  dismounting,  to  have  been  quite  over- 
whelmed from  the  first  by  the  novelty  of  his  position,  cowed  by 
the  fierce  yells  and  rapid  charge  of  the  Indians,  and  finally  to 
have  completely  lost  his  head.  For  all  this  we  wish  it  distinctly 
understood  that  we  do  not  deem  Reno  so  blamable,  as  for  sub- 
sequent events.  It  was  his  first  Indian  fight,  and  many  a  man 
has  done  badly  in  his  first  fight,  who  has  afterwards  succeeded. 
We  should  not  have  occasion  to  dissect  his  conduct  in  the 
aifair,  were  it  not  for  that  unjust  sentence  in  his  official  report 
in  which  he  throws  the  blame  of  a  disaster,  brought  on  by  his 
own  incapacity,  on  the  shoulders  of  his  dead  chief.  The  facts 
shown  by  himself  in  the  same  report,  illustrated  by  eye-wit- 
nesses, pass  a  different  verdict  on  his  actions. 

But  now,  where  was  Benteen  all  the  time  of  this  fight? 
His  own  statement,  published  in  the  New  York  Herald,  gives 
his  movements.  It  seems  that  when  he  was  sent  out  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  stream  with  orders  to  sweep  everything,  he 
found  no  Indians,  and  that  he  recrossed  the  stream,  and  rejoined 
the  main  trail.  He  says,  "  the  whole  time  occupied  in  this 
march  was  about  an  hour  and  a  half,"  to  the  main  trail,  about 
three  miles  from  the  point  where  Reno  came  back  over  the  ford. 
From  Major  Reno's  statement  in  the  same  paper,  in  reply  to  a 
letter  of  General  Rosser,  we  learn  that  the  division  into  battal- 
ions which  sent  Benteen  off  to  the  left  was  made  at  half  past  ten 
A.  M.  An  hour  and  a  half  brings  us  to  noon  and  Benteen  with- 
in three  miles  of  the  .battle  field.  At  12.30  Reno  was  ordered 
by  Cook,  the  adjutant,  to  attack,  and  trotted  off.  At  this  time 
Benteen  says : 

About  three  miles  from  the  point  where  Reno  crossed  the  ford 
I  met  a  sergeant  bringing  orders  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
rear  guard,  Captain  McDougall,  Company  B,  to  hurry  up  "the  pack 
trains.  A  mile  further  I  was  met  by  my  trumpeter,  bringing  a 
written  order  from  Lieutenant  Cook,  the  adjutant  of  the  regi- 
ment, to  this  effect :  "  Benteen,  come  on  ;  big  village ;  be  quick ; 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  589 

bring  packs."  And  a  postscript  saying,  "Bring  packs."  A  mile 
or  a  mile  and  a  half  further  on,  I  first  came  in  sight  of  the  valley 
and  Little  Big  Horn.  About  twelve  or  fifteen  dismounted  men 
were  fighting  ou  the  plain  with  Indians,  charging  and  recharging 
them.  This  body  [the  Indians]  numbered  about  900  at  this  time. 
Colonel  Reno's  mounted  party  were  retiring  across  the  river  to  the 
bluffs.  I  did  not  recognize  till  later  what  part  of  the  command 
this  was,but  was  clear  that  they  had  been  beaten.  1  then  marched 
my  command  in  line  to  their  succor.  On  reaching  the  bluff  I  re- 
ported to  Colonel  Eeno,  and  first  learned  that  the  command  had 
been  separated,  and  that  Custer  was  not  in  that  part  of  the  field, 
and  no  one  of  Eeno's  command  was  able  to  inform  me  of  the 
whereabouts  of  General  Custer. 

Reno's  report  states  that  he  met  Benteen  at  2.30  p.  M.  It 
seems  thus,  that  it  took  Benteen  two  hours  and  a  half  to  cover 
a  distance  of  three  miles.  What  was  he  doing  all  this  time? 
One  incident,  furnished  us  by  an  officer  who  was  present,  shows. 

With  Custer  on  this  campaign  was  his  brother,  Boston  Cus- 
ter, who  was  the  civilian  forage  master  of  the  column.  It  seems 
that  Boston  Custer  carne  to  the  rear  during  this  period,  went 
to  the  pack  train,  in  rear  of  Benteen,  got  a  fresh  horse,  and 
passed  Benteen  on  his  way  back,  speaking  to  some  of  the  officers. 
Benteen  was  then  watering  his  horses.  Where  did  he  water? 
He  could  only  have  done  it  at  one  place,  where  he  crossed  the 
river,  that  is,  three  miles  above  the  ford  where  he  met  Reno. 
Boston  Custer  had  time  to  get  back  to  the  general  and  be  killed 
in  the  fight.  Benteen  kept  on  at  a  slow  pace.  Did  he  obey  the 
order  "Benteen,  come  on  •  big  village  ;  be  quick  ;  bring  packs  f  " 
What  did  this  order  direct  from  Custer  mean  ?  what  could  it 
mean,  but  that  Custer  wanted  every  man  in  his  fight  ?  He  had 
sent  in  Reno,  and  he  needed  Benteen's  battalion  and  the  com- 
pany guarding  the  packs  with  himself.  That  this  was  his  in- 
tention is  proved  by  Reno,  in  his  letter  to  Rosser,  by  these 
words  : 

Trumpeter  Martin,  of  Company  H,  and  who  the  last  time  of 
any  living  person  heard  and  saw  General  Custer,  and  who  brought 


390  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

the  last  order  his  Adjutant,  Colonel  Cook,  ever  penciled,  says  he 
left  the  general  at  the  summit  of  the  highest  bluff  on  that  side,  and 
which  overlooked  the  milage  and  my  first  battle-field,  and  as  he 
turned,  General  Ouster  raised  his  hat  and  gave  a  yell,  saying 
they  were  asleep  in  their  tepees  and  surprised,  and  to  charge. 
Cook's  order,  [Custer's  order,  through  his  adjutant]  sent  to  Ben- 
teen,  and  which  I  afterwards  saw  and  read,  said,  "Big  village  ; 
big  thing  ;  *  bring  up  the  packs." 

Thus  Benteen  and  Reno  both  unite  in  ascribing  the  same 
plan  to  Ouster,  that  of  charging  with  all  his  force  from  two 
points.  Both  admit  by  their  testimony  that  they  disobeyed 
orders.  Reno  was  ordered  to  "  charge  :  "  he  obeyed  by  opening 
a  hesitating  skirmish  and  then  running  away.  Benteen  was 
ordered  to  "  come  on  ;  be  quick."  He  obeyed  by  advancing 
three  miles  in  two  hours,  and  joining  Reno  in  a  three  hours' 
halt.  The  order  to  "  come  on  "  was  from  Ouster,  not  Reno. 
Benteen  made,  on  his  own  statement,  no  effort  to  obey  it.  He 
might  have  known  where  Ouster  was.  Reno  lets  that  much 
out.  Benteen  could  have  questioned  Trumpeter  Martin,  who 
brought  the  order.  No,  he  stopped,  and  let  his  chief  perish. 

Looking  at  all  the  testimony  impartially  from  this  distance 
of  time,  the  conduct  of  Benteen  is  far  worse  than  that  of  Reno. 
The  major  did  his  best  in  his  fight,  and  it  was  nothing  but  want 
of  experience  in  command  and  in  Indian  warfare  that  caused  his 
defeat.  Benteen's  case  is  different.  He  was  an  old  Indian- 
tighter,  a  man  of  remarkable  personal  courage,  as  he  proved  in 
the  subsequent  battle,  had  often  fought  under  Ouster,  and  knew 
his  business  perfectly.  That  he  should  have,  as  his  own  testi- 
mony confesses,  deliberately  disobeyed  the  peremptory  order  of 
Ouster  to  "  come  on,"  argues  either  a  desire  to  sacrifice  Ouster, 
or  an  ignorance  of  which  his  past  career  renders  him  incapable. 

*  There  is  a  great  difference  between  the  words  "big  thing"  and  " be 
quick,"  and  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  expression  "  big  thing"  is  an 
afterthought  of  Major  Reno's,  as  tending  to  confirm  the  notion  which  he  in- 
culcates all  through  his  report  and  evidence,  that  Custer  ran  into  a  trap  and 
was  full  of  rash  eagerness.  Benteen  got  the  order  and  he  says  it  wag  "be 
quick,"  and  that  "  bring  packs  "  was  repeated. 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  591 

Ouster  told  him  to  "  come  on  "  and  he  "  reported  to  Colonel 
Ren  ."  AY  ell  then,  it  may  be  said,  what  did  Benteen,  after- 
wards ?  The  rest  of  his  testimony  shows  what  he  did.  He  says : 

While  the  command  was  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  pack  mules, 
a  company  was  sent  forward  in  the  direction  supposed  to  have  been 
taken  by  Ouster.  After  proceeding  about  a  mile,  they  were  at- 
tacked and  driven  back.  During  this  time  I  heard  no  heavy  fir- 
ing, and  there  was  nothing  to  indicate  that  a  heavy  fight  was 
going  on,  and  I  believe  that  at  this  time  Ouster's  immediate  com- 
mand had  been  annihilated. 

The  rest  of  the  story  you  must  get  from  Colonel  Keno,  as'he 
took  command  and  knows  more  than  any  one  else. 

It  is  curious  in  Benteen's  evidence  how  his  only  estimate  of 
time  comes  in  'before  the  battle.  Afterwards,  there  is  not  a 
word  about  time.  Who  would  think  that  this  brief  paragraph 
covered  from  2.  30  to  6  P.  M.  If  the  one  company  was  sent  for- 
ward, why  was  it  not  supported  by  the  whole  outfit?  Why 
was  Ouster  left  alone  with  his  battalion,  while  the  other  battal- 
ions were  out  of  danger  ? 

The  answer  to  the  questions  is  given  by  Reno  and  Benteen, 
in  their  evidence,  almost  unassisted  b}r  others.  The  reasons 
were,  Reno's  incapacity  and  Benteen's  disobedience. 

We  have  now  examined  Reno  and  Benteen  :  it  is  time  to  go 
to  Ouster.  Where  was  Ouster  during  all  this  time,  from  12.30 
to  6  P.  M.  ?  Let  Reno,  Terry,  and  the  trail  answer ;  assisted  by 
Trumpeter  Martin,  the  last  white  man  who  saw  Ouster  alive  ; 
Ourly,  the  Upsaroka  scout,  the  last  living  being  of  his  column ; 
and  Kill  Eagle,  an  Indian  chief  who  was  in  Sitting  Bull's  camp, 
who  has  since  come  into  Standing  Rock  agency  to  surrender, 
and  has  given  evidence. 

Reno,  in  his  letter  says  that  Ouster,  after  leaving  him, 
"moved  rapidly  down  the  river  to  the  ford,  at  which  he  at- 
tempted to  cross."  Curly,  the  Crow  scout,  calls  it  about  four 
miles,  and  such  the  trail  shows  it,  on  account  of  the  winding  of 
the  ravines.  Reno's  advance  was  about  2£  miles  in  a  diagonal 


GENERAL    GEORGE  A.   CUSTER. 

line.  Consequently  his  skirmish  line  at  the  edge  of  the  woods 
was  not  over  two  miles  from  the  ford  which  Custer  tried  to 
cross.  The  Indian  village  was  3£  miles  long,  and  Custer  struck 
it  about  the  middle.  When  did  he  strike  it?  We  get  this  from 
the  examination  of  Kill  Eagle,  published  in  the  New  York 
Herald  of  October  6th,  '76.  The  deposition  was  taken  by 
Captain  Johnston,  First  Infantry,  acting  Indian  agent.  We 
extract  all  that  concerns  the  fight. 

The  troops  struck  our  trail  on  the  tributary,  followed  it  down, 
swam  their  horses  over  the  Greasy  Grass  Creek  and  struck' the 
camp  at  the  upper  end,  where  there  was  a  clump  of  timber.  On 
the  southwest  end  of  the  camp  they  dismounted  and  tied  their 
horses  in  the  timber  and  opened  the  fight.  When  the  firing  com- 
menced the  Indians  rushed  to  the  scene  of  action.  I  and  my  men 
were  lower  down,  about  the  middle  of  the  camp.  The  Indians 
drove  the  soldiers  back  out  of  the  timber,  and  they  crossed  the 
Greasy  Grass  Creek  below  the  mouth  of  the  tributary,  taking  their 
position  on  the  high  hills,  bare  without  any  grass.  There  they 
were  reinforced  by  the  soldiers  who  had  not  crossed  the  creek 
(Colonel  Benteen  and  Captain  McDougall).  Before  retreating 
across  the  creek  the  soldiers  (Colonel  Eeno)  got  into  the  camp 
and  set  fire  to  some  of  the  lodges.  On  retreating  across  the  creek 
to  take  position  on  the  hill,  they  left  their  dead  behind  them. 
Another  party  appeared  on  top  of  a  long  hill  moving  toward 
the  south. 

After  quitting  the  party  on  the  knolls,  word  came  that  soldiers 
were  on  the  left  across  the  creek,  and  there  was  great  excitement 
in  the  camp,  the  Indian  warriors  rushing  to  the  left  to  meet  the 
troops.  The  Indians  crossed  the  creek  and  then  the  firing  com- 
menced. It  was  very  fast  at  times,  then  slower  until  it  died  away. 
(He  describes  the  firing  as  follows  : — He  claps  the  palms  of  his 
hands  together  very  fast  for  several  minutes,  stopping  suddenly, 
which  denotes  the  sound  of  the  firing  when  they  (Custer)  first 
began.  After  a  few  seconds  elapses  he  repeats  the  same  as  above 
and  continues,  but  all  the  time  lessens  the  quickness  of  the 
patting  and  sound  until  it  gradually  dies  out.)  The  United 
States  troops  were  all  killed  on  the  east  side,  none  crossed  the 
stream. 

I  got  the  following  information  from  Sitting  Bull  himself  : — 


THE    LAST    BATTLE  593 

After  crossing  the  creek  with  his  warriors,  he  met  the  troops  (Cus- 
ter)  about  600  yards  east  of  the  river.  He  drove  the  soldiers  back 
up  the  hill.  He  then  made  a  circuit  to  the  right  around  the  hill 
and  drove  off  and  captured  most  of  the  horses.  The  troops  made 
a  stand  at  the  lower  end  of  the  hill,  and  there  they  were  all  killed. 
In  going  around  the  hill  the  Cheyenne  Indians  killed  a  warrior, 
thinking  he  was  a  scout  who  left  this  agency  ;  but  he  was  not,  he 
was  a  hostile. 

Q.  How  long  did  the  fight  last  on  the  right  ? 

A.  It  was  about  noon  when  they  [Reno]  struck  the  camp,  and 
it  only  lasted  a  few  minutes.  The  fight  at  the  lower  end  (under 
Ouster)  was  not  finished  till  near  sunset. 

Q.  Did  all  the  warriors  leave  the  right  and  go  to  the  left  ? 

A.  They  did  ;  the  whole  thing  left. 

Q.  When  Reno  was  driven  across  the  creek  where  was  Sitting 
Bull? 

A.  I  don't  know. 

Q.  What  were  the  families  doing  when  the  fighting  was  going 
on  on  the  hill  ? 

A.  The  women  fled  to  the  lower  end  of  the  camp  and  left 
everything. 

Q.  What  did  they  do  when  they  heard  the  firing  on  the  left 
by  Ouster  ? 

A.  The  upper  end  of  the  camp  was  at  this  time  all  deserted, 
and  at  the  lower  end  of  the  camp  they  took  down  and  packed  the 
lodges  ready  for  flight. 

Q.  I  have  heard  that  after  the  Ouster  fight,  the  Indians  went 
back  to  the  other  end  and  attacked  there  again.  How  is  it  ? 

A.  That  is  correct ;  the  Indian  soldiers  went  back  and  attacked 
the  troops  (Reno)  on  the  hill  again. 

Q.  Did  you  hear  the  firing  ? 

A.  Yes,  I  heard  the  firing  while  moving  away. 

It  must  be  explained  that  Kill  Eagle  took  the  opportunity 
of  the  confusion,  to  steal  away  from  Sitting  Bull's  camp.  His 
evidence  shows  that  there  was  no  design  or  trap  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians,  that  they  were  really  surprised,  that  Ouster's  attack  was 
a  second  surprise,  and  that  they  were  in  the  wildest  confusion : 
this  too,  when  Reno's  hesitating  assault  had  convinced  them 
that  there  was  nothing  to  be  feared  from  him. 
38 


59-i  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

Now  for  Ouster's  fight.  The  trail  shows  that  he  came  down 
to  the  ford,  and  was  there  driven  back,  leaving  dead  men  and 
horses.  The  rest  of  the  description  is  thus  given  by  an  offi- 
cer of  the  general  staff  who  examined  the  ground,  and  refers  to 
the  map  which  we  annex. 

From  this  point  he  was  driven  back  to  make  successive  stands 
on  the  higher  ground.  His  line  of  retreat  stretches  from  the 
river  to  the  spot  indicated  on  the  map  as  that  where  he  fell. 
On  the  line  of  retreat,  Calhoun's  company  seems  to  have 
been  thrown  across  it  to  check  the  Indians.  At  a  distance  of 
about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  river,  the  whole  of  Cal- 
houn's company  lay  dead,  in  an  irregular  line,  Calhoun  and  Grit- 
ten  den  in  place  in  the  rear.  About  a  mile  beyond  this, 
on  the  ridge  parallel  to  the  stream,  still  following  the  line  of 
retreat  indicated  on  the  map,  Keogh's  company  was  slaughtered 
in  position,  his  right  resting  on  the  hill  where  Ouster  fell,  and 
which  seems  to  have  been  held  by  Yates'  company.  On  the 
most  prominent  point  of  this  ridge,  Ouster  made  his  last  despe- 
rate stand.  Here,  with  Captain  Yates,  Colonel  Cook,  Captain 
Custer,  Lieutenant  Riley,  and  others,  and  thirty-two  men  of 
Yates'  command,  he  went  down,  fighting  heroically  to  the  last, 
against  the  tremendous  odds  which  assailed  them  on  all  sides.  It 
is  believed  by  some  that,  finding  the  situation  a  desperate  one, 
they  killed  their  horses  for  a  barricade.  From  the  point  where 
Custer  fell,  the  line  of  retreat  again  doubles  back  toward  the  river 
through  a  ravine,  and  along  this  line  in  the  ravine,  twenty-three 
bodies  of  Smith's  company  were  found.  Where  this  line  termi- 
nates near  the  river,  are  found  the  dead  men  and  horses  of  Cap- 
tain Custer's  company  commingled  with  Smith's,  and  the  situa- 
tion of  the  dead  indicates  that  some  desperate  attempt  was  made 
to  make  a  stand  near  the  river,  or  to  gain  the  woods. 

There  we  have  the  short  and  simple  history  of  the  fight 
which  was  going  on  within  two  miles  of  Benteen  and  Reno,  for 
three  long  weary  hours.  It  is  dry  and  simple  in  its  words,  but 
what  a  wealth  of  heroism  that  simple  story  reveals.  This  little 
band  was  made  of  Custer's  men,  under  Ouster's  best  officers,  Cus- 
ter's little  knot  of  ehosen  friends.  All  we  can  do  is  to  fill  out  its 
details.  On  this  line,  Calhoun's  company  was  thrown  across  to 


596  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

check  the  Indians.  The  men  lay  dead  in  an  irregular  line, 
Calhoun  and  Orittenden  in  place  in  rear.  This  is  the  order 
of  the  tactics,  the  officers  watching  and  moving  along  their  line, 
within  a  few  feet.  There  they  fell,  every  man  in  his  place. 
They  were  ordered  to  stay  and  be  killed,  to  save  the  day,  and 
they  obeyed  orders.  Who  then  was  Calhoun,  that  he  was  the 
jirst  ordered  to  die  ? 

Lieutenant  James  Calhoun  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  was  the 
husband  of  Glister's  only  sister;  he  was  Ouster's  dearest  of  all 
friends  on  earth  ;  he  was  the  bravest  and  gentlest  of  men,  with 
the  face  and  form  of  an  Apollo,  bright  fair  hair  and  dark  eyes,  a 
man  whom  a  lady  who  knew  him  well  describes  as  the  "  hand- 
somest man  I  ever  saw."  He  was  a  gentleman's  son,  with  all  the 
education  of  a  gentleman,  and  the  most  refined  literary  taste,  who 
yet  had  not  hesitated  to  enlist  as  a  private  soldier  in  the  regular 
army,  and  had  actually  worked  his  way  up,  refined  and  sensi- 
tive as  he  was,  in  the  midst  of  all  the  discomforts,  hardships 
and  degradations  which  surrounded  the  life  of  a  private  soldier 
at  the  close  of  the  war,  to  a  well-earned  commission.  He  mar- 
ried Maggie  E.  Custer  in  Monroe,  Michigan,  March  7th,  1872, 
and  acted  as  Custer's  post-adjutant  during  the  time  the  regi- 
ment was  divided.  He  was  remarkably  quiet  and  reserved 
in  demeanor,  but  hid  beneath  his  calm  dignity  of  outward 
seeming  the  most  lofty  aspirations.  Too  young  to  have  gained 
distinction  in  the  civil  war,  he  hoped  yet  to  gain  it  by  un- 
wavering fidelity  to  his  duty.  Duty  was  his  one  watchword, 
and  by  it  he  hoped  to  attain  success.  Such  was  the  bright 
brave  youth  whom  Custer  told  to  stay  behind  and  be  killed, 
that  so  the  day  might  be  saved.  Did  Calhoun  murmur — did 
he  question  the  order?  Why  did  Custer  leave  him  there  to 
die? 

Not  a  murmur  came  from  the  one,  and  the  other  showed  by 
this  his  first  sacrifice  that  he  placed  the  country  above  all  his 
earthly  loves.  "  The  country  needs ;  I  give  her  a  man  who  will 
do  his  duty  to  the  death:  I  give  them  my  first  brother.  I 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  597 

leave  iny  best  loved  sister  a  widow,  that  so  the  day  may  be 
saved.  Farewell." 

Well  did  Calhoun  redeem  that  trust.  Every  man  in  his 
place,  no  faltering,  no  going  back,  Calhoun's  company  kept  on 
firing  till  the  last  cartridge  was  gone,  and  one  by  one  dropped 
dead  in  his  tracks  under  the  fire  of  the  swarms  of  Indians  that 
kept  dashing  to  and  fro  before  them,  firing  volley  after  volley. 
Down  they  went,  one  after  another,  cheered  up  by  this  grand 
figure  of  DUTY,  young  Calhoun  encouraging  them  to  the  last. 
"With  him  young  Crittendeu  of  the  Twelfth  Infantry,  a  mere 
boy,  only  appointed  the  previous  fall,  and  temporarily  with  the 
cavalry  in  his  first  and  last  battle,  as  cool  as  his  chief,  cheered 
and  steadied  by  the  calm  princely  dignity  of  courage  that 
inspired  that  glorious  stand.  So  they  stood  till  the  last  man 
was  down,  and  Crittenden  was  killed,  and  then  came  the  friendly 
bullet  that  sent  the  soul  of  James  Calhoun  to  an  eternity  of  glory. 
Let  no  man  say  such  a  life  was  thrown  away.  The  spectacle 
of  so  much  courage  must  have  nerved  the  whole  command  to 
the  heroic  resistance  it  made.  Calhoun's  men  would  never 
have  died  where  they  did,  in  line,  had  Calhoun  not  been  there 
to  cheer  them.  They  would  have  been  found  in  scattered 
groups,  fleeing  or  huddled  together,  not  fallen  in  their  ranks, 
every  man  in  his  place,  to  the  very  last.  Calhoun,  with  his  forty 
men,  had  done  on  an  open  field,  what  Reno,  with  a  hundred  and 
forty,  could  not  do  defending  a  wood.  He  had  died  like  a  hero, 
and  America  will  remember  him,  while  she  remembers  heroes. 

Let  us  go  on  with  the  tale.  About  a  mile  beyond,  Keogfts 
company  was  slaughtered  in  position,  his  right  resting  on  the 
hill  where  Ouster  fell.  Custer  had  chosen  the  best  ground  to 
be  found,  and  was  determined  to  retreat  no  farther.  By  this 
time  he  must  have  realized  that  Reno  had  been  beaten,  but  he 
trusted  at  least  to  Benteen  to  come  and  help  him.  The  Indians 
were  all  around  him,  but  a  vigorous  attack  by  Benteen  on  their 
rear  would  beat  them,  could  Custer  only  hold  them  long  enough. 

Keogh  was  an  older  soldier  than  any  there.     He  had  been 


598  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  CUSTER. 

an  officer  in  the  Papal  service  in  the  days  when  Garibaldi  made 
war  upon  the  Holy  Father,  and  he  had  served  on  the  staffs  of 
Buford  and  Stoneraan  during  the  war.  The  sight  of  Calhoun's 
men,  dying  as  they  did,  had  nerved  Keogh's  men  to  the  same 
pitch  of  sublime  heroism.  Every  man  realized  that  it  was  h?a 
last  fight,  and  was  resolved  to  die  game.  Down  they  went, 
slaughtered  in  position,  man  after  man  dropping  in  his  place, 
the  survivors  contracting  their  line  to  close  the  gaps.  We  read 
of  such  tilings  in  history,  and  call  them  exaggerations.  The 
silent  witness  of  those  dead  bodies  of  heroes  in  that  mountain 
pass  cannot  lie.  It  tells  plainer  than  words  how  they  died,  the 
Indians  all  round  them,  first  pressing  them  from  the  river,  then 
curling  round  Calhoun,  now  round  Keogh,  till  the  last  stand  on 
the  hill  by  Ouster,  with  three  companies. 

How  that  fight  went,  Curly  the  Upsaroka  scout,  tells  us,  he 
the  only  man  who  escaped  alive,  and  who  got  away  to  the 
steamer  Far  West  lying  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  His  testi- 
mony was  taken  by  the  officers  of  Terry's  staff,  through  an 
interpreter.  It  is  plain  and  prosaic  in  its  simplicity,  but  it  tells 
the  tale. 

He  says  he  went  down  with  two  other  Crows  and  went  into  ac- 
tion with  Ouster.  The  General,  he  says,  kept  down  the  river  on 
the  north  bank  four  miles,  after  Eeno  had  crossed  to  the  south 
side  above.  He  thought  Eeno  would  drive  down  the  valley,  so 
that  they  could  attack  the  village  on  two  sides,  he  believing  Eeno 
would  take  it  at  the  upper  end,  while  he  (Ouster)  would  go  in  at 
the  lower  end.  Ouster  had  to  go  farther  down  the  river  and  far- 
ther away  from  Eeno  than  he  wished  on  account  of  the  steep  bank 
along  the  north  side  ;  but  at  last  he  found  a  ford  and  dashed  for 
it.  The  Indians  met  him  and  poured  in  a  heavy  fire  from  across 
the  narrow  river.  Ouster  dismounted  to  fight  on  foot,  but  could 
not  get  his  skirmishers  over  the  stream.  Meantime  hundreds  of 
Indians,  on  foot  and  on  ponies,  poured  over  the  river,  which  was 
only  about  three  feet  deep,  and  filled  the  ravine  on  each  side  of 
Ouster's  men.  Ouster  then  fell  back  to  some  high  ground  behind 
him  and  seized  the  ravines  in  his  immediate  vicinity.  The  In- 
dians completely  surrounded  Ouster  and  poured  in  a  terrible  fire 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  599 

on  all  sides.  They  charged  Ouster  on  foot  in  vast  numbers,  but 
were  again  and  again  driven  back.  The  fight  began  about  2 
o'clock,  and  lasted,  Curly  says,  almost  until  the  sun  went  down 
over  the  hills.  The  men  fought  desperately,  and,  after  the  ammu- 
nition in  their  belts  was  exhausted,  went  to  their  saddlebags,  got 
more  and  continued  the  fight.  He  also  says  the  big  chief,  (Ouster) 
lived  until  nearly  all  his  men  had  been  killed  or  wounded,  and 
went  about  encouraging  his  soldiers  to  fight  on.  Curly  says  when 
he  saw  Ouster  was  hopelessly  surrounded,  he  watched  his  oppor- 
tunity, got  a  Sioux  blanket,  put  it  on,  and  worked  up  a  ravine, 
and  when  the  Sioux  charged  he  got  among  them,  and  they  did  not 
know  him  from  one  of  their  own  men.  There  Avere  some  mounted 
Sioux,  and  seeing  one  fall,  Curly  ran  to  him,  mounted  his  pony, 
and  galloped  down  as  if  going  towards  the  white  men,  but  went 
up  a  ravine  and  got  away. 

"When  questioned  closely  by  one  of  the  officers,*  he  mentioned 
one  little  fact  about  his  escape  that  is  pregnant  with  light  on 
Ouster's  fate..  When  he  saw  that  the  party  with  the  General 
was  to  be  overwhelmed,  he  went  to  the  General  and  begged 
him  to  let  him  show  him  a  way  to  escape.  General  Ouster 
dropped  his  head  on  his  breast  in  thought  for  a  moment,  in  a 
way  he  had  of  doing.  There  was  a  lull  in  the  fight  after  a 
charge,  the  encircling  Indians  gathering  for  a  fresh  attack. 
In  that  moment,  Ouster  looked  at  Curly,  waved  him  away 
and  rode  back  to  the  little  group  of  men,  to  die  with  them. 
How  many  thoughts  must  have  crossed  that  noble  soul  in  that 
brief  moment.  There  was  no  hope  of  victory  if  he  stayed, 
nothing  but  certain  death.  With  the  scout  he  was  nearly  certain 
to  escape.  His  horse  was  a  thoroughbred  and  his  way  sure. 
He  might  have  balanced  the  value  of  a  leader's  life  against 
those  of  his  men,  and  sought  his  safety.  Why  did  he  go  back 
to  certain  death  ? 

Because  he  felt  that  such  a  death  as  that  which  that  little 
band  of  heroes  was  about  to  die,  was  worth  the  lives  of  all  the 
general  officers  in  the  world.  Thanks  to  the  story  of  the  Crow 

*  This  officer  told  the  story  personally  to  Mrs.  Ouster  afterwards. 


600  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

scout,  we  know  that  he  had  the  chance  to  live  alone,  and  that 
he  deliberately  accepted  death  with  his  men  as  the  worthier. 
He  weighed,  in  that  brief  moment  of  reflection,  all  the  con- 
sequences to  America  of  the  lesson  of  life  and  the  lesson  of 
heroic  death,  and  he  chose  death.  The  Indian  hovered  round 
the  fight,  still  watching :  in  the  confusion  he  was  not  noticed, 
or  taken  for  a  Sioux.  He  had  washed  off  his  Upsaroka  paint, 
and  let  down  his  hair  like  a  Sioux.  Let  us  see  what  he  saw. 

Curly  did  not  leave  Ouster  until  the  battle  was  nearly  over, 
and  he  describes  it  as  desperate  in  the  extreme.  He  is  quite  sure 
the  Indians  had  more  killed  than  Ouster  had  white  men  with  him. 

There  was  the  little  group  of  men  on  the  hill,  the  Indians 
hovering  round  them  like  hounds  baying  a  lion,  dashing  up 
close  and  receding,  the  bullets  flying  like  swarms  of  bees,  the 
men  in  the  little  group  dropping  one  by  one.  At  last  the  charm 
of  Ouster's  charmed  life  was  broken. 

He  got  a  shot  in  the  left  side  and  sat  down,  with  his  pistol  in 
his  hand.  Another  shot  struck  Ouster  and  he  fell  over.  The  last 
officer  killed  was  a  man  who  rode  a  white  horse  (believed  to  be 
Lieut.  Cook,  Adjutant  of  the  Seventh,  as  Lieuts.  Cook  and  Calhoun 
were  the  only  officers  who  rode  white  horses,  and  Lieut.  Calhouu 
was  found  dead  on  the  skirmish  line,  near  the  ford,  and  probably 
fell  early  in  the  action). 

At  last  they  were  all  gone,  every  officer  of  the  group.  Ous- 
ter fallen  and  Cook  killed,  the  remaining  men  broke.  Then 
the  scout  fled  too. 

He  says  as  he  rode  off  he  saw,  when  nearly  a  mile  from  the 
battle-field,  a  dozen  or  more  soldiers  in  a  ravine,  fighting  with 
Sioux  all  around  them.  He  thinks  all  were  killed,  as  they  were 
outnumbered  five  to  one,  and  apparently  dismounted.  These 
were  110  doubt  part  of  the  thirty-five  missing  men  reported  in  the 
official  despatches  of  General  Terry.  Curly  says  he  saw  one  cav- 
alry soldier  who  had  got  away.  He  was  well  mounted,  but  shot 
through  both  hips,  and  Curly  thinks  he  died  of  his  wounds,  starved 
to  death  in  the  bad  lands,  or  more  likely  his  trail  was  followed; 
and  he  killed  by  the  Sioux. 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  601 

Thirty-two  men  of  Yates'  company  fell  with  their  chief  and 
the  other  officers  on  the  hill,  the  rest  of  them,  with  Captain 
Coster's  and  Captain  Smith's  men,  tried  to  cut  their  way  to  the 
river  and  all  fell  in  the  ravine,  as  marked  on  the  map.  Then, 
says  Kill  Eagle,  the  Indian  wounded  came  streaming  back  into 
Sitting  Bull's  camp,  saying :  "  We  have  killed  them  all :  put 
up  your  lodges  where  they  a/re" 

From  the  account  of  some  Indians  who  went  across  the  line 
into  British  America,  to  trade  with  the  Manitoba  Indians,  we 
gain  more  particulars  of  the  last  fight  than  Curly  could  see. 
The  scout  was  so  utterly  broken  down  with  fear  and  agony  of 
mind  when  he  reached  the  steamer,  that  he  could  not  for  a 
long  time  give  a  connected  account,  but  his  exultant  enemies 
have  filled  the  gap  with  their  boasts.  From  these  it  appears 
that  when  only  a  few  of  the  officers  were  left  alive,  the  Indians 
made  a  hand  to  hand  charge,  in  which  Custer  fought  like  a 
tiger  with  his  sabre  when  his  last  shot  was  gone,  that  he  killed 
or  wounded  three  Indians  with  the  sabre,  and  that  as  he  ran 
the  last  man  through,  Rain-in-the-Face  kept  his  oath  and  shot 
Custer. 

While  this  account  disagrees  with  that  of  Curly,  I  am  in- 
clined to  believe  it,  for  several  reasons.  Curly  was  some  way 
oif,  the  confusion  was  great,  and  the  two  brothers  Custer  were 
dressed  alike  and  resembled  each  other  closely  in  figure.  I  am 
inclined  to  believe  that  it  was  Colonel  Tom  Custer  whom  Curly 
saw  fall  as  he  described  it.  On  the  other  hand,  several  Indians 
who  were  in  the  fight  have  told  the  same  story  about  the  sabre, 
and  have  given  Big  Rain  or  Rain-in-the-Face,  as  the  man  who 
shot  the  General.  We  know  Custer  to  have  been  a  man  of 
great  strength  and  activity,  one  who  had  used  the  sabre  freely 
in  the  civil  war ;  and  in  his  last  struggle  such  a  man  would  have 
been  as  able  to  kill  three  Indians,  as  was  Shaw  the  famous  Eng- 
lish guardsman  at  Waterloo,  who  was  seen  to  kill  nine  French 
cuirassiers  with  his  sword  before  he  was  shot.  A  last  reason  that 
is  convincing  is  this.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Indians  did 


602  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

not  mutilate  Ouster's  body,  it  being  the  only  one  in  that  group 
entirely  spared.  The  only  reason  for  such  a  respect  could  have 
been  a  reverence  for  his  valor.  It  is  also  well  known  that  the 
Indians  regard  the  striking  of  a  living  enemy  with  a  hand  wea- 
pon as  the  highest  proof  of  valor  possible,  placing  a  very  dif- 
ferent estimate  on  shooting  an  enemy.  All  the  reports  of  the 
Indians  who  reached  the  British  Possessions  were  unanimous  in 
saying  that  they  dreaded  the  sabre  more  than  any  thing,  and 
this  is  easily  understood  when  their  superstition  as  to  hand 
weapons  is  considered.  It  seems  certain  that  they  would  never 
have  reverenced  Ouster's  body  as  they  did,  had  he  not  struck 
down  their  best  men  in  that  grim  hand-to-hand  fight,  wherein, 
among  all  the  brave  and  strong,  he  was  the  bravest  and  best 
swordsman  of  all,  the  other  officers  having  had  but  little  teach- 
ing in  the  use  of  the  sabre.  Be  that  as  it  may,  it  is  known  that 
he  must  have  died  under  circumstances  of  peculiar  heroism  to 
win  such  respect,  and  that  he  was  only  killed  by  the  bravest 
Indian  of  the  whole  northwest,  a  man  whose  unflinching  forti- 
tude had  enabled  him  to  hang  in  the  air  for  four  hours  in  the 
Sun  Dance. 

So  fell  Ouster,  the  brave  cavalier,  the  Christian  soldier,  sur- 
rounded by  foes,  but  dying  in  harness  amid  the  men  he  loved. 
Who  fell  with  him  ? 

There  by  his  side  lay  his  brother  Tom,  brave  Colonel  Ous- 
ter, a  double  of  the  General,  who  had  enlisted  as  a  private 
soldier  at  sixteen,  was  an  officer  at  nineteen,  who  wore  what  no 
other  officer  in  the  army  could  boast  of,  two  medals,  each  for  a 
flag  taken  from  an  enemy  in  battle.  Brave  and  gentle,  courte- 
ous and  tender,  a  model  officer  of  cavalry,  God  be  with  gallant 
Tom  Ouster  till  the  last  day.  He  died  like  all  the  Ousters,  with 
his  face  to  the  sky  and  his  feet  to  the  foe. 

Not  far  off,  close  together,  lay  two  more  of  the  same  family, 
poor  young  Boston  Ouster  and  little  Autie  Reed,  Ouster's 
nephew,  son  of  that  good  gentle  Christian  woman,  who  had 
saved  Ouster  himself  from  a  reckless  career,  whose  prayers  had 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  603 

helped  to  make  him  the  Christian  knight  he  became.  Brave 
boys,  nearly  boys  both,  no  sworn  soldier  of  the  state  could  di<r 
more  nobly  than  they,  who  would  not  abandon  a  brother  and 
kinsman.  They  could  do  little  for  him,  but  they  could  die  with 
him.  Autie  was  fresh  from  school  a  few  weeks  before,  and  wild 
to  see  the  Plains  with  "  Uncle  Autie.''  To  take  him  alon^  it 

O 

was  necessary  to  give  him  some  official  employment,  and  Ouster, 
knowing  that  the  rough  hard  life  would  make  a  man  of  the  boy, 
had  him  and  another  schoolmate  appointed  herders,  to  help  drive 
the  great  herd  of  cattle  with  the  column.  Rough  as  the  lot 
was,  the  lad  never  complained.  He  was  seeing  wild  life,  which 
was  all  he  wanted,  and  had  obtained  leave  to  go  on  this 
scout  with  the  General.  Boston  Ouster's  official  position  was 
that  of  forage  master  to  the  Seventh  Cavalry,  which  he  had  held 
some  time.  He  had  been  for  years  of  a  consumptive  tendency, 
and  his  only  chance  for  life  was  the  open  air  existence  of  the 
plains.  How  far  better  for  him  the  wild  heroic  death  he  died, 
under  the  blue  sky,  fighting  like  a  true  Ouster,  to  the  slow 
lingering  failing  end  of  a  consumptive,  which  was  his  certain 
portion  had  he  lived. 

So  closed  the  lives  of  the  three  Ousters  and  their  young 
nephew,  fallen  on  that  stricken  field.  It  is  time  to  turn  to 
the  comrades  that  fell  with  them. 

There  is  something  remarkable  in  the  power  which  Custei 
apparently  possessed  of  attracting  to  his  side  and  intimate  com- 
panionship the  noblest  and  best  of  the  men  with  whom  the 
army  brought  him  in  contact ;  and  the  facts  of  his  death  bring 
out  this  power  in  a  conspicuous  manner.  It  is  clear  that  when 
he  made  the  division  of  the  regiment  .into  battalions  in  the 
morning,  Ouster  knew  that  heavy  work  was  coming,  and  in- 
tended to  take  the  heaviest  work  into  his  own  hands,  as  he  al- 
ways did.  Into  his  own  battalion  he  seems  to  have  gathered  all 
of  his  own  familiar  friends,  including  his  three  brothers,  as 
knowing  he  could  depend  on  them  to  the  death.  His  confi- 
dence was  well  repaid,  and  we  may  say  to-day,  without  fear 


604  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.  OUSTER. 

of  contradiction,  that  Ouster  and  Ouster's  friends  were  the 
flower  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry.  The  battalion  that  fell  with 
Ouster  held  them  nearly  all. 

There  was  the  Adjutant,  Brevet-Colonel  Wm.  W.  Cook,  the 
last  officer  left  living,  and  whose  final  fall  broke  the  hearts  of 
his  men  and  ended  the  battle.  Cook  was  a  model  of  manly 
beaut}',  in  a  very  different  style  from  that  of  Calhoun.  Fully 
as  tall  (both  were  over  six  feet)  and  as  powerfully  framed,  Cook 
WHS  the  image  of  a  typical  English  Life  Guardsman,  with  his 
highbred  aristocratic  features  and  long  wavy  black  moustache  and 
whiskers.  Like  Keogh,  he  was  a  foreigner,  having  been  born  in 
Canada,  whence  he  entered  the  American  service  in  the  Twenty- 
fourth  New  York  Cavalry,  rising  to  its  colonelcy.  The  reader 
has  seen  his  name  frequently  during  Ouster's  li£e  on  the  plains. 
One  proud  sentence  will  be  his  best  epitaph.  In  choosing  an 
officer  to  command  the  sharp-shooters  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry 
in  the  Washita  campaign  the  question  was  not,  says  Ouster,  "  to 
choose  a  good  one,  but  among  many  good  to  choose  the  best." 
He  chose  Cook.  Let  it  be  written  :  "  Ouster  said  he  was  his 
best  officer." 

By  his  side  was  gallant  Yates,  captain  and  brevet  colonel, 
tender  and  true,  a  man  like  Oalhoun,  of  old  family  and  gentle 
blood,  who  had  not  hesitated  to  enter  the  ranks  as  a  soldier  in 
the  war,  had  enlisted  as  a  boy  of  sixteen  and  worked  his  way 
up  to  a  captaincy  in  the  Regular  Army.  Yates  was  a  true, 
sterling  fellow,  a  soldier  to  the  backbone,  with  the  crack  com- 
pany of  the  Seventh.  They  used  to  call  his  troop  the  "  band-box 
troop,"  so  neat  were  they  always,  with  an  affectation  of  mili- 
tary dandyism.  It  was  a  tradition  in  that  company  that  every 
man  who  died  from  it,  "  died  with  his  boots  on,"  the  homely 
western  phrase  that  tells  such  a  story  of  unflinching  courage. 
There  fell  brave  old  Yates,  game  to  the  last,  with  every  man  of 
the  little  "  band-box  troop  "  in  his  place,  round  their  leader,  who 
fell  with  a  smile  on  his  lips.  He  and  they  had  done  their  duty, 
and  died  like  men.  God  will  help  the  widow  and  fatherless. 


THE    LAST    BzYTTLE.  605 

The  last  company  commander  of  all  fell  near  Yates,  Lieuten- 
ant and  Brevet  Captain  Algernon  E.  Smith,  one  more  member 
of  that  little  circle  of  refined  quiet  gentlemen  who  had  shared 
Ouster's  friendship  at  Fort  Lincoln.  Captain  Smith  was  one  of 
the  bravest  and  most  modest  of  men.  One  little  incident  will 
illustrate  his  character  better  than  a  volume  of  description. 
During  the  civil  war,  while  a  captain  of  volunteers,  Captain 
Smith  was  detailed  on  the  staff  of  General  Terry,  at  that  des- 
perate storming  of  Fort  Fisher  which  gave  Terry  his  star  in 'the 
Regular  Army.  During  the  storming,  a  regiment  faltered  under 
the  tremendous  tire,  having  lost  two  color-bearers  and  all  its 
field  officers.  Smith  seized  the  colors,  led  on  the  regiment, 
sprang  on  the  parapet,  and  was  among  the  first  in  the  works, 
where  he  fell  severely  wounded,  his  left  shoulder  smashed  by  a 
musket  ball.  For  this  he  was  brevetted  major  of  volunteers 
The  wound  healed,  but  in  such  a  manner  that  he  could  never  aftei 
lift  his  left  arm  above  the  shoulder.  He  was  appointed  to  the 
Seventh  Cavalry  in  1867  and  served  in  every  campaign,  in  fa- 
miliar intercourse  with  his  brother  officers  ;  yet  very  few  in  the 
regiment  even  knew  he  had  served  in  the  civil  war,  and  none 
of  the  ladies  would  have  known  that  he  had  been  wounded,  but 
for  an  accidental  remark  by  his  wife  in  1875,  from  which  it 
came  out  that  he  could  not  put  on  his  uniform  without  assist- 
ance, on  account  of  his  crippled  left  arm.  Algernon  Smith  died 
as  he  had  lived,  a  simple,  modest  soldier,  in  front  of  his  men  •, 
while  behind  him  lay  the  twenty-three  bodies  of  the  poor  dis- 
heartened remnant  that  tried  to  cut  their  way  out,  when  all  was 
over  and  their  beloved  officer  killed. 

And  now  we  come  to  the  last  of  all,  the  youngest  of  that 
little  band,  Lieutenant  William  Yan  W.  Reily.  His  portrait 
lies  before  me  as  these  words  are  written,  and  it  is  hard  to  keep 
the  cold  composure  of  the  impartial  chronicler  as  I  think  of  his 
peculiarly  touching  history.  His  father,  a  gallant  officer  of  the 
U.  S.  navy,  went  down  in  his  ship  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  and  not 
a  soul  came  back  to  tell  the  tale,  before  Reily  was  born.  That 


606  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

father  sailed  away  from  a  bride  of  a  few  months  never  to  re- 
turn, and  his  boy  left  the  mother  who  idolized  him,  to  meet 
a  similar  fate,  amid  foes  as  pitiless  as  the  ocean  waves.  Willie 
Reily  fell  next  to  Ouster,  and  his  fair  young  body  was  found 
lying  at  the  feet  of  his  commander.  A  good,  noble-looking 
face  he  had,  with  a  certain  wistful  musing  expression,  prophetic 
of  his  early  fate.  He  had  been  ill  for  some  time  before  the  ex- 
pedition started,  and  the  surgeon  wished  to  order  him  on  some 
post  duty,  but  he  refused  to  stay,  and  was  eager  to  share  the 
fate  of  his  regiment  whatever  it  might  be.  He  had  his  dearest 
wish ;  he  died  like  his  brave  father,  at  his  post  doing  his  duty. 
Let  no  man  say  such  an  end  was  sad  :  it  was  heroic.  We  must 
all  die  some  time,  but  not  all  like  him.  To  him  and  all  such, 
America  says,  "  God  bless  our  brave  dead." 


I  have  told  the  facts  of  Ouster's  last  battle  as  closely  as  the 
means  at  hand  will  permit  the  truth  to  be  ascertained.  Begin- 
ning my  task  with  a  strong  impression,  produced  by  the  official 
reports,  that  Ouster  had  been  rash  and  imprudent,  and  that  the 
conduct  of  Reno  and  Benteen  had  been  that  of  prudent  and 
brave  soldiers,  a  careful  examination  of  all  the  accessible  evi- 
dence has  left  me  no  other  course  than  to  tell  the  whole  story, 
to  vindicate  the  reputation  of  a  noble  man  from  unjust  asper- 
sions. I  leave  the  facts  to  the  world  to  judge  whether  I  am  not 
right  in  these  conclusions : — 

1.  Had  Reno  fought  as  Custer  fought,  and  had  Benteen 
obeyed  Ouster's  orders,  the  battle  of  the  Little  Horn  might  have 
proved  Custer 's  last  and  greatest  Indian  victory. 

It  may  be  objected  to  this  conclusion  that  the  numbers  of 
the  Indians  were  too  great  to  admit  it :  but  a  careful  examina- 
tion of  the  conflicting  statements  leads  to  the  belief  that  these 
numbers  have  been  exaggerated  by  Reno  in  his  report,  to  cover 


THE    LAST    BATTLE.  607 

bis  own  conduct.  He  estimates  the  Indians  at  3,500  "  at  the 
least,"  and  the  popular  impression  has  since  increased  this  esti- 
mate any  where  up  to  ten  thousand.  Herndon,  the  scout,  a 
much  cooler  person,  puts  them  at  only  2,000  or  2,500  ;  and 
Benteen  thinks  they  were  only  900.  One  means  of  approxi- 
mate computation  is  unwittingly  offered  by  Reno.  Near  the 
close  of  his  report,  he  mentions  the  whole  village  as  defiling 
away  before  his  eyes,  and  says,  "  the  length  of  the  column  was 
fully  equal  to  that  of  a  large  division  of  the  cavalry  corps  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  as  I  have  seen  it  on  the  march." 
The  divisions  of  the  Cavalry  Corps,  at  their  strongest,  were 
about  4,000  men  ;  and  they  had  no  women  and  children  with 
them.  Making  the  very  smallest  allowance  for  led  horses,  pack 
horses,  squaws  and  children,  it  is  clear  that  at  least  one-half  of 
the  column  must  be  taken  away  to  leave  the  true  number  of 
warriors.  This  would  give  us  2,000,  and  if  we  allow  500  for  the 
losses  in  fighting  Reno  and  Custer,  we  come  to  Herndon's  esti- 
mate. These  numbers  were  four  to  one  of  Custer's,  but  he  had 
fought  such  odds  before,  at  the  "Washita,  and  come  out  tri- 
umphant. The  obstinacy  of  his  attack  shows  that  he  expected 
to  conquer.  He  could  have  run  like  Reno  had  he  wished,  and 
Reno  says  in  the  report  he  thought  Custer  had  done  so.  It  is 
clear,  in  the  light  of  Custer's  previous  character,  that  he  held 
on  to  the  last,  expecting  to  be  supported,  as  he  had  a  right  to 
expect.  It  was  only  when  he  clearly  saw  he  had  been  betrayed, 
that  he  resolved  to  die  game,  as  it  was  then  too  late  to  retreat. 

2.  Had  not  President  Grant,  moved  by  private  revenge, 
displaced  Custer  from  command  of  the  Fort  Lincoln  column, 
Custer  would  be  alwe  to-day  and  the  Indian  war  settled. 

The  Dakota  column  would  have  been  confided  to  the  best 
Indian-fighter  of  the  army ;  Reno  and  Benteen  would  never 
have  dreamed  of  disobeying  their  chief,  had  they  not  known 
he  was  out  of  favor  at  court ;  Custer  and  Gibbon  would  have 


608 


GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTER. 


cooperated,  as  men  both  familiar  with  Indian    warfare;  and 
cross-purposes  would  have  been  avoided. 

The  action  of  a  court  of  inquiry,  which  will  be  able  to  call 
forth  the  testimony  of  officers  whose  names  the  author  with- 
holds from  the  public  at  present,  will  settle  whether  these 
conclusions  are  correct  or  not.  Many  witnesses  have  been 
deterred  from  speaking  by  fear  of  those  superiors  whom  their 
evidence  will  impeach ;  and  these  witnesses  will  be  able  to 
swear  in  public  to  what  they  have  hitherto  only  dared  to  say 
and  write  in  private.  The  nation  demands  such  a  court,  to 
vindicate  the  name  of  a  dead  hero  from  the  pitiless  malignity, 
which  first  slew  him  and  then  pursued  him  beyond  the  grave. 


NINTH  BOOK.— SOLDIER  AND   MAN. 

CHAPTER    I. 
CUSTER,    THE    SOLDIER. 

HE  popular  idea  of  Ouster  as  a  soldier  is  that  of  a  brave, 
_JL  reckless,  dashing  trooper,  always  ready  to  charge  any  odds, 
without  knowing  or  caring  what  was  the  strength  of  his  enemy, 
and  trusting  to  luck  to  get  out  of  his  scrapes.  In  the  public 
mind,  he  has  always  been  associated,  even  by  his  admirers, 
with  Murat  and  Prince  Rupert,  as  a  type  of  mere  impetuosity. 
A  great  deal  of  this  impression  among  civilians  has  been 
the  effect,  partly  of  the  frequency  of  his  dashing  personal  ex- 
ploits, but  very  largely  also  to  a  combination  of  the  sneers  of 
professional  soldiers  envious  of  his  fame,  and  of  the  anxiety  of 
the  -war  correspondents  to  write  home  a  "  picturesque  "  letter. 
During  the  civil  war,  the  so-called  war  correspondents  seldom 
knew  much  of  military  life,  and  had  rarely  been  soldiers  before 
that  war.  As  a  consequence,  they  wrote  home  a  great  many 
ridiculous  stories  about  Ouster,  the  product  of  camp  gossip.  He 
was  accused  of  putting  his  hair  up  in  papers,  of  wearing  stays, 
using  curling  tongs,  etc.,  and  the  ingenious  correspondent  of 
one  New  York  paper  set  the  seal  on  the  whole  by  a  stilted  ac- 
count of  the  runaway  of  Don  Juan  and  Ouster  at  the  last  pa- 
rade. He  thus  became,  to  a  large  part  of  the  public,  a  perfectly 
ideal  personage,  as  unlike  the  real  Ouster  as  Tom  Moore's  po- 
etry was  unlike  the  real  quiet,  domestic  Tom  Moore. 

The  real  Ouster  was  as  far  from  being  the  reckless  harnm- 
39 


610  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

scarum  cavalier  of  public  fancy  as  possible.  He  was  a  remark- 
ably quiet,  thoughtful  man,  when  any  work  was  on  hand,  one 
who  never  became  flurried  and  excited  in  the  hottest  battle, 
and  who,  on  a  campaign,  was  a  model  of  wary  watchfulness, 
a  man  who  was  never  surprised  during  his  whole  career,  and 
who  was  equal  to  any  emergency  of  whatever  kind. 

Three  times  during  Ouster's  service  as  a  brigade  command- 
er, did  he  find  himself  surrounded  by  enemies  and  compelled 
to  cut  his  way  through ;  and  on  none  of  those  three  occasions 
could  the  slightest  blame  attach  to  him  for  the  dilemma.  The 
first  time  was  at  Brandy  Station ;  and  there  the  fault  was  that 
of  Meade  or  Pleasonton,  who  had  divided  their  cavalry  forces, 
so  that  when  the  separate  units  came  together,  the  enemy  was 
between  them.  The  second  time  was  at  Buckland's  Mills,  where 
the  disaster  was  due  entirely  to  Kilpatrick's  headlong  rashness, 
after  he  had  been  warned  of  his  danger  by  the  wary  Ouster. 
The  third  time  was  at  Trevillian  Station, in  1864.  There  hi§ 
danger  was  due  to  the  accidental  direction  of  a  force  of  the  en- 

O 

emy,  driven  in  by  Ouster's  friends  from  another  direction.  It 
was,  in  fact,  Brandy  Station  reversed. 

As  a  division  commander,  having  no  one  else  to  trouble 
him,  being  responsible  for  his  own  actions,  he  was  never  in  the 
slightest  difficulty,  and  this  is  true  of  his  whole  after  career. 
Put  Ouster  in  chief  command,  and  he  never  made  a  mistake : 
put  him  under  any  one  else,  except  Sheridan — as  perfect  a 
soldier  as  himself — and  he  was  always  suffering  for  the  blun- 
ders, mistakes,  or  faint-hearted  ness  of  others,  either  his  superi- 
ors or  coadjutors. 

The  consequence  was,  to  both  Ouster  and  Sheridan,  the  envy 
and  detraction  of  all  those  who  could  not  understand  their 
peculiar  qualit}T  of  instant  and  correct  decision  under  fire,  as  to 
the  right  thing  to  do.  This  faculty  is  given  to  very  few 
indeed.  In  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  Ouster  and  Sheridan 
were  its  only  possessors,  in  the  highest  degree,  the  degree  pos- 
sessed by  such  men  as  Napoleon,  Cromwell,  Gustavus  Adolphus, 


CUSTER    THE    SOLDIER.  611 

Caesar  and  Hannibal.  It  made  them  both  supreme  as  "  battle 
commanders,'1  whatever  their  merits  as  strategists.  Their 
detractors,  who  could  not  understand  this  faculty,  tried  to 
belittle  it,  by  setting  down  Sheridan  as  a  "  mere  trooper," 
Ouster  as  a  reckless  rider  and  fighter,  a  harum-scarum  light 
dragoon. 

In  Ouster's  case,  the  prejudices  of  those  who  did  not  know 
him,  invariably  preceded  his  entrance  on  any  new  command,  as 
invariably  to  be  replaced  by  a  feeling  akin  to  adoration,  from 
all  who  served  under  him,  if  they  possessed  any  nobility  and 
generosity  of  character.  To  dislike  him  was  the  infallible 
result  either  of  want  of  personal  knowledge,  which  was  inno- 
cent, or  of  some  meanness  of  character,  with  which  Ouster's 
impulsive  generosity  clashed.  Of  his  first  appearance  in  the 
Third  Cavalry  Division,  General  (then  colonel)  A.  B.  Nettleton, 
commander  of  the  "  Fighting  Second  Ohio,"  thus  speaks  : 

I  had  never  seen  General  Ouster,  prior  to  his  promotion  to  the 
command  of  our  division,  but  he  was  well  known  to  us  by  repute. 
Some  of  us  were  at  first  disposed  to  regard  him  as  an  adventurer, 
a  disposition  which  a  sight  of  his  peculiar  dress  and  long  locks 
tended  to  confirm.  One  engagement  with  the  enemy  under  Ous- 
ter's leadership  dissipated  all  these  impressions,  and  gave  our 
new  commander  his  proper  place.  Once  under  fire,  we  found 
that  a  master  hand  was  at  the  helm,  that  beneath  the  golden  curls 
and  broad-brimmed  hat  was  a  cool  brain  and  a  level  head. 

One  thing  that  characterized  Ouster  was  this  :  having  meas- 
ured as  accurately  as  possible  the  strength  and  morale  of  his 
enemy,  and  having  made  his  own  disposition  of  troops  carefully 
£nd  personally,  he  went  into  every  fight  with  complete  confidence 
in  the  ability  of  his  division  to  do  the  work  marked  out  for  it. 
Ouster's  conduct  in  battle  was  characteristic.  He  never  ordered 
his  men  to  go  where  he  would  not  lead,  and  he  never  led  where 
he  did  not  expect  his  men  to  follow.  He  probably  shared  with 
the  private  soldier  the  danger  of  the  skirmish  line  oftener  than 
any  officer  of  his  rank,  not  from  wantonness  of  courage,  but  with 
u  well-defined  purpose  on  each  occasion.  He  knew  that  the  moral 
effect  of  his  personal  presence  at  a  critical  moment,  was  equal  to  a 
reinforcement  of  troops,  when  a  reinforcement  could  not  be  found, 


612  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

A  large  part  of  Ouster's  success  was  due  to  the  fact  that  he 
was  a  good  pursuer.  Unlike  many  equally  brave  and  skilful  offi- 
cers, he  was  rarely  content  to  hold  a  position  or  drive  his  enemy  : 
he  always  gathered  the  fruit,  as  well  as  shook  the  tree  of  battle. 
He  regarded  his  real  work  as  only  beginning,  when  the  enemy 
was  broken  and  flying. 

Although  his  special  forte  was  the  command  of  cavalry  in  the 
field,  he  was  not  deficient  in  camp.  He  was  a  good  disciplinarian, 
without  being  a  martinet ;  particularly  thorough  in  maintaining 
an  effective  picket  line  or  outpost  service,  on  which  depends  the 
safety  of  an  army  in  quarters.  By  unexpected  visits  to  the  out- 
posts by  day  and  night,  he  personally  tested  the  faithfulness 
and  alertness  of  officers  and  men  on  picket  duty.  On  more  than 
one  occasion,  I  have  known  him  take  the  trouble  to  write  a  letter 
of  commendation  to  the  commander  of  the  regiment  on  the  picket 
line,  praising  the  manner  in  which  the  duty  was  performed. 
There  was  nothing  of  the  military  scold  in  his  nature.  By  timely 
praise,  oftener  than  by  harsh  criticism,  he  stimulated  his  subordi- 
nates to  fidelity,  watchfulness,  and  gallantry. 

General  Nettleton  is  quite  competent  to  give  an  opinion  of 
Ouster,  for  he  served  under  him  with  the  most  distinguished 
gallantry ;  and  his  regiment,  the  Second  Ohio  Cavalry,  won 
this  official  praise  from  their  division  commander,  in  a  letter  to 
Governor  Brough  of  Ohio  :  "  I  assure  your  excellence'  that  in 
my  entire  division  of  twelve  regiments,  from  various  States, 
there  is  not  one  on  which  I  rely  more  implicitly  than  on  the 
gallant  Second.  I  have  known  it  repeatedly  to  hold  its  place 
against  terrible  odds,  when  almost  any  other  regiment  would 
have  felt  warranted  in  retiring." 

Of  Nettleton  himself  he  says :  "  I  regard  him  as  one  of  the 
most  valuable  officers  in  the  service,  and  do  not  know  his  su- 
perior in  the  army,  as  regards  the  qualities  needed  in  a  good 
cavalry  commander" 

We  quote  these  words  to  show  that  in  Nettleton  a  perfectly 
competent  critic  is  found,  as  well  as  one  possessing  personal 
knowledge  of  Ouster.  His  testimony  is  merely  the  echo  of  that 
of  every  officer  of  capacity  who  ever  served  under  that  general. 


OUSTER    THE    SOLDIER.  613 

Some  may  think  that  in  all  this  too  much  is  claimed  for 
our  hero  ;  but  this  verdict  can  only  be  given  by  those  who  have 
not  examined  the  evidence  on  which  the  estimate  is  founded 
As  an  army  commander , like  Sheridan,  as  a  corps  commander, 
there  are  no  means  of  estimating  his  powers,  for  he  never  had 
an  opportunity  of  exhibiting  them.  As  a  cavalry  officer,  pure 
and  simple,  the  most  carping  criticism  can  find  no  flaw  in  Ous- 
ter's career,  from  the  day  he  led  the  Michigan  Brigade  into  the 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  to  that  in  which  he  fell,  fighting  like  a 
lion  bayed  by  the  hunters,  deserted  by  his  supporting  detach- 
ments. He  was,  in  fact,  as  nearly  perfect  as  a  cavalry  com- 
mander can  be. 

Yiewed  from  the  standpoint  of  Seydlitz  and  the  Great 
Frederick,  and  that  at  present  prevailing  in  Europe,  the  actions 
of  Ouster  are  faultless,  as  far  as  he  himself  is  concerned.  The 
only  wrong  feature  pervading  them  is  one  which  was  the  fault 
of  the  system  in  which  American  cavalry  has  always  been 
trained,  and  which  even  Ouster  could  not  remedy  entirely, 
though  he  did  his  utmost  towards  checking  it.  This  was,  the 
undue  dependence  of  the  men  and  officers  on  their  firearms, 
and  their  reluctance  to  use  the  sabre.  This  fault  Ouster  con- 
stantly strove  against,  and  during  his  valley  campaigns  succeeded 
in  forcing  his  men  by  personal  example  into  charging  with  the 
sabre,  with  invariable  success  whenever  it  was  employed.  We 
must,  however,  for  the  truth's  sake,  undeceive  the  civilian  reader 
who  imagines  that  the  sabre  was  the  exclusive  weapon  used  in 
any  of  the  so-called  "  sabre  charges,"  either  of  Ouster's  or  any 
other  cavalry  command,  during  the  war.  A  rattling  irregular 
fusillade  of  pistol  and  carbine  shots  almost  invariably  accompa- 
nied the  charge,  and,  as  a  rule,  the  men  were  very  poor  swords- 
men, solely  from  want  of  fencing  practice. 

Since  the  war,  the  case  has  been  still  worse,  the  use  of  the 
sabre'  having  been  practically  abolished  ;  and  the  diminished 
power  of  Ouster,  reduced  as  he  was  from  a  general  to  a  field 
officer,  added  to  the  fact  that  he  found  the  sense  of  his  brothei 


614  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

officers  generally  against  him  on  this  point,  prevented  his  giving 
the  queen  of  cavalry  weapons  that  attention  which  it  deserves. 

But  as  a  cavalry  leader,  Ouster  displayed  more  genius  and 
natural  talent  than  any  officer  in  the  American  army ;  genius, 
moreover,  of  a  kind  that  would  have  raised  him  to  eminence  in 
any  service.  Had  Ouster,  with  the  same  natural  talent,  served 
in  the  Franco-Prussian  war  as  an  officer  of  uhlans,  there  is  little 
or  no  doubt  that  he  would  have  risen  to  higher  command  than 
he  attained  in  our  own  service.  The  well  known  personal  su- 
pervision of  Von  Moltke,  which  has  made  the  Prussian  army 
what  it  is,  by  promotions  for  merit  alone,  would  never  have 
passed  by  Ouster,  with  his  wonderful  faculty  of  seizing  the  mo- 
ment and  its  fleeting  opportunity. 

The  best  cavalry  leader  America  has  ever  produced,  is  the 
only  truthful  verdict  that  experience  can  pass  on  him  :  a  great 
cavalry  leader  for  any  time  or  country,  history  will  finally  pro- 
nounce him  ;  worthy  to  stand  beside  Hannibal's  "  thunderbolt " 
Mago  ;  Saladin,  the  leader  of  those  "  hurricanes  of  horse"  that 
swept  the  Crusaders  from  Palestine ;  Cromwell,  Seydlitz  or 
Zieten ;  a  perfect  general  of  horse. 


CHAPTER  II. 

OUSTER,   THE   INDIAN-FIGHTER. 

IF  we  devote  a  separate  chapter  to  the  consideration  of  Ouster 
as  an  Indian  campaigner,  it  is  not  because  we  deem  that 
any  different  grade  of  talent  is  required  for  fighting  Indians 
other  than  that  which  obtains  in  a  contest  with  a  civilized  foe, 
but  rather  as  a  concession  to  the  popular  idea  that  such  is  the 
case.  This  idea  is  partly  due  to  the  natural  propensity  of  "  old 
Indian-fighters"  to  magnify  their  own  office,  but  also  to  the 
equally  common  tendency  of  mankind  in  general  to  ignore  tal- 
ent and  special  genius  as  a  possible  factor  of  success  in  any  pur- 
suit, making  experience  and  age  the  only  tests  of  competency. 
A  comparison  of  results  obtained  in  both  kinds  of  warfare,  will 
give  strong  reason  to  believe  that  Indian-fighting,  the  same  as 
Arab-fighting  in  Algeria,  is  by  no  means  as  difficult  to  master 
as  the  art  of  fighting  a  properly  equipped,  civilized  foe.  Many 
an  officer  who  has  attained  considerable  success  as  an  Indian- 
fighter,  has  turned  out  but  a  poor  general  in  campaign  against 
a  regular  enemy,  whereas  generals  of  remarkable  talent  in  civ- 
ilized warfare — real  generals,  not  mere  "  scientific  soldiers,"  so 
miscalled — have  never  failed  to  give  a  good  account  of  a  bar- 
barian foe,  be  it  Indian,  Arab,  African,  or  Tartar. 

The  natural  tendency  above  referred  to,  has  however  pro- 
duced in  the  American  army  a  very  exaggerated  estimate  of 
the  necessity  of  long  experience  in  Indian  fighting  to  produce  a 
perfect  officer,  and  a  fashion  of  depreciating  every  officer,  no 
matter  what  his  talent  elsewhere,  if  his  Indian  experience  be 
"brief.  When  Ouster  first  went  on  the  plains,  he  found  this 


CJ6  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

feeling  in  full  force,  and  was  constantly  confronted  with  the 
express  or  implied  statement  that  Indian-fighting  was  so  totally 
different  from  other  warfare  that  his  previous  experience  was 
valueless,  and  that  he  would  have  to  sit  humbly  and  learn  at  the 
feet  of  this  or  that  officer,  because  the  latter  was  "  an  old  Indian- 
fighter." 

Yery  early  in  his  Indian  career,  however,  Ouster  seems  to 
have  discovered  that  few  army  officers  were  able  to  supply  him 
with  much  valuable  information  on  the  Indian  subject ;  and  his 
keen  perception  showed  him  at  the  same  time  who  could  do  it. 
He  saw  that  the  officers,  especially  the  oldest  of  them,  were  too 
slow  for  him,  just  as  they  had  been  during  the  war,  and  he  also 
saw  that  the  rough  and  ready  scouts,  who  lived  in  the  same 
style  as  the  Indians,  would  be  his  best  masters.  From  them  he 
seems  from  the  first  to  have  taken  lessons,  readily  and  humbly 
enough,  as  he  tells  us  in  his  recorded  experiences  on  the  plains. 
His  first  master  was  Comstock,  the  scout  who  rode  with  him 
m  his  first  campaign  against  Pawnee  Killer ;  and  Pawnee 
Killer  himself,  with  Romeo  and  California  Joe,  gave  him 
excellent  lessons.  "When  we  consider  that  Ouster  made  his 
first  appearance  on  the  plains  the  beginning  of  April,  1867, 
perfectly  "green,"  as  the  old  Indian-fighters  thought,  that  the 
whole  of  his  experience  was  limited  to  the  months  of  April,  May, 
June  and  a  few  days  of  July  in  that  year,  that  from  that  time 
till  September,  1868,  he  was  under  arrest  and  suspended  from 
field  service,  it  will  appear  that  he  must  have  used  his  time  well 
to  have  called  forth  from  his  superior  officers  the  request  that 
met  him  in  Monroe  in  1868.  His  Indian-fighting  experience 
was  then  limited  to  less  than  four  months  ;  there  was  a  whole 
army  to  choose  from  ;  the  officers  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  had 
all  been  out  on  the  plains  a  whole  year ;  General  Sully,  an 
Indian-fighter  then  possessing  a  high  reputation,  was  in  com- 
mand ;  yet,  such  was  the  confidence  in  Ouster's  ability,  pro- 
duced by  his  record  of  three  months  and  a  half,  that  Sherman, 
Sheridan,  SuM/y,  and  att  the  officers  of  the  regiment,  old  and 


OUSTER    THE    INDIAN    FIGHTER.  617 

new,  joined  in  a  request  to  have  Ouster  back  for  the  command 
of  the  field  expedition. 

He  came,  and  what  was  the  result  ?  In  six  months  he  had 
pacified  the  whole  of  the  southwestern  tribes,  first  by  a  battle, 
then  by  diplomacy,  exhibiting  throughout  the  campaign  a 
combination  of  boldness  and  dexterity,  of  tact  and  shrewdness, 
that  was  crowned  with  complete  success,  and  that  stamped  him 
as  the  best  Indian-fighter  in  the  service.  Measured  by  his 
deeds  and  comparing  them  with  those  of  any  Indian-fighter  in 
the  service,  no  matter  what  his  reputation,  this  claim  is  by 
no  means  extravagant.  The  exploits  of  those  officers  who 
fought  Indians  before  the  civil  war,  were  not  attended  with 
the  same  difficulties  which  surrounded  Ouster  and  the  Indian- 
fighters  of  the  present  day.  In  those  days  the  troops  were 
better  armed  than  the  Indians ;  now  the  Indians  are  better 
armed  than  the  troops  ;  then  there  was  no  Indian  Department 
to  feed  the  Indians  and  supply  them  with  patent  ammunition  ; 
now  this  business  has  become  recognized  as  the  regular  employ- 
ment of  an  Indian  agent.  In  the  old  times  the  army  was  left 
alone  to  manage  the  Indians,  to  fight  them  if  necessary,  and 
Indian  wars  were  easily  settled  on  the  plains;  now  the  army 
officer  has  to  fight  the  Indians  first  and  the  Indian  Department 
afterwards.  All  these  things  made  Ouster's  task  a  much  harder 
one  than  those  of  the  officers  who  engaged  in  an  occasional 
Indian  skirmish  before  the  civil  war.  With  the  services  of  any 
recent  Indian  campaigner,  no  matter  who  or  what  he  may  be, 
Ouster's  record  need  fear  no  comparison.  The  results  of  hie 
campaign  of  1868-9,  when  he  was  in  full  and  unrestricted 
command,  were  superior  to  those  gained  by  any  other  officer  in 
the  service,  since  1866,  and  nothing  but  prejudice  can  gainsay 
the  undoubted  facts. 

"What  was  it  then,  that  gave  Ouster  his  remarkable  success 
as  an  Indian-fighter,  after  such  a  brief  experience,  and  what 
were  the  qualities  which,  so  early  in  his  career,  gained  him  the 
implicit  confidence — not  of  Sheridan,  which  was  his  already — 


618  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

bnt  of  Sherman,  who  had  only  met  him  a  few  times,  of  Sully, 
who  had  not  seen  him  at  all  in  service  ?  It  was  his  remarkable 
tact,  shrewdness,  and  quickness  to  learn,  the  ardor  with  which  he 
applied  himself  to  the  study  of  the  Indian  character,  and  the 
safety  which  had  accompanied  his  most  apparently  audacious 
operations  against  the  enemy,  in  his  three  months'  service.  Be 
sides  this,  when  under  arrest  and  suspension,  Ouster  had  not 
been  idle.  He  had  made  up  his  mind  to  master  the  problem 
of  Indian  character,  and  he  devoted  his  enforced  leisure  to  the 
task.  Where  another  man  would  have  been  brooding;  Ouster 
was  working,  and  he  devoted  his  winter  of  disgrace  at  Fort 
Leavenworth — to  what,  think  you  ? — to  learning  the  Indian 
sign  language,  which  passed  current  among  all  the  tribes,  and 
serves  as  a  medium  of  communication  between  Indians  speaking 
every  variety  of  language.  This  he  studied  to  such  good  pur- 
pose, then  and  after,  that  he  was  able  to  converse,  without  an 
interpreter,  with  Indians  of  any  tribe,  as  far  as  the  sign  language 
carries  any  of  them. 

That  old  Indian-fighters  in  those  days  appreciated  his  knowl- 
edge of  Indian  character  is  evinced  by  the  words  of  General 
Sturgis,  himself  an  old  ante-bellum  Indian-fighter  of  consider- 
able reputation,  which  words  we  have  quoted  elsewhere.* 
Ouster,  quick  to  learn  Indian  tactics,  was  equally  quick  to  learn 
the  habits  and  natures,  peaceful  and  warlike,  of  the  Indians 
themselves.  An  amusing  anecdote,  whose  authenticity  is 
vouched  for,  will  show  the  tact  and  shrewdness  with  which  he 
played  on  every  point  in  Indian  character. 

While  in  camp  on  the  Black  Hills  expedition,  in  1873,  be 
ing  then  in  the  zenith  of  his  reputation  as  an  Indian-fighter, 
Ouster  retained  a  great  many  of  his  Indian  scouts  near  head- 
quarters, under  command  of  Bloody  Knife.  One  day,  as  Ouster 
was  writing  in  his  tent,  one  of  these  Indian  scouts  came  in, 
a  good  deal  the  worse  for  liquor,  and  began  with  some  maunder- 
ing complaint  of  something  that  had  offended  him.  Ouster 

*  Page  475. 


OUSTER    THE    INDIAN-FIGHTER.  619 

looked  up,  saw  the  man  was  drunk,  and  ordered  him  out  of  the 
tent.  Like  all  Indians  in  liquor,  this  one  was  insolent,  and 
squaring  himself  before  the  general,  became  louder  in  his  com- 
plaints and  boasts  of  his  own  importance. 

Without  another  word,  'Ouster  sprang  up,  with  the  peculiar 
catlike  agility  he  possessed,  and  quick  as  lightning  struck  the 
Indian  two  blows,  in  regular  professional  style,  sending  him  to 
grass,  with  an  ugly  lump  under  the  eye,  and  a  nose  badly  pun- 
ished. The  Indian  was  knocked  half  out  of  the  tent  door,  and 
as  Ouster  made  a  step  towards  him,  as  if  to  renew  the  assault, 
the  red  man  picked  himself  up  with  surprising  humility,  and 
ran  like  a  deer  to  the  scouts'  quarters,  howling  all  the  way. 

Ouster  returned  to  his  writing  as  if  nothing  had  happened. 
Very  few  men  possessed  the  physique  to  have  punished  a  pow- 
erful Indian  so  quickly,  but  Ouster's  knuckles  were  very  bony, 
and  from  a  lad  he  had  been  the  strongest  of  his  playmates.  So 
far  he  had  done  nothing  but  what  any  powerful  man  of  quick 
decision  would  have  done.  It  is  the  sequel  of  the  story  which 
shows  his  tact. 

In  a  few  minutes  after,  there  was  a  great  commotion  in  the 
Indian  quarters,  and  the  voices  of  the  warriors  could  be  heard, 
all  together,  in  the  high  monotonous  scream  of  the  excited  In- 
dian, trying  to  lash  himself  and  fellows  to  fury.  It  brought  out 
the  guard  in  some  alarm,  and  the  other  soldiers  began  to  tum- 
ble out  nf  their  tents  to  see  the  fun.  Ouster,  of  course,  heard 
the  disturbance  and  knew  the  cause,  but  he  continued  tran- 
quilly writing,  as  if  deafness  had  suddenly  afflicted  him.  The 
noise  increased,  and  he  could  hear  the  stern  tones  of  the  officer 
of  the  day  in  the  wrangle,  but  even  that  dreaded  official's  au- 
thority did  not  appear  to  cow  the  Indians,  for  their  fierce  chat- 
tering grew  shriller  every  moment.  He  heard  in  the  hubbub 
the  English  words  "  Guard  house  !  Guard  house !  Big  chief — 
Guard  house  !  "  and  a  smile  gathered  over  his  face  as  he  went 
on  writing. 

Presently  a  sudden  hush  came  on  the  tumult.     He  heard 


620  GENERAL   GEORGE    A.  OUSTER. 

steps  approaching,  and  a  knock  on  the  tent  door,  followed  by 
the  entrance  of  the  officer  of  the  day,  who  wore  a  countenance 
of  some  anxiety. 

It  appeared  from  the  officer's  report  that  the  Indians  were 
insisting  that  the  same  measure  of  justice  should  be  meted  to 
Caster  as  to  other  offenders.  They  had  been  accustomed  to  see 
every  man  found  fighting  in  camp  put  in  the  guard  house.  The 
big  chief  had  hurt  their  comrade  badly,  therefore  the  big  chief 
ought  to  go  to  the  guard  house.  "While  we  cannot  help  smiling 
at  the  idea,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  rude  sense  of  justice 
of  the  Indians  was  perfectly  correct.  The  officer  of  the  day 
further  stated  that  he  had  pacified  them  by  coming  to  see  the 
big  chief,  but  that  they  were  very  firm  in  their  demands. 

It  may  be  imagined  by  some  that  there  was  no  great  diffi- 
culty in  this  case,  but  the  contrary  is  the  fact.  If  Ouster  had 
allowed  the  first  Indian  to  be  drunk  and  insolent,  he  would 
have  lost  control  over  his  capricious  allies,  who  would  have  de- 
spised him.  If  he  now  refused  them  justice  they  all  would 
leave  him,  probably  to  join  the  hostiles.  Ouster's  decision  was 
instantly  taken,  though  not  in  words. 

As  soon  as  the  officer  had  concluded  his  report,  the  General 
walked  out  of  the  tent,  and  found  his  Indian  allies  in  a  group, 
quite  silent  now,  watching  the  tent. 

"  Tell  the  chief  to  come  here,"  said  Ouster  to  the  officer  of 
the  day.  In  a  few  moments  Bloody  Knife  approached,  in  a  very 
lordly  manner.  As  he  left  his  comrades,  he  waved  them  back, 
with  the  grand  air  of  a  "  big  Injun "  full  of  his  own  im- 
portance. 

Ouster  approached  the  chief  several  steps  to  meet  him,  took 
off  his  hat,  and  swept  a  low  and  ceremonious  salute.  Then 
shaking  Bloody  Knife's  hand  cordially,  he  and  the  Indian  mutu- 
ally ejaculated  "  How  !  how  !  " 

Still  retaining  the  chiefs  hand,  he  led  him  into  his  own 
tent,  and  seated  him  in  his  own  chair,  an  honor  that  gratified 
Bloody  Knife  still  more. 


OUSTER    THE    INDIAN-FIGHTEB.  621 

Then  the  general  took  up  an  Indian  pipe,  filled  it,  lighted 
it,  took  a  few  whiffs,  and  handed  it  to  the  chief,  the  two  sitting 
opposite  to  each  other  in  solemn  silence  all  the  while.  By  this 
time  the  Indian  was  swelling  with  importance,  and  evidently 
imagined  that  the  white  chief  was  about  to  apologize  and  oifer 
presents  to  pay  for  the  wrong  he  had  done.  He  behaved  how- 
ever, with  the  strictest  decorum,  as  an  Indian  generally  does  at 
a  council. 

After  several  mutual  whiffs,  Ouster  gravely  asked  what  had 
procured  him  the  honor  of  this  visit. 

Thus  exhorted,  Bloody  Knife,  in  broken  English,  uttered  his 
complaint  with  ceremonious  gravity. 

"  Big  chief  hurt  Injun  heap  bad — near  kill  um — cut  face 
open — Injun  much  heap  mad — say  big  chief  must  go  guard- 
house." 

And  the  chief  grunted  and  relapsed  into  silence,  smoking 
vigorously. 

"  Is  your  man  badly  hurt  ?  "  asked  Ouster,  after  the  usual 
pause  of  ceremony. 

"  Much  heap  bad — face  all  blood — may  be  die — Injuns  put 
um  in  bed — tink  he  die — say  big  chief  must  go  guard-house." 

And  he  grunted  a  second  time,  feeling  that  he  had  made  a 
point,  then  ceremoniously  handed  the  pipe  to  Ouster.  The 
fact  probably  was,  he  was  waiting  to  be  bribed. 

After  a  minute's  pause,  Ouster  spoke  very  gravely. 

"  Listen.  I  am  the  big  chief  here.  All  these  soldiers  are 
under  me,  and  all  their  chiefs  too.  You  see  that  ? " 

The  chief  bowed  gravely,  and  grunted. 

"  You  are  the  chief  of  the  scouts.  All  the  Indians  are  under 
you,  because  you  are  a  great  warrior.  You  see  ? " 

A  more  decided  grunt  of  approbation  and  gratified  vanity. 

"  Whenever  any  of  my  soldiers  has  a  complaint,  he  goes  to 
his  chief,  and  his  chief  comes  to  me.  You  see? " 

A  sort  of  doubtful  grunt.  The  Indian  began  to  see  that 
something  else  was  coming. 


622  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

"  No  one  ever  enters  this  tent  but  chiefs  and  great  warriors. 
Them  I  am  always  glad  to  see.  You  I  am  glad  to  see.  You 
are  a  chief,  and  a  great  warrior.  You  see  ? " 

The  grunt  this  time  was  one  of  unmixed  satisfaction. 

"  When  a  man  comes  into  my  tent  without  first  going  to 
his  chief,"  pursued  Ouster  slowly,  watching  his  auditor  closely, 
"  he  dishonors  his  chief — you  see  ? — makes  a  squaw  of  his  chief 
— you  see  ? — throws  dirt  in  his  chief's  face — you  see  ? — says 
4  You  are  no  chief — you  are  a  squaw — a  dog.' — Do  you  see  ?  " 

In  his  turn,  Ouster  resumed  the  puffing  of  his  pipe,  which 
he  had  interrupted  to  speak. 

For  fully  a  minute  there  was  a  dead  silence. 

Then  the  chief  rose,  and  Ouster  laid  aside  the  pipe  and  fol- 
lowed suit.  Not  being  a  smoker,  he  was  only  too  glad  to  do  it. 

The  chief  shook  his  hand  ceremoniously. 

"  How  !  How  ! "  said  he.  Then  suddenly  dropping  his 
dignity,  he  shot  out  of  the  tent  toward  the  Indian  quarters,  and 
a  moment  later,  Ouster  heard  his  voice  raised  in  a  perfect 
frenzy  of  rage,  yelling  out  an  impassioned  appeal  to  his  follow- 
ers to  avenge  him  on  the  man  who  had  made  a  squaw  of  sc 
great  a  chief  as  Bloody  Knife,  the  Arickaree. 

A  few  moments  later,  all  the  Indians  rushed  to  the  quarters, 
where  the  poor  sufferer  was  in  bed,  nursed  by  his  friends,  pulled 
him  out,  and  commenced  lashing  him  with  their  heavy  buffalo 
whips,  the  chief  being  the  heaviest  in  his  blows.  The  innate 
sense  of  the  necessity  of  subordination  in  military  society  was 
aroused.  Even  the  wild  savage  could  see  the  force  of  Ouster's 
lucid  argument,  though  delivered  in  a  strange  language,  and 
with  some  words  only  half  understood.* 

Ouster  had  no  more  trouble  with  his  Indian  scouts,  and  he 
showed  the  same  knowledge  of  Indian  character  throughout 
his  career.  The  story  of  Rain-in-the-Face  partly  illustrates  it, 

*  A  partial  version  of  this  anecdote  first  appeared  in  the  Chicago  Inter 
Ocean,  and  subsequent  investigation  by  the  author  has  resulted  in  the  above 
facts.  Poor  Bloody  Knife  fell  with  Custer  at  the  Little  Horn. 


CUSTER    THE    INDIAN-FIGHTER.  623 

but  there  are  enough  anecdotes  of  the  kind  to  fill  a  book  much 
larger  than  this,  which  cannot  now  be  told.  In  the  southwest 
and  northwest  alike,  when  the  outside  world  deemed  that  Cus- 
ter  was  merely  stagnating  in  ordinary  army  style,  he  was  carry 
ing  on  his  study  of  Indian  character,  and  acquiring  ascendency 
and  reputation  among  the  tribes.  In  his  visits  to  New  York, 
he  took  occasion  to  learn  a  good  many  feats  of  conjuring,  sleight- 
of-hand,  etc.,  which  he  used  in  various  adroit  ways  to  increase 
this  ascendency  ;  so  that,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  he  had  the  repu- 
tation among  the  Indians  of  being  a  great  magician  or  "  medicine 
man,"  which  increased  the  awe  with  which  they  regarded  him. 
That,  and  his  super-human  courage,  which  Indians  of  all  men 
are  the  first  to  respect,  procured  him  the  last  honor  which  they 
could  pay  to  his  mortal  remains.  They  dared  to  kill  him  from 
afar  with  bullets-that  was  merely  the  crooking  of  a  finger-but 
something  in  that  dead  body  struck  even  Rain-in-the-Face 
with  a  sense  of  awe,  and  the  bravest  Sioux  of  the  northwest 
did  not  dare  to  lift  his  hand  to  strike  dead  Ouster. 

Will  any  be  found  to  take  his  place  and  do  as  well  as  he 
has  done  ?  It  is  hard  to  say.  So  far,  the  American  army  has 
produced  but  one  Ouster,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  pecu- 
liar combination  of  qualities  which  made  him  what  he  was,  will 
ever  be  duplicated.  If  one  be  found  to  lead  men  to  success  as 
he  has  done,  he  must  be  looked  for  among  the  younger  officers 
of  the  array,  the  men  whose  careers  are  yet  to  culminate,  who 
show  symptoms  of  life  amid  the  too  general  stagnation  of  frontier 
service.  Two  at  least  of  this  class,  the  hope  of  the  army  of  the 
future,  have  developed  talents  of  the  same  nature  as  those  of 
Ouster,  and  which  may  in  time  equal  them  in  degree.  To  them 
the  country  looks  to  give  it  a  successor  to  Ouster  the  Indian- 
fighter,  in  quickness  of  resolution,  impetuosity  of  attack,  saga- 
city of  plan.  One  of  them,  since  the  greater  part  of  these  pages 
were  written,  has  gained  the  only  success  of  a  disastrous  cam- 
paign, by  meeting  Sitting  Bull  on  open  ground  and  aided  by 
artillery,  repulsing  his  attack  with  severe  loss ;  the  other,  by  his 


624-  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

now  nearly  forgotten  raid  over  the  Mexican  border,  showed 
the  possession  of  just  such  boldness  and  enterprise  as  were  con- 
spicuous in  Ouster ;  and  to  Miles  and  Mackenzie  the  army  looks 
to  give  them  another  successful  Indian-fighter,  a  man  not  afraid 
of  the  Indians,  but  fighting  as  if  he  expected  a  victory. 

But,  as  we  have  before  this  insisted  on,  the  greatest  reform 
necessary  in  the  present  regular  cavalry,  to  make  it  uniformly 
effective  against  Indians,  is  in  the  instruction  of  the  rank  and 
file,  and  especially  in  the  cultivation  of  that  neglected  weapon, 
the  sabre,  to  raise  the  morale  of  the  force.  As  it  is,  it  takes 
more  than  ordinary  bravery  and  conduct  in  any  officer  to  achieve 
success  with  the  half-trained  recruits  that  form  the  main  body  of 
the  frontier  army  ;  and  the  disuse  of  the  sabre  has  turned  the 
once  brave  American  dragoon  into  a  timid  skirmisher,  who 
shrinks  from  the  shock  of  the  levelled  lance,  and  seeks  safety 
in  infantry  tactics. 


CHAPTER  III. 

CUSTEK,  THE   MAN. 

IF  the  readers  of  this  book  have  not  by  this  time  formed  some 
idea  of  the  character  of  Ouster  as  a  man,  the  labors  of  the 
author  have  been  spent  in  vain,  and  it  would  be  useless  to  write 
further.  Still,  inasmuch  as  the  beautiful  family  and  social  life  of 
our  hero  has  not  been  fully  treated  of  elsewhere,  we  have  judged 
it  best  to  say  here  a  few  words  on  the  subject,  to  complete  the 
picture. 

Of  General  Ouster's  personal  appearance  at  various  times  of 
his  life  the  portraits  and  illustrations  of  this  book  will  give  a 
good  idea.  They  were,  most  of  them,  made  by  an  artist  who 
knew  Ouster  well  when  he  was  a  young  officer,  and  whose  war 
experience  has  enabled  him  to  give  truthful  pictures.  The  face 
and  figure  of  our  hero  varied  much  at  different  times  of  his  life, 
his  face  as  a  cadet  being  smooth  and  beardless,  and  by  no  means 
as  handsome  as  it  afterwards  became.  In  the  portrait  on  wood, 
with  the  broad  hat  and  open  collar,  we  have  Ouster  at  Appo- 
mattox,  haggard  and  gaunt  after  his  tremendous  labors  :  in  the 
steel  portrait  which  heads  the  book,  we  have  him  in  later  life, 
with  the  strong  impress  of  mature  thought,  and  an  earnestness 
of  expression  that  tells  of  his  single-minded  nobility  of  purpose. 
It  gives  very  truly  his  habitual  expression  during  the  long  pe- 
riods of  deep  musing  into  which  he  was  wont  to  fall,  when  he 
would  sit  for  hours  totally  silent. 

In  society,  apart  from  these  occasional  moody  intervals,  he 
was  exceedingly  light-hearted,  with  a  boyish  tendency  to  frolic 
and  playfulness  that  seemed  common  to  all  the  Ouster  boys.  In 
40 


626  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.  CUSTER. 

Fort  Lincoln,  where  he  was  thrown  almost  alone  during  the 
winter  into  a  very  small  circle  of  intimate  friends,  he  and  his 
brothers,  Tom  and  Boston,  were  the  life  of  the  place,  while 
the  refining  influence  of  the  society  of  the  few  ladies  that  clus- 
tered round  Mrs.  Ouster  made  the  circle  extremely  delightful. 
No  man  valued  more  highly  than  Ouster  the  influence  of  women 
to  ameliorate  men,  and  no  man  had  more  reason.  The  little 
group  of  ladies,  Mrs.  Ouster,  Mrs.  Calhoun,  Mrs.  Yates,  Mrs. 
Smith,  and  the  one  or  two  young  ladies  from  Monroe  who 
were  always  visiting  Mrs.  Ouster,  made  the  home  circle  at  the 
fort  a  perfect  haven  of  rest  to  the  officers  fortunate  enough  to 
possess  Ouster's  friendship. 

The  general  was  always  very  fond  of  children.  One  of  his 
Eastern  friends,  whom  he  frequently  visited,  tells  how  he  would 
often  leave  a  circle  of  fashionable  people,  with  whom  he  was 
very  shy  and  reserved,  to  sit  in  a  corner  with  two  children, 
who  begged  him  for  Indian  stories.  Although  very  reticent  to 
others  about  his  deeds,  he  always  unbent  to  these  children,  and 
so  won  their  hearts  that  to-day  they  always  protest  that  Gen- 
eral Ouster  was  the  kindest  and  nicest  gentleman  that  evei  vis- 
ited their  father's  house.  I  set  a  high  value  on  this  fact. 
Children,  especially  girls,  are  unerring  readers  of  charactei ,  and 
there  must  have  been  something  singularly  pure  and  f  rai;k  in 
Ouster's  character  to  have  attracted  the  love  of  these  children. 

Another  point  in  Ouster  was  his  perfect  nobility  of  forgive- 
ness. We  have  seen  how  his  court-martial  in  1867  was  caused 
by  an  officer,  brave  and  capable  enough,  but  who  hated  him. 
Only  a  year  later,,  this  same  officer,  then  out  of  the  service,  ap- 
plied to  Ouster  for  a  position  as  trader  or  sutler  in  an  expedi- 
tion commanded  by  him,  expressing  his  sorrow  for  the  past. 
Custer  at  once  gave  him  the  place,  which  was  in  his  gift.  Yet 
his  critics  have  called  him  "  a  good  friend  and  a  bitter  enemy." 
Never  was  a  falser  saying.  The  man  seemed  incapable  of  pri- 
vate malice.  Even  under  the  unjust  persecution  of  Grant  he 
was  cheerful,  and  always  said  to  those  who  Bpoke  bitterly  of  the 


CUSTER    THE    MAN.  627 

President,  "  Never  mind :  it  will  all  come  right  at  last.  The 
President  is  mistaken  ;  but  it  will  all  come  right  at  last,  if  I  do 
my  duty."  He  was  never  known  to  return  an  injury. 

In  his  devotion  to  duty  and  honesty,  to  fair  dealing  and 
justice,  he  was  almost  fanatical.  There  indeed  he  was  stern, 
and  his  indignation  at  the  robbery  and  rapacity  of  the  Indian 
ring  and  the  post  traders'  ring  was  frequent  and  outspoken.  It 
caused  all  his  subsequent  trouble.  He  saw  the  poor  agency 
Indians  robbed  while  the  agents  grew  rich,  and  his  anger, 
which  could  not  find  vent  through  official  channels,  was  heard 
in  the  press,  and  given  to  the  world  in  his  "  Life  on  the  Plains." 
Can  we  blame  him  for  that  ? 

Ouster  knew,  as  every  officer  in  the  army  knows,  that  the 
Indian  Department  is  a  perfect  mine  of  wealth  to  the  men  of 
politics,  and  that,  were  it  not  for  the  supplies  of  arms  furnished 
to  the  Indians  by  that  department,  there  would  be  no  Indian 
wars.  He  and  his  men  were  finally  shot  to  death  with  bullets 
loaded  into  Winchester  metallic  ammunition  at  New  Haven 
and  Bridgeport,  Connecticut,  and  furnished  to  the  Indians  by 
the  Indian  Bureau.  He  knew  that  in  every  fight  he  had  with 
Indians,  they  confronted  him  with  weapons  sold  them  by  trad- 
ers under  the  protection  of  the  agencies.  He  knew  that  every 
attempt  by  honest  men  in  Congress  to  abolish  this  grand  cor- 
ruption mine  had  been  defeated  by  the  vote  of  a  purchased  ma- 
jority. He  knew  that  the  reason  for  this  vote  was  the  enor- 
mous amount  of  power  given  by  the  use  of  such  a  huge  corrup- 
tion fund  for  political  purposes.  He  knew  that  the  very  arms 
sold  to  hostile  Indians  were  made  a  means  of  cheating  them,  so 
that  a  single  Winchester  rifle,  worth  thirty  dollars,  sold  for  two 
hundred  buffalo  robes  at  Fort  Peck.  He  saw  all  these  soulless 
cheats  around  him  bartering  away  the  lives  of  the  frontier  set- 
tiers  by  the  hundred  for  their  gain,  and  he  groaned  in  spirit, 
and  spoke  out  again  and  again,  in  fiery  anger  against  such  mon- 
strous wrongs.  Can  we  blame  him  ? 

His  one  fault,  to  the  sense  of  cool  selfish  men  of  the  world. 


€28  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   OUSTER. 

was  his  outspoken  frankness,  his  anger  at  wrong,  his  want  of 
concealment.  Make  the  most  of  that,  and  it  is  a  noble  fault. 
It  brought  him  his  death. 

Truth  and  sincerity,  honor  and  bravery,  tenderness  and 
sympathy,  unassuming  piety  and  temperance,  were  the  main- 
spring of  Ouster,  the  man.  As  a  soldier  there  is  no  spot  on  his 
armor,  as  a  man  no  taint  on  his  honor. 

We  have  followed  him  through  all  his  life,  and  passed  in 
review  boy,  cadet,  lieutenant,  captain,  general,  and  Indian- 
fighter,  without  finding  one  deed  to  bring  shame  on  soldier  or 
man.  People  of  the  land  he  loved,  my  task  is  ended.  Would 
it  had  been  committed  to  worthier  hands.  Four  simple  lines, 
written  by  an  unknown  poet,  form  his  best  epitaph. 

Who  early  thus  upon  the  field  of  glory 
Like  thee  doth  fall  and  die,  needs  for  his  fame 
Naught  but  the  simple  telling  of  his  story, 
The  naming  of  his  name. 


TENTH    BOOK. 

PERSONAL    RECOLLECTIONS 
or 

GENERAL   CTJSTE'R. 

BY 

LAWRENCE   BARRETT, 


CONTRIBUTED   AT    THE    JOINT    REQUEST    OP    MRS.  OUSTER, 
THE    AUTHOR,    AND    THE    PUBLISHERS. 


GEORGE  ARMSTRONG  OUSTER  was  of  that  great  industrial 
class  from  which  so  many  of  onr  original  men  are  springing. 
With  no  marked  advantages  of  education,  no  influence  to  push 
forward  his  fortunes,  or  wealth  to  command  situation,  he  yet 
passed  through  such  a  career,  was  so  rapid  in  growth  and  de- 
velopment, that  he  was  ripe  in  honors  when  the  bullet  of  the 
Indian  warrior  pierced  his  heart.  Advancement  so  swift,  a 
career  so  brilliant  that  his  deeds  have  become  household  words 
in  the  land,  indicate  the  possession  of  more  than  ordinary  qual- 
ities in  the  subject  of  this  memoir.  Leaving,  at  barely  his 
majority,  the  military  academy  where  his  original  address  and 
marked  demeanor  had  placed  him,  without  the  usual  influence 
which  people's  our  national  training  schools,  he  was  thrust  at 
once  into  a  command  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  Having 
barely  reached  a  man's  estate,  unused  to  the  world,  unacquainted 
with  men,  untrained  in  active  warfare,  he  was  suddenly  to  be 


630  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   OUSTER. 

called  upon  for  the  exhibition  of  the  qualities  which  lead  and 
govern  armies.  The  sword  of  the  cadet  was  to  be  unsheathed 
by  youthful  hands  amidst  the  din  of  a  civil  strife,  unexampled 
in  history  for  the  fierceness  of  its  character  and  for  the  impor- 
tance of  its  results.  Out  of  this  trial  our  hero  was  to  emerge 
covered  with  the  glory  of  a  veteran,  decorated,  after  five  years 
of  service,  at  the  age  of  twenty-six,  with  the  stars  of  a  Major- 
General,  and  renowned  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other 
— throughout  the  world  indeed — as  an  original  and  brilliant 

o    f  o 

fighter,  a  bold  and  dashing  soldier,  a  successful  commander. 
The  greater  part  of  his  career,  so  sadly  terminated,  was  passed 
where  the  fight  raged  hottest,  where  death  and  carnage  reigned 
supreme  ;  and  finally,  at  the  age  of  thirty-seven,  an  age  when 
the  careers  of  most  men  are  beginning,  he  was  snatched  away, 
covered  with  glory,  the  mourned  darling  of  a  nation.  We 
must  look  into  the  records  of  heroic  ages  for  a  parallel  to  this 
career,  through  which  our  biographer  has  so  lovingly  followed 
him.  The  incidents  of  that  extraordinary  military  history  can 
be  followed  and  proven  in  the  annals  of  the  war.  Dates  and 
official  records  will  amply  note  and  verify  the  conspicuous  part 
borne  by  General  Ouster.  His  place  among  the  heroes  of  our 
country  will  be  gratefully  allowed  so  long  as  patriotism  endures ; 
his  chivalrous  deeds  will  be  immortalized  by  bard,  and  per- 
petuated by  historian.  The  chapter  of  great  warriors  will 
hereafter  be  incomplete,  which  does  not  record  the  exploits  of 
Ouster  and  his  gallant  riders,  from  Bull  Run  to  the  Appomattox. 
It  is  the  misfortune  of  men  in  high  public  station  that  the 
brilliancy  of  their  professional  careers  obscures  the  private  char- 
acter of  the  individual.  They  are  seen  through  a  misty  veil 
and  by  their  position  shut  out  from  the  close  observation  of 
their  fellows.  It  was  my  happiness  to  have  known  intimately, 
and  to  have  enjoyed  for  many  years  the  society  of  General  Ous- 
ter, and  it  may,  therefore,  be  allowed  me  to  record  my  impres- 
sion of  him  as  divested  of  the  pomp  of  war,  and  mingling  in 
the  pursuits  of  social  life.  Abler  hands  may  collect  and  en- 


PERSONAL    RECOLLECTIONS.  631 

gross  the  various  incidents  of  this  heroic  life,  compiling  a  suit- 
able biography  for  his  countrymen's  instruction,  and  these  rem- 
iniscences should  be  accepted  simply  as  a  tribute  of  affection 
to  a  dearly  beloved  friend.  No  one  had  followed  General  Ous- 
ter's military  career  with  more  enthusiasm  than  the  writer. 
The  successive  battles  in  which  he  bore  so  conspicuous  and  gal- 
lant a  part  were  studied  with  ardor  by  his  then  unknown  friend, 
who  was  thus  prepared,  should  the  moment  ever  arrive,  to  meet 
with  interest  and  embrace  with  affection  the  hero  whose  deeds 
had  already  won  ardent  admiration.  The  stirring  incidents  of 
the  war  had  developed  two  men  whose  exploits  had  made  them 
objects  of  the  writer's  sincere  attachment.  Both  young,  their 
rapidity  of  promotion  alike  extraordinary  and  acquired  by  abso- 
lute merit,  it  was  my  happiness  to  claim  their  friendship  and 
at  last  bring  them  together.  In  the  war  they  had  fought  side 
by  side,  each  unacquainted  with  the  other,  except  in  their 
achievements.  At  my  fireside  they  came  together  in  friendly 
meeting  and  cemented  in  private  the  attachment  which  sym- 
pathy of  character  always  creates.  One  now  lies  ill  among  the 
Berkshire  hills,  his  youthful  form  scarred  with  wounds  received 
in  his  country's  service ;  the  other,  dead  at  thirty-seven,  sleeps 
where  no  stone  may  mark  his  resting-place,  beneath  the  blood- 
stained sod  of  the  cold  and  cheerless  plains. 

In  the  fall  of  1866,  while  fulfilling  an  engagement  at 
St.  Louis,  I  met  the  General  for  the  first  time,  and  under  such 
peculiar  circumstances  that  they  may  bear  narration.  The 
play  was  over,  the  curtain  fallen,  and  while  still  preparing  to 
return  to  my  hotel  after  my  night's  entertainment,  a  knock 
was  heard  at  my  dressing-room  door.  Obedient  to  the  answer- 
ing summons,  entered  a  tall,  fair  haired,  blue  eyed,  smiling 
gentleman,  clad  in  military  undress.  Apologizing  for  the 
intrusion,  he  gave  his  name  as  General  Ouster.  No  such 
introduction  was  necessary.  By  those  well  known  features  I 
recognized  at  once  the  young  cavalry  leader.  He  had  been 
sent  to  •bring  me  to  the  hotel  where  he  was  temporarily  resid- 


632  GENERAL     GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

ing,  while  en  route  to  his  command  at  Fort  Leavenworth.  I 
was  to  go  with  him  to  meet  Mrs.  Ouster  and  other  members  of 
his  party.  Excuses  were  set  aside.  He  pleaded  "  orders " 
which  must  be  obeyed,  and  refusal  was  impossible.  A  happy 
hour  in  his  society  was  passed  ;  and  thus  began  an  acquaintance, 
ripening  within  the  next  ten  years  into  the  most  genuine  friend- 
ship, in  which  I  learned  to  esteem  the  qualities  of  the  man  as 
sincerely  as  I  had  admired  the  achievements  of  the  soldier. 

At  that  early  time  General  Ouster  had  not  outgrown  the 
habits  of  the  camp.  He  still  wore  the  long  hair  which  is  so 
familiar  in  his  early  pictures,  his  face  was  bronzed  and  sun- 
burned by  out-door  exposure,  his  bearing  a  mixture  of  the 
student  and  the  soldier.  No  pen  'portrait  of  General  Ouster 
would  be  complete  which  did  not  give  the  simple,  boyish  side 
of  his  character,  seemingly  more  marked  from  the  daring,  ad- 
venturous spirit  which  the  war  had  made  us  familiar  with. 
His  voice  was  earnest,  soft,  tender  and  appealing,  with  a  quick- 
ness of  the  utterance  which  became  at  times  choked  by  the 
rapid  flow  of  ideas,  and  a  nervous  hesitancy  of  speech,  betray- 
ing intensity  of  thought.  There  was  a  searching  expression  of 
the  eye,  which  riveted  the  speaker,  as  if  each  word  was  being 
measured  mercilessly  by  the  listener.  Peculiarly  nervous,  he  yet 
seemed  able  to  control  himself  at  will.  His  fund  of  humor  was 
betrayed  by  a  chuckle  of  a  laugh,  such  as  those  who  have  ever 
known  Artemus  Ward  will  remember — a  laugh  which  became 
infectious  and  seemed  to  gurgle  up  from  the  depths  of  the  full 
and  joyous  heart  of  the  sunny,  affectionate  Ouster. 

In  the  years  which  passed  on,  following  our  first  meeting, 
duty  separated,  vacations  reunited  us.  Ouster's  appointment 
to  duty  in  Kentucky  afforded  me  several  weeks  of  his  society, 
during  which  we  were  rarely  apart.  At  that  time  he  ran  over 
bis  remembrances  of  the  war  to  me,  speaking  of  himself  with 
modesty,  of  others  with  enthusiasm,  until  it  became  a  delight 
to  listen.  Thus  I  had  the  description  of  the  winter  campaign 
against  the  Indians  on  the  Washita  before  it  was  in  print,  told 


PERSONAL    RECOLLECTIONS.  633 

in  his  graphic,  fervent  style,  and  acted  over  until  it  seemed  as  il 
I  were  a  participant  in  the  strife.  At  this  time  he  began  those 
sketches  in  the  Galaxy  which  were  at  once  received  with  fa- 
vor. Again  separated,  we  were  next  to  meet  during  the  tour 
of  the  Grand  Duke  Alexis,  in  whose  suite  he  had  been  placed 
by  the  government.  Here  his  truly  American  characteristics 
gained  him  a  friend,  whose  quick  eye  discerned  the  depths  of 
that  genuine  nature  and  valued  it.  The  friendship  which  arose 
between  the  Russian  Grand  Duke  and  General  Ouster,  from 
their  association  on  this  tour,  was  very  honorable  to  both.  The 
polished  courtier  discerned  in  the  young  Democrat  those  ster- 
ling qualities  of  manhood  which  maintained  their  individuality 
in  the  midst  of  ceremonies  and  flatteries,  and  the  correspond- 
ence which  passed  between  them  upon  the  return  of  the  Grand 
Duke  to  Russia  was  highly  gratifying  to  Ouster.  Enjoying  his 
vacation  as  keenly  as  a  school-boy,  General  Ouster  was  always 
apparently  "  awaiting  orders,"  and  when  they  came,  his  whole 
manner  changed :  he  seemed  to  put  on  the  soldier  with  the  uni- 
form. He  often  said  that  his  duties  on  the  plains  were  the 
happiest  events  of  his  life — not  that  he  loved  war  for  war's 
sake,  but  that  he  loved  to  feel  that  he  was  on  "duty."  The 
freedom  of  the  plains,  the  constant  companionship  of  his  idol- 
ized wife — now  sitting  in  the  shadow  of  her  last  and  greatest 
bereavement — his  horses  and  his  gun  his  regiment  and  its 
beloved  officers,  amply  replaced  the  allurements  of  civil  life. 

It  was  impossible  for  Ouster  to  appear  otherwise  than  him- 
seli  He  had  none  of  that  affectation  of  manner  or  bearing 
which  arises  from  egotism  or  timidity.  Reticent  among 
Grangers,  even  to  a  fault,  his  enemies,  if  he  had  any,  must  have 
recognized  his  perfect  integrity  of  character.  Indeed,  this  reti- 
cence often  caused  him  to  be  misunderstood,  and  he  himself  fre- 
quently complained  that  he  could  not  be  "  all  things  to  all  men." 
It  was  only  in  the  companionship  of  his  intimates  and  close 
friends  that  the  real  joyousness  of  his  nature  shone  forth.  Then  he 
was  all  confidence,  his  eye  would  brighten,  his  face  light  up  and 


634  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

his  whole  heart  seemed  to  expand.  He  had  something  of  the 
Frenchman  in  his  gayety,  much  of  the  German  in  a  certain  tena- 
city of  purpose.  Utterly  fearless  of  danger,  he  seemed  in  pri- 
vate to  become  as  gentle  as  a  woman. 

[Some  have  thought  that  Ouster's  courage  was  of  the  bull- 
dog kind  ;  that  he  knew  no  danger  and  feared  none.  Nothing 
can  be  further  from  the  truth.  He  said  to  the  writer  that, 
the  first  few  battles  he  was  in,  he  was  almost  overcome  with 
fear  :  he  also  intimates  this  very  clearly  in  his  "War  Memoirs." 
His  courage  was  purely  a  triumph  of  mind  over  physical 
fear.  .Toward  the  close  of  the  war  he  became  convinced  that 
he  would  not  be  killed.  The  truth  doubtless  is  that  he  was 
fully  conscious  that  he  possessed  the  ability  to  rise  in  his  pro- 
fession, and  he  had  determined  to  do  so  at  all  hazards.  He 
chose  the  post  of  danger  at  the  head  of  his  column,  simply  be- 
cause he  was  aware  that  it  was  the  place  to  obtain  success. 
He  knew  that  thus,  and  thus  only,  he  could  inspire  his  men  with 
confidence,  and  make  of  each  a  hero.  All  this  was  the  result  of 
a  deliberate  plan.  He  had  counted  the  cost  of  success  and  was 
fully  prepared  to  pay  it.  He  wanted  honor  and  distinction 
among  his  fellow  men,  or  death  on  the  field.  He  put  this  spirit 
into  his  division  by  his  example,  and  they  were  invincible.]* 

In  the  society  of  ladies,  with  whom  his  deeds  had  made  him 
a  favorite,  he  manifested  none  of  the  gallantries  which  arise 
from  vanity. 

When  ordered  to  Fort  Lincoln,  General  Ouster  was  lost  to 
me  for  several  months,  but  our  correspondence  was  constant. 
He  was  eager  that  I  should  visit  him,  and  it  was  only  by  a  pres- 
sure of  professional  duties  at  the  time,  that  I  was  denied  the 
pleasure  of  being  his  companion  upon  the  first  expedition  to 
the  Black  Hills.  The  succeeding  fall  he  made  his  vacation  with 
me,  and  for  two  happy  weeks  we  were  constantly  together. 
This  was  in  Chicago.  If  an  engagement  to  dinner  took  him 
away,  he  would  hasten  at  its  conclusion  to  my  dressing-room  at 
*  Remarks  by  another  intimate  friend  of  General  Caster. 


PERSONAL    RECOLLECTIONS.  635 

the  theatre;  and  thence,  arm-in-arm,  we  would  return  home  to- 
gether. Thus  I  have  seen  him  in  the  midst  of  social  tempta- 
tions, sufficient  to  overcome  ordinary  men,  maintain  the  strict 
sobriety  of  his  habits.  He  never  touched  wine,  nor  used  tobac- 
co in  any  form,  and  I  never  heard  a  profane  word  from  his  lips. 
His  obstinate  valor  as  a  soldier  made  him  courteous  and  forgiv- 
ing to  a  defeated  enemy  and  he  became  a  Democrat  in  his  opin- 
ions, regarding  the  manner  in  which  the  south  should  be  treated 
after  the  close  of  the  rebellion.  This  made  him  unpopular  at 
headquarters,  and  perhaps  influenced  his  promotion  and  hin- 
dered his  career.  He  loved  his  profession  and  was  jealous  of 
its  fame,  tenacious  of  the  honor  of  his  cloth,  and  intolerant  of 
the  abuses  which  the  army  suffered  by  that  pernicious  system 
wherein  politics  were  the  means  by  which  many  unworthy  men 
entered  the  service.  He  had  that  love  of  military  display 
which  distinguishes  the  Frenchman,  and  his  uniform  was  the 
badge  of  his  glory.  A  fondness  for  theatrical  representations 
he  shared  in  common  with  the  members  of  his  profession,  and  a 
more  enthusiastic  auditor  I  never  saw. 

The  last  winter  of  Ouster's  life  now  approaches.  He  had 
obtained  leave  of  absence  for  two  mouths,  intending  to  spend 
his  time  in  New  York ;  and,  that  he  might  leave  behind  him  a 
record  of  his  career,  and  also  that  he  might  eke  out  his  slender 
income,  his  sketches  in  the  Galaxy  were  resumed.  It  was  during 
this  vacation,  extended  to  five  months  in  all,  that  the  happiest 
hours  of  my  association  with  him  were  passed.  Being  myself 
for  the  winter  in  New  York,  we  made  all  our  engagements 
mutual,  going  into  company  together,  meeting  at  my  own  fireside 
always  on  Sundays;  and  each  evening  during  the  run  of  "Julius 
Caesar  "  the  place  of  honor  in  my  dressing-room  at  Booth's  was 
filled  by  my  dear  friend.  Those  were  indeed  happy  hours.  I 
recall  especially  one  passed  at  the  Century  Club,  where  he  was 
the  recipient  of  great  attentions.  How  bright  and  joyous  he 
was,  and  how  eager  that  his  friend  should  know  and  enjoy  the 
friendship  of  those  whom  he  himself  esteemed.  Surrounded  by 


636  GENERAL    GEORGE   A.   CUSTER. 

the  followers  of  literature,  science,  and  art,  and  their  cultured 
patrons,  the  young  soldier,  whose  whole  life  and  education  were 
of  the  camp,  attracted  the  attention  and  won  the  respect  of  all 
who  met  him.  With  that  rare  facility  given  but  to  few,  he 
drew  from  the  artist  and  the  historian  the  best  fruits  of  their 
labors,  and  as  warmly  listened  as  he  could  warmly  speak.  His 
love  for  art  was  no  affected  dilettanteism.  Appreciating  the 
glories  of  nature  with  an  enthusiast's  soul,  he  learned  to  trace 
her  likeness  in  the  works  of  her  copyists.  The  studio  of  Bier- 
stadt  was  a  happy  resting-place  for  him.  Here,  while  the  great 
painter  labored,  the  young  soldier  would  lovingly  follow  the 
master  hand,  identifying  the  exactness  of  the  picture  by  his  own 
knowledge  of  the  scenery  or  groupings  so  vividly  reproduced. 
It  has  been  said  that  "  military  experience  so  exhausts  the  body, 
by  daily,  and  for  the  most  part  useless  exercises,  that  it  renders 
it  difficult  to  cultivate  one's  mind,"  but  this  was  not  true  of 
General  Ouster.  Not  having  received  in  his  youth  the  advan- 
tages of  a  college  education,  he  betrayed  the  keenest  desire  for 
knowledge  and  cultivation. 

[General  Ouster  was  a  great  reader,  and  his  taste  ran  almost 
entirely  in  the  line  of  the  best  literature.  His  pleasure  seemed 
to  be,  to  constantly  add  to  his  stock  of  information.  He  spent 
a  large  share  of  his  time  during  the  winter  seasons  in  reading 
such  works  as  "  Napier's  Peninsular  War,"  "  Napoleon's  Cam- 
paigns," and  works  of  this  class  which  would  perfect  him  in  his 
profession.  Often  he  would  spend  a  whole  day  and  a  large 
part  of  the  night  over  a  few  pages  of  these  works :  having  a 
arge  map  before  him,  he  was  determined  to  fully  understand 
each  movement  and  campaign  made  by  these  great  masters  of 
the  art  of  war.  Perfection  in  his  chosen  profession  seemed  to 
be  the  main-spring  of  all  his  actions.  He  was  ready  to  make 
any  and  all  sacrifices  which  would  contribute  to  this  end.  He 
seemed  thoroughly  to  have  adopted  the  motto  that  "nothing  is 
done  while  anything  remains  to  be  accomplished."  His  powers 
of  mental  work  were  fully  equal  to  his  physical  endurance  ;  six 


PERSONAL    RECOLLECTIONS.  637 

hours  of  sleep  seemed  to  be  all  he  required,  and  his  great  mental 
activity  rendered  it  almost  impossible  for  him  to  be  idle  an 
hour.] 

A  distinguished  gentleman  whose  Friday  evenings  at  his 
home  on  Fifth  Avenue  were  regarded  as  happy  privileges  for 
the  best  minds  of  the  metropolis,  extended  to  the  General  hos- 
pitality and  advantages  which  were  eagerly  accepted  and  as 
earnestly  enjoyed.  Here,  where  the  flame  of  thought  was  of 
the  loftiest  character,  Ouster  would  sit,  an  attentive  and  ad- 
miring listener,  drinking  from  the  rich  fountain  of  instruction. 
After  an  evening  thus  passed,  and  upon  emerging  into  the  silent 
avenue,  the  impressions  of  the  recent  conversation  still  upon 
us,  excited  by  the  interchange  of  friendly  converse,  he  would 
take  my  arm,  and  against  my  entreaty  become  my  escort  home, 
alleging  as  a  reason  his  want  of  exercise,  although  I  knew  that 
in  his  loving  care  he  feared  some  danger  might  befall  his  friend, 
and  thus  went  far  out  of  his  way  to  see  me  safely  housed. 
Such  acts  as  these,  trivial  though  they  seem  in  narration,  are 
those  which  make  that  fearful  day  in  June  so  terrible  to  me, 
making  it  seem  impossible  that  I  am  never  again  to  clasp  that 
hand  so  true  and  tried,  never  again  to  look  into  that  face  so 
dearly  loved.  &U>C»ft  Libn 

The  winter  passed  only  too  quickly.  His  original  leave  -ot 
two  months  had  been  granted  by  his  immediate  superior,  Gen 
eral  Terry,  his  friend  as  well  as  commander,  and  his  extended 
leave  came  from  General  Sheridan,  no  less  friendly.  But 
another  extension,  earned  by  him  surely  through  his  months  of 
labor  at  Fort  Lincoln,  was  refused  as  soon  as  asked,  and  he  was 
at  once  ordered  to  rejoin  his  regiment  by  General  Belknap,  then 
Secretary  of  "War.  For  some  unexplained  reason,  General  Ouster 
believed  the  secretary  to  be  his  enemy,  and  dreaded  the  final 
appeal  for  that  extension  of  leave  which  his  affairs  so  much 
demanded.  When  refusal  came,  although  it  disappointed  him, 
it  did  not  the  less  find  him  prepared  for  obedience  to  orders. 
His  literary  work  for  the  Galaxy  had  been  undertaken,  as  has 


638  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

been  stated,  to  eke  out  his  income  and  more  generously  support 
the  expenses  of  his  family,  and  he  had  formed  another  plan  by 
which  he  hoped  to  still  more  liberally  provide  for  the  future  of 
all  those  dependent  upon  him.  The  agent  of  the  Literary  Bu- 
reau, Mr.  Red  path,  of  Boston,  having  made  him  a  liberal  offer 
to  deliver  a  number  of  lectures  during  the  next  winter,  he  was, 
at  the  moment  the  Secretary's  orders  came,  perfecting  his  plans 
to  that  end.  After  the  summer's  campaign  he  was  again  to  visit 
New  York,  his  lecture  in  the  meantime  to  be  written,  and  we 
were  to  "  rehearse  "  his  appearance  before  the  public  passed 
judgment  upon  him.  This  project  was  left  incomplete  as  to 
details,  but  he  looked  forward  to  its  accomplishment  as  a  happy 
means  of  increasing  his  income  and  meeting  face  to  face  his 
admirers,  the  public. 

Ouster  went  one  March  day  upon  his  journey.  No  fore- 
bodings of  evil  embittered  the  parting  :  we  were  to  meet  again. 
He  had  not  yet  fallen  under  the  public  accusation  which  was 
afterwards  hurled  upon  him.  Although  he  left  so  many  pleas- 
ant associations  and  gave  up  so  many  personal  enjoyments,  he 
was  going  to  his  duty,  and  that  sufficed.  A  winter  trip  across 
the  Dakota  plains  had  no  terrors  for  him,  nor  for  her  who  never 
left  his  side  while  it  was  her  privilege  to  remain  there.  After 
many  hardships  they  at  last  reached  Fort  Lincoln,  and  then  be- 
gan his  preparations  for  the  fatal  expedition.  Loving  friends, 
unacquainted  with  the  details  of  warfare,  and  jealous  only  of 
his  reputation,  will  always,  perhaps  unjustly,  believe  that  had 
all  gone  forward  as  it  began,  under  his  own  personal  control, 
the  disaster  and  annihilation  which  followed  would  never  have 
occurred.  No  reflection  upon  the  capacity  of  General  Ouster's 
superiors  is  here  intended,  but  it  may  be  justly  claimed  that  the 
complications  which  followed  as  the  result  of  the  appearance  be- 
fore the  investigating  committee  at  "Washington,  arose,  in  a 
great  measure,  from  the  disorders  of  a  change  of  command  al- 
most in  the  enemy's  front;  that  suspicion  on  the  one  side,  and 
crippled  powers,  laboring  under  ungenerous  and  undeserved 


PERSONAL    RECOLLECTIONS.  639 

imputations,  upon  the  other,  created  a  confusion  which  could 
not  but  be  detrimental.  The  belief  will  always  prevail  among 
the  friends  of  General  Ouster  that  familiarity  with  the  Indian 
mode  of  warfare,  a  certain  subtlety  in  his  preparations  for 
attack  or  resistance,  and  the  "  dash "  which  has  never  been 
denied  him,  well  fitted  him  to  organize  and  conduct  such  a  cam- 
paign. He  who  had  so  often  challenged  the  bravest  of  the  red 
warriors  and  wrung  from  them  the  title  of  the "  Big  Yellow 
Chief,"  was  fully  able  not  only  to  lead  his  own  "gallant 
Seventh,"  but  also  to  organize  the  campaign  and  overlook  the 
plan.  This  was  denied  him.  At  the  supreme  moment  of  his 
fortunes  he  was  summoned  to  "Washington. 

The  appearance  of  General  Ouster  before  the  Investigating 
Committee  at  Washington  and  the  effect  of  his  testimony  upon 
the  public  mind  are  already  familiar  to  the  reader.  The  fact 
came  upon  his  most  intimate  friends  unannounced,  and  the  un- 
favorable comments  of  the  party  press  upon  his  evidence  and 
his  character  caused  the  greatest  surprise  to  those  who  knew  him 
best.  The  most  reserved  and  reticent  of  men  had  suddenly  be- 
come politically  conspicuous,  and  calumny  was  ousy  with  that 
hitherto  spotless  name.  The  political  temper  of  the  time  had 
undoubtedly,  much  to  do  with  the  effect  produced  by  his  testi- 
mony. The  strife  of  party,  and  the  bitterness  with  which  men 
of  opposite  opinions  assailed  each  other ;  the  influence  upon  the 
approaching  election  of  the  investigation  then  going  forward  ; 
the  reputation  for  truth  and  candor  never  denied  to  General 
Ouster ;  combined  to  make  the  attacks  upon  him  unusually  severe, 
lie  had  never  obtruded  his  political  sentiments,  but  they  were 
known  to  his  friends  and  were  never  disowned.  He  could  not 
have  sought  the  unenviable  position  in  which  he  found  him- 
self ;  he  had  endeavored  by  every  honorable  means  to  escape 
from  it,  but  in  vain.  The  effect  upon  his  nature  of  the  abuse 
suddenly  heaped  upon  him,  may  be  measured  by  the  desire  he 
had  always  evinced  to  escape  public  observation,  except  in  the 
line  of  his  duty;  and  this  was,  undoubtedly, one  of  the  saddest 


64:0  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.    CUSTKH. 

eras  of  his  life.  The  esteem  of  his  countrymen,  earned  by  years 
of  hard  service  and  dearly  prized,  seemed  in  an  instant  to  be 
taken  from  him.  His  report  upon  the  evils  of  the  post-trading 
system  had  been  forwarded  to  the  head  of  his  department  long 
before ;  his  acquaintance  with  those  evils  was  known  to  many  ; 
not  to  have  answered  frankly  the  questions  of  the  committee 
would  have  exposed  him  to  self -contempt.  How  easily  could 
he  have  trimmed  his  sail  to  the  popular  breeze,  and  floated  into 
the  smooth  waters  of  political  favor.  The  promotion  which  his 
valor  had  earned ;  which  was  due  to  his  merit ;  which  had  been 
bestowed  upon  his  inferiors ;  lay  within  his  grasp ;  but  the 
sacrifice  was  one  from  which  his  proud  soul  revolted.  The 
perfect  integrity  of  his  character  should  never  be  sullied,  to  pur- 
chase that  preferment  which  had  been  denied  to  his  public  ser- 
vices, and  which  was  in  every  way  due  him.  He  could  honestly 
exclaim,  "It  is  better  to  be  right  than  to  hold  the  most  exalted 
rank."  That  he  was  wounded  none  who  knew  him  can  doubt. 
In  the  midst  of  those  exposures  which  tarnished  the  reputation 
of  so  many  brother  officers,  he  had  happily  escaped.  At  his  post 
upon  the  distant  frontier,  occupied  with  the  duties  which  he 
loved,  surrounded  by  a  small  band  who  regarded  their  young 
commander  with  veneration,  he  might  well  feel  happy  in  his  es- 
cape from  that  political  whirlpool  which  engulphed  so  many  of 
his  friends,  and  which  swallowed  up  reputations  gained  in  hard- 
fought  fields.  Now,  agamst  his  will,  called  peremptorily  from 
the  organization  of  his  command,  he  found  himself  helplessly 
drawn  into  the  current,  publicly  condemned  for  speaking  that 
which  he  knew  to  be  true,  commented  upon  by  enemies  in  the 
coarsest  terms,  the  target  of  political  rancor.  The  depth  of  his 
humiliation  was  reached,  when,  upon  leaving  the  capital,  he 
waited  for  hours  at  the  door  of  the  President,  and  was,  at  last 
turned  away  with  studied  contempt.  The  effect  of  these  slights 
upon  his  proud  and  sensitive  heart  may  be  imagined.  Upheld 
as  he  was  by  the  conscience  which  whispered  that  he  had  done 
his  duty,  he  must  still  have  suffered  much  in  concealing  his  sor 


PERSONAL    RECOLLECTIONS.  641 

i 

row  from  the  world ;  though  he  scorned  to  complain,  as  he 
would  have  scorned  to  bend  before  the  calumnj  of  his  enemies. 
Our  last  meeting,  which  took  place  at  the  close  of  his  first 
visit  to  Washington,  was,  yet  full  of  happiness.  Rallied  upon 
his  political  relations,  he  sunnily  threw  aside  his  chagrin,  and 
seemed  indifferent  to  all  but  the  approaching  separation,  anxious 
only  that  our  plan  for  the  next  winter  should  not  fail.  No 
premonition  of  danger  clouded  our  parting.  The  thought  that 
he  was  going  into  action,  into  certain  peril,  did  not  make  me 
fearful.  He  was  so  associated  with  success,  had  escaped  from 
so  many  dangers,  his  long  future  career  was  so  hopeful,  that  he 
seemed  invincible.  He  predicted  a  severe  campaign,  but  was  not 
doubtful  of  the  result.  His  plans  were  well  laid,  his  command 
efficient ;  and  he  joyfully  obeyed  the  summons  to  return  to  his 
duty,  happy  to  escape  from  the  scene  where  truth  was  repaid 
with  calumny. 

The  delay  in  Chicago ;  the  deprivation  of  command  which 
overtook  him  there  by  order  of  the  President;  all  these  anxious 
days  passed  while  awaiting  the  orders  of  his  superiors,  were 
undeserved  cruelties.  The  influences  which  at  length  ended 
his  suspense,  and  gave  him  a  subordinate  place  in  the  expedi- 
tion planned  by  himself,  have  been  explained  elsewhere.  The 
disgrace  of  being  supplanted  by  an  inferior  in  rank  or  an  en- 
vious rival  was  averted,  and  thus  much  of  the  bitterness  of 
his  position  softened.  If  he  could  have  chosen  his  successor, 
he  could  not  have  been  better  pleased  than  with  the  appoint- 
ment of  General  Terry.  Under  him  he  declared  he  would 
go  with  the  command,  if  obliged  to  serve  as  a  common  soldier. 
By  the  tender  consideration  and  courtesy  of  that  gallant  officer 
Ouster  was  permitted  to  recover  that  confidence  in  himseh 
of  which  his  unmerited  trials  must  have  well  nigh  robbed  him. 
With  the  delicacy  of  a  gentleman,  the  appreciation  of  a  kindred 
soul,  Terry  restored  him  to  the  command  which  was  his  due,  in 
fact,  if  not  in  appearance,  and  brought  to  his  aid  the  advice 
and  experience  of  the  young  cavalier  whose  counsel  would  be 
41 


642  GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CUSTER. 

invaluable,  whose  valor  and  foresight  would  be  a  support, 
and  to  whose  sword  the  service  would  so  soon  be  indebted 
for  its  defence.  Those  who  knew  General  Ouster  best,  can 
well  understand  how  he  valued  such  a  privilege.  To  have  been 
left  behind  would  have  been  worse  than  death,  when  his  gallant 
Seventh  and  so  many  of  his  old  comrades  were  in  the  field.  As 
he  rode  out  of  Fort  Lincoln  for  the  last  time,  he  was  as  full  of 
glee  as  a  child ;  his  duty  lay  before  him,  his  glory,  of  which  no 
enemy  could  rob  him.  That  the  wishes  of  the  nation,  which 
followed  that  gallant  band  and  looked  hopefully  forward  to  its 
movements  as  a  final  solution  of  the  Indian  question,  dwelt 
with  the  greatest  confidence  upon  the  frontier  experience  of 
General  Ouster,  will  scarcely  be  denied.  In  every  campaign 
he  had  been  victorious,  and  the  wiles  and  stratagems  of  the  foe 
were  familiar  to  him.  Calumny  and  envy  must  be  silent  be- 
fore the  intrepid  heroism  of  that  immortal  band  as  they  rode 
into  the  "jaws  of  death,"  where  perished  not  only  the  noble 
Ouster  and  his  adoring  followers,  but  also  the  hope  of  a  nation, 
the  shield  of  a  devoted  family. 

Glancing  back  over  these  pages,  how  poor  and  unworthy 
seems  the  picture  I  would  paint.  Compared  with  the  image 
engraved  upon  the  heart,  this  transcript  is  cold  and  artificial. 
When  the  smoke  of  the  battle  has  passed  away,  when  envy  and 
cowardice  have  been  consigned  to  their  merited  oblivion,  some 
truer  likeness  shall  be  made  of  him  who  was  the  bravest  of  the 
brave.  His  career  may  be  thus  briefly  given  :  He  was  born  in 
obscurity ;  he  rose  to  eminence :  denied  social  advantages  in 
his  youth,  his  untiring  industry  supplied  them ;  the  obstacles 
to  hi?  advancement  became  the  stepping-stones  to  his  for- 
tunes ,  free  to  choose  for  good  or  evil,  he  chose  rightly  ;  truth 
was  his  striking  characteristic ;  he  was  fitted  to  command,  for 
he  had  learned  to  obey ;  his  acts  found  their  severest  critic  in 
his  own  breast ;  he  was  a  good  son,  a  good  brother,  a  good  and 
affectionate  husband,  a  Christian  soldier,  a  steadfast  friend. 
Entering  the  army,  a  cadet  in  early  youth,  he  became  a  genera] 


PERSONAL    RECOLLECTIONS. 


643 


while  still  on  the  threshold  of  manhood  ;  with  ability  undenied, 
with  valor  proved  on  many  a  hard  fought  field,  he  acquired  the 
affection  of  the  nation  ;  and  he  died  in  action  at  the  age  of 
thirty-seven;  died  a?  he  .would  have  wished  to  die;  no  lin- 
gering disease  preying  upon  that  iron  frame.  At  the  head  of  his 
command,  the  messenger  of  death  awaited  him  ;  from  the  field 
of  battle  where  he  had  so  often  "  directed  the  storm,"  his  gallant 
spirit  took  its  flight.  Cut  off  from  aid  ;  abandoned  in  the  midst 
of  incredible  odds ;  waving  aloft  the  sabre  which  had  won  him 
victory  so  often  ;  the  pride  and  glory  of  his  comrades,  the 
noble  Ouster  fell :  bequeathing  to  the  nation  his  sword  ;  to  his 
comrades  an  example ;  to  his  friends  a  memory ;  and  to  his 
beloved  one  a  Hero's  name. 


INDEX. 


ACADEMY,  Military,  (See  West  Point) 

Academy,  Stebbins',  Caster's  School,  7-10. 

Agencies,  Indian,  531-3. 

Aldie,  Battle  of,  155-9. 

Alexis,  Grand  Duke,  of  Russia,  goes  buffalo- 

h  inning  with  Ouster,  477,  632. 
Alger,  General,  174-80,  198-200,  203-4,  224-5, 

229-30,  (note.1 

Antietam,  Battle  of,  125,  130. 
Appointments,  Civil,  in  the  Army,  326,  333. 
Appomattox,  Surrender  at,  306-8. 
Arnold,  Captain,  72,  73. 
Averill,  General,  143,  231,  239,  240. 

BACON,  Judge  Daniel  S.,  11,  89,  90,  137-8,  206, 

208-219.    Death  of,  341-2. 
Bacon,  Miss  Libbie,  11,  47,  48,  90,  92,  136-7, 

209-16,  (see  Custer,  Mrs.  General.) 
Bad  lands,  531. 
Baliran,  Mr.,  Murder  of,  497,  515,  516,  520- 

21. 

Ball,  Cadet,  Caster's  classmate,  39,  40. 
Band,  Ouster's,  254,  438,  452. 
Bands,  Indian,  529-30. 
Barnard,  General,  108,  109,  111.  112,  113. 
Barnitz,  Albert,  Captain  7th  cavalry,  338,  401, 

450. 
Barrett,  Lawrence,  his  personal  recollections 

of  Custer,  627^3. 
Beauregard,  General  G.   P.   T.,  50,  62.    At 

Bull  Run,  59,  76. 
Beaver  Dam  Station,  Capture  of,  by  Custer, 

223. 

Belknap,  Mr.,  his  case,  546,  50. 
'Benet,  General,  45. 
Benteen,  Frederick  W.,  Captain  7th  Cavalry, 

338,  445,  579-81,  583,  585,  588-91,  607. 
Beverley  Ford,  Battle  of,  146-7, 153. 
Big  Horn,  Battle  of  the,  580-608. 
Bingham,  John  A.,  sends  Custer  to  West 

Point,  13-17. 

Black  Hills  Expedition,  The,  501-14. 
Black  Kettle,  his  band  destroyed  by  Caster, 

425-52. 

Bloody  Knife,  482,  483,  492,  493,  507,  508. 
Brandy  Station,  Battle  of,  197-202. 
Breckenridge,  General,  237. 
Bresland,  Patrick,  Diary  of,  498,  499. 
Booth,  John  Wilkes,  309. 
Bowen,  Lieutenant  Nicholas,  100,  117,  121. 
Boyd,  Rev.  Mr.,  Ouster's  schoolmaster,  10. 

Marries  him  to  Miss  Bacon,  216. 
Buckland's  Mills,  Battle  of,  202. 
Buffalo  Bill.  477. 
Buford.  Gem-ral  John,  145,  181-90,  200,  201. 
Death  of,  220. 


Bulkley,  John  W.,  Ouster's  school  chum,  7,8. 
Bull  Run,  Battle  of,  59-76. 

ADETS,  Southern,  at  West  Point,  36-40. 
alhoun,  Lieutenant  Wm.,  7th  Cavalry,  479. 
Death  of,  595-7. 

Calhoun,  Mrs.  Birth,  4.  Marriage,  479,  480, 
596. 

California  Joe,  416-17,  422,  434-5,  441-2,  451, 
453,  470. 

Canal,  James  River,  Destruction  of,  by  Mer- 
ritt  and  Ouster,  276. 

Captures,  of  Ouster's  Cavalry  Division,  307. 

Carvajal,  General  Jose,  offers  Custer  com- 
mand in  Mexico,  341. 

Cavalry.  American,  Remarks  on,  96,  145-6, 
233-4,  261-2.  Marches  of,  404-5. 

Cavalry  Corps,  History  of,  140-314.  Last  Re- 
view of,  311-12. 

Cedar  Creek,  Battle  of,  263-70. 

Chancellorsyille,  Battle  of,  142. 

Clymer,  Heister,  summons  Custer  to  Wash- 
ington, 546-50.  A  cause  of  Custer's  death, 
561. 

Comstock,  \V  illiam,  scout,  373-82. 

Oooke,  Brevet-Colonel,  Wm.  W.,  347, 366,  372- 
82,  418-19,  439,  479. 

Copeland,  Major,  182-3. 

Courage,  Character  of  Custer's.  633. 

Court-martial,  The  first,  of  Custer,  45.  The 
second,  397-410. 

Ura/.y  Horse,  530,  537-44. 

Crook,  General.  231,235,  264,  280,  300-306, 
511,  537-43,  563-8. 

Culpepper,  Advance  on,  193-6. 

Curly,  Upsaroka  (Crow)  scout,  591,  598-600. 

Custer,  Boston,  4,  124,  589.    Death  of,  602-3. 

Custer,  Brice  W.,  4. 

Custer,  Emmanuel  H.,  father  of  the  General, 
1,  2.  Letter  to,  12.  A  democrat,  13. 

Ouster,  Gen.  George  Armstrong.  His  char- 
acter, 1,  2,  7,  8,  9,  10,  46,  57,  58,  88-92.  151-2, 
191-2,  280-4.  627-42 ;  Birthplace,  3  ;  Family, 
3,  4,  5  ;  Childhood,  5 ;  First  military  suit, 
6 ;  First  schooling,  7  ;  Goes  to  Monroe, 
Mich.,  7  ;  Private  school,  7  ;  Love  for 
military  life,  8,  9  ;  First  Love,  10, 11  ;  Let- 
ter to  his  parents,  12,  13  ;  Teaching,  11, 13  i 
Applies  for  a  cadetship.  13,  17  ;  Handwrit- 
ing, 14  ;  Letters  of,  13,  14,  15,  122-4.  125-9, 
149-51, 159,  206, 210-16  ;  Goes  to  West  Point, 
17  ;  Experience  as  a  Plebe,  21  ;  As  a  cadet, 
22-48  ;  Graduates,  43  ;  Officer  of  the  guard, 
44  ;  Court-martialed,  45  ;  Ordered  to  Wash- 
ington, 46  :  In  love,  47,  48  ;  First  duty,  49  ; 
Introduced  to  Gen.  Scott,  52 ;  Rides  with 


646 


INDEX. 


dispatches  to  Gen.  McDowell  53-57;  At 
Bull  Iluii,  59-76  ;  Remarks  oil  hie  Memoirs, 
77,  78;  After  Bull  Run,  79  ;  On  Kearny's 
staff,  82-87 ;  First  expedition,  83-87  ;  Or- 
dered to  his  company,  87  ;  On  sick-leave, 
88  ;  Taking  the  pledge.  88-92  ;  First  charge, 
95-96  ;  Goes  to  the  Peninsula,  97  ;  At  York- 
town,  100,  101  ;  At  Williamsburg,  104-106  ; 
On  the  Peninsula,  107-184  ;  Wades  the 
Chickahominy,  111  ;  Conversation  with 
McClellan,  113-14;  Made  a  staff  captain, 
115,  16  ;  Captures  a  picket  post,  116,  117, 
118  ;  In  the  Seven  Days'  Fight,  120  ;  At 
Malvern  Hill,  121  ;  Captures  a  horse  and 
sword,  124  ;  Flirtations,  126-9  ;  Feelings  at 
McClellan's  removal,  132-3  ;  In  idleness  at 
Monroe,  134-9  ;  Making  love ;  136-7  ;  Re- 
fused, 138 ;  Patience  of,  139 ;  Helps  to 
make  up  McClellan's  report,  139-40  ;  Re- 
joins the  army,  140  ;  On  Pleasonton's  staff, 
145  ;  On  the  Urbana  expedition,'  149-151 ; 
Writes  love  letters  by  proxy,  147,  148,  149- 
51  ;  At  Aldie,  155-9  ;  Made  a  brigadier,  160- 
64  ;  Takes  command  of  Michigan  Brig- 
ade, 1«7  ;  His  dress,  168-70  ;  His  difficul- 
ties, 170;  His  discipline,  171-2  ;  His  charge 
at  Hunterstown,  173 ;  At  Two  Taverns*  174; 
At  Gettysburg,  174-80 ;  Pursuit  after  Get- 
tysburg, 181-90  ;  Advance  on  Culpepper, 
193-  b  ;  Wounded,  196  (note)  ;  At  Brandy 
Station,  197-202  ;  At  Bucklaud's  Mills,  202- 
204  ;  Love  affairs,  205-16  ;  Marriage  of, 
216-17  ;  At  the  Wilderness,  220-22  ;  On 
Sheridan's  first  raid,  222-6;  His  brigade 
kills  Stuart,  225  ;  At  Cold  Harbor,  226-7; 
On  Sheridan's  second  raid,  227-30  ;  In  the 
Valley,  231-71  ;  At  Winchester,  235-43  ; 
Commands  Third  Cavalry  Division,  247 ; 
At  "Woodstock  Races,"  256-62  ;  At  Cedar 
Creek,  265-9 ;  Brevetted  Major-General, 
270  ;  On  Sheridan's  last  raid,  271-9  ;  At  Five 
Forks,  294-6 ;  Pursuing  Lee,  297-308  ;  At 
Sailor's  Creek,  301-4:  At  Appomattox  Sta- 
tion, 305-8  ;  Farewell  order  of,  307  ;  Re- 
turns to  Washington,  309-11  ;  At  the  last 
parade,  312-14  ;  Goes  to  Texas,  319-21  ;  Life 
in  Texas,  321-4;  Mustered  out,  339  ;  Home 
on  leave,  340-41;  "Swinging  round  the 
circle,"  343-4 ;  Made  lieutenant-colonel, 
7th  Cavalry,  335;  Applies  for  command  in 
Mexico,  3-10-41  ;  Ordered  to  Fort  Riley,345 ; 
Passion  for  hunting,  345-6 ;  On  the  Hancock 
expedition,  349-62  ;  First  sight  of  Indians  in 
the  field,  353-5 ;  Pursues  Indians,  357-8  ; 
First  buffalo  hunt,  358-60;  First  scout  of, 
362-70  ;  First  Indian  fight,  366-9  ;  Finds  th« 
bodies  of  the  Kidder  party,  383-96 ;  Is  court 
martialed,  397-410  ;  Suspension  of,  from 
duty,  410-14  ;  Recalled,  414  ;  Winter  cam- 
paign commenced  by,  415-23 ;  At  the  bat- 
tle of  the  Washita,  425-52  :  Picifies  the 
Kiowas,  454-58  ;  Brings  in  the  Arapahoes, 
458-62;  TheCheyennes,  462-9  ;  His  prairie 
life,  472-4  ;  Ordered  to  Kentucky,  476  ;  Lite 
in  Kentucky,  476-8  ;  Ordered  to  Dakota, 
479 ;  Writes  for  the  Galaxy,  476  :  On  the 
Yellowstone,  480-99  ;  Goes  on  leave,  499 ; 
Ordered  to  Fort  Lincoln,  500  ;  Black  Hills 
Expedition  of,  500-14 ;  Life  at  Fort  Lincoln, 
516-28  ;  Captures  the  Grain  thieves,  523-6  ; 
Ordered  to  command  Dakota  column 
against  Sitting  Bull,  545  ;  Subpoenaed  to 
testify  in  the  Belknap  case,  546-9;  His 
testimony.  550  ;  His  long  detention,  552  ; 
The  President's  anger  against  him,  551-61  ; 
Displaced  from  command,  554  ;  Corre- 
spondence with  Sherman,  555-61;  Starts 
in  subordinate'cominand,  664 ;  Ordered  on 


a  scout  up  the  'Rosebud,  570;  His  last 
march,  573-80  ;  His  last  battle,  580-608 ;  His 
character  as  a  soldier,  609-15  ;  As  an  In- 
dian-fighter, 615-22  ;  As  a  man,  622^3  ;  Per- 
sonal recollections  of,  by  Mr.  Lawrence 
Barrett,  627-43  ;  Manner  of  his  death  dis 
cussed,  601-2. 

Custer,  Maggie  E.,  (see  Calhoun,  Mrs.,  3.) 

Custer,  Maria  W.,  mother  to  the  General,  4. 

Custcr,  Matilda  V.,  4. 

Custer,  Nevin  J.,  4. 

Cnster,  Mrs.  General,  217-19,  270,  310,  (note), 
319-22,  341-£,  476-60.  499-500,  513-14,  516-22, 
631,  (see  also,  Bacon,  Miss  Libbie.) 

Custer,  Brevet-Colonel  Thomas  W.  Birth,  4. 
In  7th  Cavalry,  339,  450,  460,  470,  479,  482, 
485-9,518.  Death  of ,  601-2. 

DEPARTMENT,  Indian,  536. 

Deserters,  shot  by  Custer,  399. 

Desertions,  how  prevented  by  Custer,  399- 

400. 

De  Smet,  Father,  535. 
Devin,  General  Thomas  C.,  143,  220-1,  232, 

243,  256,  271-308.    Remarks  on,  280-1. 
Discipline,   Value  of,  at  Bull  Run,  71,   72. 

Remarks  on,  130-1,  327-30. 
Division,  Third  Cavalry,  History  of,  247-314. 
Dodge,  Lieutenant-colonel,  his  Black  Hills 

Expedition,  510-12. 

Douty,  Colonel,  killed  at  Aldie,  156-7. 
Duffle,  General,  160-1. 
Dug  Outs,  defenses  against  Indians,  403-4. 

EARLY,   General  Jubal,  229,  230-40,  264-71. 

Remarks  on,  266.    Chase  of,  277. 
Egan,  Captain,  Second  Cavalry,  540. 
Elliott,  Major  J.  H.,  7th  Cavalry,  346,  365-«, 

369-70,  384,   399,  425,  426,  431,  443.     Death 

of.  449. 

Ewell.  General,  62,  las,  304. 
Expedition,  Ouster's  Urbana,  149-51. 

FAIROAKS,  Battle  of,  119. 

Falling  Waters,  Battle  of,  189-92. 

Ferry,  Major  N.  II.,  killed  at  Gettysburg,  178 

Fisher's  Hill,  Battle  of,  247. 

Five  Forks,  Battle  of,  279-96. 

Forsyth,  General  Geo.  A.  (Sandy),  414,  503, 

606. 
Fredericksburg,  Battle  of,  141. 

GAINES'  MILLS,  Battle  of,  120. 

Generals,  Federal  and  Confederate,  at  Bull 

Run,  73. 

Gettysburg,  Battle  of,  174-80. 
Gibbon,  General,  563-4,  568,  569,  570. 
Gibbs,  Brevet  Major-general,  270,  338.    Death 

of,  339. 

Gilinor,  Harry,  capture  of,  271. 
Girard,  Interpreter,  583,  587,  (note.) 
Grain  thieves,  The,  at  Fort  Lincoln,  523-26. 
Grant,  General,  U.  S.,  130,  220,  233.    Letter 

of,  about  Custer,  340-1. 
Grant,  Lieutenant  Frederick  D.,  499,  503. 
Grant,  President,  499,  551-561. 
Gregg,  General  J.  W.,  143,  174, 176. 
Griffin,  Captain,  41. 
Guide,  Custer  as  a,  574. 

HAGERSTOWN,  Battle  of,  188. 

Hamilton,   Louis  M.,   Captain  7th  Cavalry, 

338,  369,  402,  431.    Killed  at  the  Washita, 

443. 

Hampton,  General  Wade,  173-80. 
Hancock,  Major-general  W.  S.,  104-106,  279 

Expedition  of,  against  the  Sioux,  349-62. 
Hard  Rope,  425-52,  46i. 


INDEX. 


647 


Havens,  Benny,  30-32,  43. 
Hazen,  General,  45,  454-9,  570. 
Ileiutzelman,  Colonel,  63,  72. 
Henry,  Captain  Guy  V.,  566. 
Hermlon,  Scout,  583,  586,  587. 
Houzinger.Dr.,  Murder  of,  497, 515, 516, 520-21. 
Hooker,  General  Joseph,  104, 141,  14-3, 152,153. 
Hopedale,  Ohio,  Custer  teaches  at,  11,  13. 
Hostiles,  The  Indian,  530-36. 
Huff,  John  A.  kills  Stuart,  225.    Death  of,  225. 
Humphreys,  General,  304. 
Huuter,  Colonel,  63. 

INDIAN-FIGHTER,  Ouster  as  an,  614-22. 

Indian*,  method  of  attack  of,  535.  Confusion 
of  at  battle  of  Big  Horn,  593. 

Indians,  Remarks  on,  350,  351-7,  361,  373-82, 
383,  387-96,  419-20,  427-30,  432^4,  439-41,  490- 
95,  529-36,  601-2.  Cruelties  of,  395-6. 

Infantry,  Remarks  on,  421-2. 

Ingalls,  General,  553. 

Irou  Horn,  519,  521,  522. 

JACKSOX,  General  Stonewall,  62. 

Jesuits,  French,  as  missionaries  to  Indians, 

535. 
Johnson,  President  Andrew,  314,    316,  324, 

342-5. 
Johnston, General  Joseph  E.,  62.   At  Bull  Run 

63-76.    On  the  Peninsula,  97-119.    Wounded 
at  Fairoaks,  120.    Surrender  of,  309. 

KEARNY,  General  Philip  R.,  his  character, 

82,  83,  84. 

Kelley,  Cadet,  Custer's  classmate,  39-40. 
Keogh,  Myles  W.  Captain  7th  Cavalry,  338. 

Death  of,  596-7. 

Kershaw,  General,  104,  233,  302. 
Kidder,  Lieutenant,  Massacre  of,  with  party, 

383-%. 

Kill  Eagle,  585.    His  evidence,  592-3. 
Kilpatrick,  General  Judsou,  144,   154-9,  160, 

171,  196,  197-204,  214.    Sent  out  West,  220. 

Remarks  on,  249. 
Kirkpatrick,    Mrs.,   marries  E.  H.    Custer, 

(see  Custer,  Maria  W.) 
Kirkpatrick,  David,  half-brother  to  General 

Custer,  4. 

Kirkpatrick,  Israel  R.,  first  husband  of  Gen- 
eral Custer's  mother,  4. 

LEE,  General  Fitzhngh,  143,  239. 

Lee,  General  W.  H.  P.,  143,  144,  145. 

Lee,  General  R.  E.,  120,  125,  131,  146, 193,  228- 
9,  279,  29H-.507. 

Lectures,  Custer's  design  to  give,  637. 

Letters,  of  General  Custer,  13,  14,  15,  122-4, 
125-9,  149-51,  159,  206,  210-15. 

Lincoln.  President,  80,  93,  96,  125.  Assas- 
sinated, 309. 

Little  Beaver,  425-52. 

Little  Robe,  458-62. 

Lomax,  General,  239,  253-7. 

Lone  Wolf,  361,  454-58. 

Longstreet,  General,  62,  104,  277,  278. 

MAUWISSA,  448,  458. 

Malvern  Hill,  Battle  of,  121. 

Man,  Custer  as  a,  622-27. 

Martin,  Trumpeter,  590,  591. 

Marcy,  General,  554. 

March,  Custer's  Last,  572-80. 

MeClellaiJ,  General  George  B.,  80.  Com- 
mander-in-chief. 81.  Hib  disputes  with 
President  Lincoln,  93.  Goes  to  the  Penin- 
sula, 95.  Campaigns  of,  94-130.  Removal 
of,  130-31.  Remarks  on  Ouster's  love  for, 
98, 114,  115.  Promotes  Custer,  113-116. 


McDougall,  Captain,  7th  Cavalry,  504,  588. 
McDowell,  General  Irvin  M.,  50,  52,  53,  55,  56. 

At  Bull  Run,  59-76.     Remarks  on,  79-80 
McKeuzie,  Gen.,  290,  298,  622. 
Meade,  General,  167,  193,  197,  220. 
Medicine  Arrow,  465-7. 
Merrill.  Colonel.  44. 
Merritt,  Gen.  Wesley,  160,  222,  232,  5243,  250, 

263-70,  271-308.    Remarks  on,  221,  280-2. 
Michigan  Brigade,  History  of  the,  167-246. 
Miles,  Colonel,  63. 
Miles,  Geu.N.  A.  622. 
Mills,  Capt.  3d  Cavalry,  566-7. 
Moore,  Captain  Alexander,  Third  Cavalry, 

540,  542. 

Morgan,  Mrs.,  rescue  of,  from  Indians,  465-9. 
Mouroe,  Mich.,  Custer  at,  7,  47,  88-92,  134-40, 

207-9,  216-17,  340,  341-;},  412-14. 
Myers,  Rupert,  Lieutenant-colonel,  338,  372, 

431,  437,  445,  462. 
Moylan,  Myles,  Lieutenant  7th  Cavalry,  338. 

Captain,  482,  490,  504. 

NATIONS,  Indian,  530. 

New  Rumley,  Ohio,  Custer's  birth-place,  3, 

10,  11. 
Noyes,  Captain  Henry  E.,  Second  Cavalry, 

540,566-7. 

ORDERS,  Custer's  last,  from  Terry,  574. 

PALMER,  General  Innis  W.,  64,  65. 

Papers,  The,  on  Custer,  560-1. 

Parker,  Cadet,  Custer's  chum  at  West  Point, 

26,30.  Dismissed,50.  Subsequent  career,  50. 
Parade,  Dress,  at  West  Point,  29 ;  The  last, 

at  Washington,  309-14. 
Paul,  E.  A.    Narrative  of,  used,  181-90. 
Pawnee  Killer,  355,  364,  366-9. 
Peuningtou,  General,  174-180,  198,  203-5. 
Peninsular  Campaign,  The,  94-124,  132. 
Peninsula,  The,  Description  of,  107-8.    Map 

of,  109-10. 
Pursuits,  Of  Lee  after  Gettysburg,  181-90  ; 

Of  Rosser,  259-61 ;  Of  Early,  277 ;  Of  Lee 

to  Appomattox,  297-308. 
Plebes,  at  West  Point,  their  sorrows,  17-21. 

Custer  as  a,  21. 
Pleasontou,  Major-General  Alfred,  142,  146. 

147,  148,  154-160,  163-8. 
Pickett,  Gen.,  his  division  at  Five  Forks, 

286-96 

Pope,  Gen.,  125, 197. 
Pompey's  Pillar,  499. 
Ponies,  Indian,  437,  444,  446-7,  464. 
Powder  River,  Battle  of,  539-44. 

RAIDS,  Stoueman's,  143-5.  Sheridan's  first, 
222-6 ;  second,  227-30  ;  third,  271-9. 

Raiu-in-the-Face,  Story  of,  515-28.  Fortitude 
of,  527-8  (note)  Kills  General  Custer,  601. 

Redpath,  Mr.,  offers  terms  to  Custer  for  lec- 
tures, 637. 

Reed,  Autie,  birth  of,  9;  death  of,  602-3. 

Heed,  David,  marries  Custer's  half-sister,  4, 6. 

Reed,  Mrs.  Lydia  A.,  Custer's  half -sister,  4 ; 
Marriage  of,  6,  7  ;  Letters  to,  47,  116. 

Regular  Army,  The,  325-35.  Remarks  on. 
331-2,  406-S. 

Reily,  Lieut.  W.  Van  W.,  death  of  605-6. 

Reno,  Major,  7th  Cavalry,  569,  576-608. 

Report,  Reno's,  577-8,  580-1. 

Review,  The  last,  311-12. 

Reynolds,  Charley,  scout,  515,  583. 

Reynolds,  General,  45,  502,  537-43. 

Riding,  at  West  Point,  34.   Custer's,  85, 1B8-9 

Rabbins.  Samuel  M.,  Lieutenant,  7th  Cav 
airy,  338,  372-32,  460. 


618 


INDEX. 


Rodenbough,  Captain,  loses  arm  at  Win- 
chester, 344. 

Borneo,  434,  441,  442,  447. 

Romero,  Minister  from  Mexico,  340-1. 

Rosebud,  Battle  of  the,  566-8. 

Rosser,  Gen.  Thomas  L.,  251-61,  480,  481,  588, 
589. 

Royall,  Capt.,  566-8. 

SABRE,  Remarks  on  the,  157-60, 177-8, 240, 244, 
261,544. 

Satanta,  361,  362,  454-58. 

Scott,  Lieutenant-General  Winfleld,  41. 
Meets  Ouster,  52. 

Scout,  Ouster's  first  Indian,  362-70  ;  Last,  of 
Ouster,  575-6. 

Seven  Days'  Fight,  The,  120. 

Seventh  Oavalry,  History  of,  337-608. 
Formation  of,    337-47.     First  officers  of, 
338-9. 

Scydlitz,  General,  409-10. 

Sheridan,  Lieutenant  General  Philip  R.,  130, 
230.  First  raid  of,  222-6.  Second  raid  of, 
227-30.  In  the  Valley,  231-71.  Last  raid 
of,  271-8.  At  Five  Forks,  280-94.  Pursuing 
Lee,  297-308.  Remarks  on  the  genius  or, 
222-246,  280-90,  310.  Profanity  of,  rare,  235. 
In  Texas,  309.  In  Indian  country,  411.  Re- 
calls Ouster,  414.  Takes  the  field,  415-69. 
Order  of,  450-51.  Removes  Ouster,  555. 
His  opinion  of  Ouster,  562. 

Sherman,  General,  75,  309,  364,  554-61. 

Sibley,  Lieutenant,  542. 

Sitting  Bull,  498,  529-36.    Diary  of,  534-5. 

Smith,  Gen.  E.  Kirby,  at  Bull  Run,  70-76. 
Surrender  of,  in  Texas,  316,  317. 

Smith,  Gen.  W.  F.  (Baldy),  100-106. 

Smith,  Colonel  A.  J.,  7th  Cavalry,  338,  348, 
355.  Retired  from  service,  475. 

Smith,  Brevet  Captain,  Algernon  E.,  7th 
Cavalry.  479. 

Smith,  Mrs.  Algernon  E.,  480. 

Soldier,  Ouster  as  a,  609-14. 

Spottsylvania,  Battle  of,  222. 

Stagg,  Colonel,  237,  303. 

Star,  Remarkable,  at  battle  of  Washita,  435-6. 

Stanley,  Brevet  Major-General.  Expedition 
of,  480-499. 

Stanton,  Major,  Paymaster,  540,  542. 

Stoneman,  Gen. ,143.  144. 

Stuart,  Gen.  J.  E.  B.,  130,  154-9.  Death  of, 
225. 

Sfurgis,  General,  letter  to  endorse  Ouster, 
475. 

Sully,  General,  413,  414,  415,  421,  422. 

Sumter,  Fort,  fired  on,  news  of,  41. 

TERRY,  Brig.  Gen.  Alfred,  U.  S.  A.,  545-6, 

559,  564,  573,  636. 
Texas,  the  Volunteers   in,   315-24.     Custer 

in,  319-24. 


Thompson,  Colonel,  takes  back  prisoner* 
from  Waynesboro',  275. 

Thompson,  Brevet  Colonel,  captain  7th  Cav- 
alry, 338,  431. 

Torbert,  Gen.  A.  T.  A.,  220,  221,  222,  231,  232, 
234,  248.  249,  260. 

Town,  Colonel,  177. 

Transportation,  Amount  of,  in  the  Peninsu- 
lar Campaign,  97-99. 

Trevillian  Station,  Battle  of,  229-30. 

Tribes,  Indian,  529-30. 

Truce,  Lee's  flag  of,  sent  through  Cnster, 
306,  (note)  308. 

Two  Bears,  520. 

Tyler,  General,  63. 

VARNUM,  Lieutenant,  7th  Cavalry,  494. 

Volunteers.  The,  in  Texas,  315-24.  Disci- 
pline of,  contrasted  with  that  of  regulars, 
327-30.  Remarks  on,  331. 

WAGON  TRAIN,  Ouster's,  attacked  by  Indians, 

371-82. 

Walker,  Captain,  67,  68. 
Wallace,  General  Lew.,  229. 
Ward,  Artemus,  631. 
Warren,  General,  at  Five  Forks,  287-96.    In 

the  Black  Hills,  501. 
Washita,  Battle  of,  425-52. 
Waynesboro,  Capture  of,  by  Custer,  274-5. 
Weir,  Captain  Thos.   B.,  7th  Cavalry,  346, 

445. 
West  Point,   Custer  at,  17-48.    Routine  at, 

22-30.    Kiding_at,  34. 
West,  Captain  Robert  M.,  7th  Cavalry,  338, 

366,372,382,431. 

White,  Miss,  rescue  of,  from  Indians,  465-9. 
Whittaker,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  Capture   of 

Harry  Gilmor  by,  271. 
Wilderness,  Battle  of  the,  221. 
Williamsport,  Battle  of,  186-7. 
Williams-burg,  Battle  of,  104-106. 
W ilson ,  General  J.H.,221,234.    Goes  west 

249. 
Winchester,  taken  by  Ewell,  154.    Battle  of 

231-47. 

Woodstock  Races,  256-62. 
Wright,  General    H.  G.,  at  Cedar  Creek, 

263-9. 

YATES   George  W.,  Brevet-Colonel,  151,  162. 

Captain  7th  Cavalry,  346,479,518-22.  Death 

of,  595,  601,  604. 
Yates,  Mrs.  480,  523-26. 
Yellow  Bear,  361,  458-62. 
Yellowstone  Expedition.  The,  480-499. 
Yellow  Tavern,  Battle  of,  224-6. 
Yorktown,  Siege  of,  100, 101, 102.   Evacuation 

of,  103. 
Young,  P.  M.  B.,  Cadet,  Ouster's  classmate 

37. 


